This dissertation explores political representation and its manifestation within the European Union (EU). The main purpose is to examine the representative roles of Members of the European Parliament (MEP) in the context of cross–pressure between the national level and the EU level. This involves an analysis of how the MEPs under-stand their roles, how they organize their work, and how they have voted in the European Parliament (EP) in 1999-2002. It also includes a study of how national party organizations adapt to the EU environment and how this influences the MEPs link to the national arena. The study is based on various sources, such as interviews, formal documents and voting data. The most under-researched part of the cross-pressure has been the national link and the empirical focus of the thesis is on that link. It is a comparative study of parties in Ireland, the Netherlands and Sweden. In each country, three parties were selected (social democratic, right-wing and green parties). By using a focused comparative method, and by controlling for certain independent variables, the ambition is to go beyond description and identify explanations for why MEPs adopt certain roles. The overall picture that emerges is of a relatively weak link between MEPs and the national level. To a certain extent, MEPs express frustration over their limited role in the national arena and over the lack of input from the national arena in their work at the European level. Most of the parties struggle to include MEPs in their organizational set-up, and the MEPs experience a growing hostility within the parties toward them. In general, the lack of interest and knowledge in the national arena, concerning the EU in general and specifically the work of the MEPs, obscures the role of the MEPs. They become EU ambassadors at the national level, rather than elected representatives at the EU level. The dissertation also tests variables that are thought to influence MEPs’ roles: the type of electoral system, popular opinion on EU issues, whether their party is in government, the party’s ideological heritage, and if the party organizes more advanced coordination mechanisms. The main result is that the working assumption that MEPs are influenced by characteristics in the national arena is shown to be largely correct. That is, some of the identified aspects of the national political context do influence how the MEPs understand their roles. For example, the character of the electoral system influences attitudes among the MEPs. However, that relationship is not as simple and straightforward as much of the literature suggests. Rather, the results in this study suggest that the most important aspect of the relationship between the national level and the MEPs is whether parties or others (such as national parliamentarians) actively engage in the work of the MEPs. It matters how parties design the relationship between the levels, especially for how and where MEPs direct their main attention, but also in terms of how MEPs vote in the EP. The conclusion emphasizes the importance of further research into how parties facilitate the link between the national and the EU level.

This dissertation analyses the coup d’état and the instrument of government of 1809 as an interpretative framing process. By close examination primarily of official sources it focuses on how political actors utilized the components of the existing political culture in order to legitimise their actions. The results show that the regime transition of 1809 was a contingent process. Actors competed to define concepts such as “citizen”, “patriotism” and “public opinion” in order to legitimise different political claims. This process served to strengthen the role played by the concept of public opinion as a source of authority in the language of politics. The dissertation also addresses how the regime transition of 1809 relates to the historical epoch known as the Age of Revolution. Experiences from the French Revolution in particular were crucial to the debate on the prospects for constitutional change in Sweden. The study shows that the constitutional committee took a reformist stance based on the concepts of civic virtue and enlightenment, thereby rejecting demands for an enhanced national representation. Instead they argued for gradual constitutional change and believed that the constitution should serve as an instrument to educate the public in the virtues of citizenship. Grounded in the so-called "cultural turn" taken by studies of politics in recent decades, the analysis has borrowed from studies of social movements the concepts of interpretative framing. In analyzing differences and oppositions between various interpretative frames, concepts from discourse analysis has been used, particularly those that emphasize discourse contingency. Extra-discursive conditions in the process of interpretation have been analyzed by means of the concept of possibility structures. This has chiefly involved taking into consideration the degree of repression and actors' differing access to what Bourdieu has termed "institutional authority".

Cette étude porte sur la représentation politique des minorités visibles en France. Près de 10% au sein de la société française, moins de 2% au sein de la sphère politique, les Français de la diversité sont sous-représentés, aussi bien au Gouvernement qu’au Parlement. Adoptant une double perspective structurelle et culturelle, nous essayons de suggérer plusieurs pistes de recherches qui expliqueraient la sous-représentation politique des minorités visibles en nous concentrons sur les trois étapes du processus électoral, soit le recrutement, la sélection et l’élection. Le dessein de cette étude est double. D’une part, il s’agit de mettre en lumière les principaux obstacles qui semblent affecter la sous-représentation politique des minorités visibles, sans pour autant prétendre à l’établissement de liens de causalité directs entre les obstacles évoqués et la sous-représentation des minorités visibles dans la sphère politique françaises. D’autre part, il s’agit de déblayer un terrain d’étude encore trop peu appréhendé en France afin de permettre une opérationnalisation et une évaluation des hypothèses articulées dans d’éventuelles études futures. / This research investigates the political representation of ethnic minorities in France. Nearly 10% of the French population is from an ethnic minority, however, only 2% of the politicians are from an ethnic minority. Thus, ethnic minorities are underrepresented in both Parliament and Government. From a twofold structural and cultural perspective, this study focuses on the three steps of the electoral process — recruitment, selection, and election — to suggest several research paths to explain the political underrepresentation of ethnic minorities. The purpose of this study is twofold. First, we try to identify the main barriers that hinder ethnic minorities’ political advancement, without claiming a causal effect between these barriers and the political underrepresentation of ethnic minorities. Second, we try to propose several hypotheses that can be operationalized and evaluated in potential future researches.

Le recenti trasformazioni dei sistemi politici suggeriscono la necessità di ripensare il rapporto fra l’ideale democratico e il concetto di qualità. I mutamenti e le pretese della rappresentanza politica, infatti, appaiono sempre più inconciliabili con le teorie che, fino a pochi decenni fa, apparivano granitiche e (quasi) immodificabili. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di argomentare tali assunti, non senza prima soffermarsi su alcune questioni preliminari: a livello teorico, cosa si deve intendere per qualità? Quale rapporto può realisticamente intrattenere con il sistema democratico? E, quindi, la qualità può essere selezionata? Le risposte a simili quesiti passano attraverso un approfondimento del rapporto (inevitabile) fra i governanti e i governati, considerato il canale più affidabile per osservare la ‘qualità’ come idea-concetto e per percepire gli effettivi cambiamenti che proietta sulla rappresentanza politica. / The recent transformations of political systems suggest the need to rethink the relationship between the democratic ideal and the concept of quality. Indeed, changes and demands in political representation look increasingly incompatible with the theories that seemed lasting and (almost) immutable until a few decades ago. The aim of this dissertation is to discuss these assumptions, after dwelling on some preliminary questions. At the theoretical level, what is quality? Which relationship can it realistically have with the democratic system? And, therefore, can quality be selected? To answers such questions, the dissertation goes through an in-depth analysis of the (inevitable) relationship between rulers and the ruled. This relationship is considered the most reliable channel both to observe ‘quality’ as an idea-concept and to perceive the actual changes that it projects on political representation.

Contemporary theoretical and political approaches have sought to integrate both a material politics of redistribution and a cultural politics of recognition into a relational theoretical framework. Such frameworks consider the intersecting ways individuals and groups suffer from over-determining social inequalities that are rooted in the economic, cultural and political orders of society. In this thesis, I identify approaches that seek to explain the intersection between economic, cultural, and political variables as “integrated” theories of justice. At the forefront of integrated approaches that have cut across disciplinary and epistemological divides, I critically engage with Nancy Fraser’s integrated theory of justice (1995, 1998, 2000, 2003, 2005). I also examine similar, yet alternative approaches advanced by Jacinda Swanson (2005) and others that have attempted to reconcile the economy/culture/politics relationship. I argue that while integrated theories of social justice provide a correction to previous “reductionist” and “essentializing” theories of social justice, they do not go far enough to capture the over-determining interconnections between economics, politics, culture, and agency. As a result, they are unable to adequately address the complexity of social inequalities. To address this problem in the literature, I re-work integrated theories of social justice that attempt to reconcile the economy/culture/politics divide through an integration with a realist meta-theoretical approach. A realist approach offers several theoretical, methodological and political gains for recasting complex theories of social justice.

Contemporary theoretical and political approaches have sought to integrate both a material politics of redistribution and a cultural politics of recognition into a relational theoretical framework. Such frameworks consider the intersecting ways individuals and groups suffer from over-determining social inequalities that are rooted in the economic, cultural and political orders of society. In this thesis, I identify approaches that seek to explain the intersection between economic, cultural, and political variables as “integrated” theories of justice. At the forefront of integrated approaches that have cut across disciplinary and epistemological divides, I critically engage with Nancy Fraser’s integrated theory of justice (1995, 1998, 2000, 2003, 2005). I also examine similar, yet alternative approaches advanced by Jacinda Swanson (2005) and others that have attempted to reconcile the economy/culture/politics relationship. I argue that while integrated theories of social justice provide a correction to previous “reductionist” and “essentializing” theories of social justice, they do not go far enough to capture the over-determining interconnections between economics, politics, culture, and agency. As a result, they are unable to adequately address the complexity of social inequalities. To address this problem in the literature, I re-work integrated theories of social justice that attempt to reconcile the economy/culture/politics divide through an integration with a realist meta-theoretical approach. A realist approach offers several theoretical, methodological and political gains for recasting complex theories of social justice.

Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-09-06T19:08:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseMVFR.pdf: 3136009 bytes, checksum: bf5b24a9cc69011c47be335f0abe39db (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-09-25T13:39:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseMVFR.pdf: 3136009 bytes, checksum: bf5b24a9cc69011c47be335f0abe39db (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-09-25T13:39:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseMVFR.pdf: 3136009 bytes, checksum: bf5b24a9cc69011c47be335f0abe39db (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-25T13:46:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseMVFR.pdf: 3136009 bytes, checksum: bf5b24a9cc69011c47be335f0abe39db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-30 / Não recebi financiamento / The objective of this study is to analyze the political and partisan behavior of politicians linked to the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR). The choice of this religious segment is due to the reasonable number of politicians elected to the executive and legislature and one of the most significant Catholic Catholicism sectors. Our central question is to understand the reasons for which this movement enters the Brazilian political scene and how established your support for politicians. We raise advertising material, newspaper articles and carrying out semi-structured interviews with politicians, priests, coordinators and participants. / O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o comportamento político-partidário dos políticos vinculados à Renovação Carismática Católica (RCC). A escolha desse segmento religioso deve-se ao número razoável de políticos eleitos para o poder executivo e legislativo e ser a RCC um dos setores mais expressivos do catolicismo. A questão central é entender as razões pelos quais esse movimento entra no cenário político brasileiro e como é estabelecido o seu apoio para os políticos. Foram levantados material de propaganda e artigos de jornais, e realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com políticos, padres, coordenadores e participantes.

Peruvian voters abroad have participated for 36 years in domestic elections. This community has a political and economic agenda which is not represented in the Peruvian legislature. The Peruvian political elites neglect that the current institutional design disregards this group. Peruvian voters abroad have a particular set of offers and demands related to the migrant reality. This article analyzes the political engineering of the representation of voters abroad in the Peruvian electoral design and compares it to other political scenarios. Since other countries with similar voting populations such as Croatia and Ecuador have special constituencies of national residents living abroad, it is paradoxical that Peru has not yet one. The study shows the inconsistencies of the arguments that have hindered the creation of the special district of Peruvians voters abroad and discusses proposals for an applied reform. / Los peruanos en el exterior vienen participando 36 años en los procesos electorales del Perú. Esta comunidad tiene un potencial político y económico que no se representa en el Legislativo peruano. El actual diseño político institucional obvia que este grupo tiene un conjunto de ofertas y demandas particulares de la realidad migrante que las élites políticas desatienden. En el presente artículo, se analiza el tratamiento político que se le ha dado a la representación de los peruanos en el exterior en el diseño legislativo electoral peruano y se evalúa en perspectiva comparada. Dado que otros países en el mundo con poblaciones electorales parecidas, como Croacia y Ecuador, tienen circunscripciones especiales de residentes en el exterior es paradójico que el Perú no cuente con una. El estudio muestra las incoherencias que han imposibilitado la creación de la circunscripción especial de peruanos en el exterior y explora propuestas de reforma aplicada.

Submitted by Maria Medeiros (maria.dilva1@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-08-02T14:58:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 COSMA RIBEIRO DE ALMEIDA - TESE (PPGCS) 2017.pdf: 1871168 bytes, checksum: 1aab33df56930962e17d75d9a71e5a6f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-02T14:58:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 COSMA RIBEIRO DE ALMEIDA - TESE (PPGCS) 2017.pdf: 1871168 bytes, checksum: 1aab33df56930962e17d75d9a71e5a6f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-11 / Capes / A tese discute as representações simbólicas da participação da mulher na política, para tanto faz um percurso teórico sobre as experiências de mulheres nas lutas femininas no Brasil e o contexto de submissão e desigualdade de direitos para a entrada delas na política formal. Entendemos que o estudo deste percurso se faz necessário para compreendermos a difícil e cultural participação das mulheres nos espaços de poder no país nas esferas municipal, estadual e nacional. Para isso, nosso objeto de análise se detém aos relatos de cinco prefeitas paraibanas sobre a política formal. São elas: Pollyana Yasnaia (PT) prefeita reeleita em 2012 na cidade de Pombal PB; Ednacé Henrique, prefeita reeleita em 2012 no município de Monteiro – PB; Euda Fabiana, prefeita reeleita em 2012 em Cuité – PB; Luzinectt Costa, prefeita reeleita em 2012 em Barra de São Miguel – PB e Rosângela Leite, prefeita eleita em 2012 em Desterro – PB. Foi necessária a realização de uma pesquisa qualitativa sobre a inserção das mulheres na política formal, em que o entendimento dos valores morais e simbólicos nas falas que coletamos foram imprescindíveis ao nosso estudo. Neste sentido, a “entrevista” foi uma técnica importante para que pudéssemos entrevistar as prefeitas e estudar as falas delas como um rico conjunto simbólico. A nossa hipótese é de que as mulheres quando no exercício do poder público continuam reproduzindo o poder histórico da prática política dos homens. Percorremos o objetivo de afirmar que mesmo alcançando determinado cargo público tais mulheres assim o conquistam pela força das relações de parentesco. Apesar disso, acreditamos que é uma vitória para as mulheres assumirem cargo público de poder político, tal como a prefeitura de uma cidade, mas também acreditamos que ao assumir reproduzem estereótipos da mulher na sociedade. Ou seja, as prefeitas assumem uma postura da imagem da mulher culturalmente arraigada nas suas práticas de diferença em relação ao homem: são mais sensíveis, tem um olhar mais clínico, têm a capacidade de fazer muitas tarefas ao mesmo tempo, são mais comedidas, são cuidadoras, e são as mães do povo. A pesquisa buscou compreender a ideia de que a presença da mulher neste espaço de poder, na Paraíba, reproduz o poder masculinizado da política, uma vez que as práticas tradicionais exercidos pelos “donos do poder” são reproduzidos por estas mulheres, a exemplo do assistencialismo social, do uso da “fé religiosa” e da imagem da “mãe pátria”, tais atributos contribuem para angariar votos e com isso perpetuar o poder de família no grupo político do município e região. Tais práticas corroboram para a reprodução de estruturas de poder político e econômico que se constituíram historicamente no Estado e agora estão reproduzidas na atualidade a partir, também, da “entrada” delas na política. / The thesis discusses the symbolic representations of women's participation in politics, to do a theoretical course on the experiences of women in the feminist struggles in Brazil and the context of submission and inequality of rights for their entry into formal politics. We understand that the study of this path is necessary to understand the difficult and cultural participation of women in the spaces of power in the country at the municipal, state and national levels. For this, our analysis makes uses of the reports from five female mayors from the State of Paraiba about formal politics. They are: Pollyana Yasnaia (PT) mayor re-elected in 2012 in the city of Pombal PB; Ednacé Henrique, mayor reelected in 2012 in the municipality of Monteiro - PB; Euda Fabiana, mayor reelected in 2012 in Cuité - PB; Luzinectt Costa, mayor reelected in 2012 in Barra de São Miguel - PB and Rosângela Leite, mayor elected in 2012 in Desterro - PB. It was necessary to carry out a quantitative - qualitative research on the insertion of women in formal politics, in which the understanding of moral and symbolic values in the speeches we collected proved essential to our study. Our hypothesis is that women in the exercise of public power continue to reproduce the masculinized power of political practice. We have concluded that when they reach such a public office, women generally conquer it by the force of kinship relations. Despite this, we believe that it is a victory for women to assume public office of political power, such as a city hall, but we also believe that when they assume such an office, they reproduce women's stereotypes in the society. That is to say, the female mayors assume a position of the image of the woman culturally rooted in their practices of difference in relation to the man: they are more sensitive, have a more clinical look, have the capacity to do many tasks at the same time, are more restrained, are caregivers, and are the mothers of the people. The research sought to understand the idea that the presence of women in this power space, in Paraíba, reproduces the masculinized power of politics, since the traditional practices exercised by the "owners of power" are reproduced by these women, such as social welfare, the use of "religious faith" and the image of the "mother country". These attributes contribute to win votes and thereby perpetuate the power of dynasties in the political group of the municipality and region. These practices contribute to the preservation of structures of political and economic power that have historically constituted themselves in the State and continue to be reproduced today, starting from the "entry" of women into politics.

OLIVEIRA, Adriana Santos de. Pecuária, agricultura, comércio: dinâmica das relações econômicas no termo da Vila de Sobral (1773-1799). 2015. 129f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2015. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-01-20T12:55:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_asoliveira.pdf: 1089080 bytes, checksum: ae453423c1731d142b89d7a900f8b1e4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-01-20T13:10:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_asoliveira.pdf: 1089080 bytes, checksum: ae453423c1731d142b89d7a900f8b1e4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-20T13:10:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_asoliveira.pdf: 1089080 bytes, checksum: ae453423c1731d142b89d7a900f8b1e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Created in 1773 in order to accommodate vagrants and vagabonds who had nowhere to live and work, Sobral village developed an economy based on livestock, agriculture and trade. The interconnection of these activities enabled the development of a mixed economy, which created economic networks between ranchers, farmers and traders, thus forming heterogeneous elite. This was related to a mass of poor and free men who worked the cattle ranches, the farms and small businesses. We believe that these trade relations approached the elite and the poor men, which enabled the recent training in specialized activities, as well as the local business area. This enabled these men would create social strategies, enabling them to act freely in the economy, a profit with their work and generating prospects to be part of Sobral's elite. In our research, we analyzed the working relationships developed in Sobral Village to observe how they occur and how they influenced the personal trajectory of the residents. For this, we use the documents of the Board, which recorded economic activities, realizing the importance of each to the formation of Sobral's population. / Criada em 1773 com o objetivo de acomodar vadios e vagabundos que não tinham onde morar e trabalhar, a Vila de Sobral desenvolveu uma economia baseada na pecuária, na agricultura e no comércio, o que proporcionou o desenvolvimento de uma economia mista onde a interligação dessas atividades criou redes econômicas que ligaram pecuaristas, agricultores e comerciantes, formando uma elite heterogênea que se relacionava com uma massa de homens pobres e livres que trabalhavam nas fazendas de gado, nas lavouras e no pequeno comércio. Esse envolvimento nos levou a pensar a realidade dos homens livres e sem posses na Vila, onde as relações criadas aproximaram elite e homens pobres, principalmente, nas relações comerciais, permitindo aos últimos a formação em atividades especializadas e o domínio do comércio local. Isso possibilitaria a esses homens criar estratégias sociais que lhes permitiam atuar livremente na economia, obtendo lucro com seu trabalho, gerando perspectivas de fazer parte da elite de Sobral. Tendo essas afirmativas como base, analisamos as relações de trabalho desenvolvidas na Vila de Sobral para observar como elas ocorriam e como influenciaram na trajetória pessoal dos moradores. Para isso, utilizamos os documentos da câmara que registraram as atividades econômicas, percebendo a importância de cada uma delas para a formação da população de Sobral.