The controversial performance of the Czech head of state - Miloš Zeman, during his first term in the office, offers reflection on whether the Czech president should or should not be politically responsible for his actions. The absence of mechanisms, by which could be the acting president recalled from his office allows Czech head of state to straighten out the scope of constitutional powers attributed to the head of the state with no real consequences. The master thesis will attempt to present the mechanisms and circumstances that led to the withdrawal of presidents (or governor) of selected countries - specifically Lithuania, Romania and California. The aim of the thesis will be to assess the circumstances in which it would be appropriate to introduce similar mechanisms designated for withdrawing directly elected Czech head of the state from its office, and to analyze the tools for the dismissal of presidents, which have already been used in practice.

<p>This dissertation examines whether democratic citizens are responsible for the behavior of their governments. Through careful analysis of the political theory and practice of Henry David Thoreau and Jane Addams, I demonstrate that notions of democracy that are distinctly modern in their emphasis upon plurality and individuality can instill in citizens a sense of responsibility for public life. My analysis also calls attention to several challenges that make ethical democratic citizenship a demanding undertaking. In the final chapters, I construct an account of responsible democratic citizenship that addresses these challenges, drawing upon lessons learned from my discussion of Thoreau and Addams, as well as from more contemporary thinkers. Democratic citizens, I argue, do not fully control the circumstances in which they act, and thus they often become implicated in outcomes to which they have not explicitly consented. If they aspire to be self-ruling, however, they must accept some responsibility for political outcomes that affect their own wellbeing and are affected by their behavior. Furthermore, I argue that citizens are unlikely to recognize and discharge their shared responsibilities unless they cultivate particular attitudes, including curiosity, flexibility, sympathy, humility and courage. These attitudes enable citizens to learn about the problems for which they are responsible and cooperate with others to solve shared problems.</p> / Dissertation

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nayana Shirado.pdf: 464151 bytes, checksum: b6159009743afcfe1df72843abb43844 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-10 / The question which arises and is usually revisited at all times and at different latitudes is to choose the best formula to provide the political organization of society, based mainly on the principle of separation of executive, legislative and judicial branches. This study will concentrate the focus of discussion in the steering system of "flexible" separation with mutual dependency between the Executive and the Legislative - parliamentary government and "hard" separation with mutual independence between these two powers, according to the mechanical of checks and balances - presidential government. Thinking of types of systems in a responsible and democratic way, that is, how the organs of power articulate tasks among themselves, is to think of political responsibility as a centerpiece of this mechanism. In this context, the scope of this paper is to point out a domestic and comparative study of political accountability relating parliamentary and presidential governments, against the rule of irresponsibility - "The King can do no wrong" - designed in the tradition of absolutist monarchies. The theoretical horizon outlined here moves through the spectrum from positivist responsibility and access the teleological content of this institute, delimiting the focus of responsibility in the subjective actions of the chief of executive and members of the legislative in our legal system and panoramas of British, Spanish, Italian, French and American governments. Despite the dogmatic contribution of le gal texts, we investigate the philosophical content in the idea of political responsibility, conceived as obligation (activity) and of a perspective of the value (outcome). From this scenario, three methodological precautions were taken to clear our path: the first looked after, within the concept of political responsibility, commitment of staff to respond by an act of political behavior or worthlessness in democratic sphere, the second took care to trace the features of cabinet government in the form of monarchy and republic, with the aim of investigating the tools for measuring the political responsibility of the king, the president of the republic and the prime minister and his cabinet, the third guided by researching in the presidential government the political responsibility of the president and the guarantors of this mechanisms, especially the responsibility of the Chief of Executive and members of Legislative, among us. In conclusion, the study refers to the measurement of political responsibility through a legal vehicle for direct control of political activity - the election - which provides enforcing the trust between elected and electorate, so as that through an act of the will of the citizens the choice of political representatives is made. The study indicates that the number of re-election and the renewal of the seats in parliament act as a thermometer to measure the degree of political accountability to the electorate. Admittedly, however, that the effectiveness of this mechanism requires the existence of a public awareness of the political events and able to influence this process. / A questão que se põe e que sói ser revisitada em todos os tempos e em diversas latitudes é a escolha da melhor fórmula política de prover à organização da sociedade, alicerçada, sobretudo, no princípio da separação dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. Neste estudo concentraremos o foco da discussão nos sistemas de governo de separação flexível com dependência mútua entre Executivo e Legislativo, -- receita de governo parlamentar --, e de separação rígida com independência recíproca entre esses dois poderes, segundo a mecânica de checks and balances -- receita de governo presidencial. Pensar em tipologias de sistemas de governo de fundo democrático, que dizem com o modo como se dispõem os órgãos de poder e como articulam tarefas entre si, é pensar na responsabilidade política como trave mestra desse mecanismo. Nesse contexto, o escopo deste trabalho é pontuar, no cenário doméstico e comparado, o estudo da responsabilização política imbricado aos sistemas de governo parlamentar e presidencial, à revelia do postulado da irresponsabilidade - The King can do no wrong - projetado na tradição política absolutista. O horizonte teórico aqui delineado perpassa pelo espectro positivista da responsabilização política e alcança o conteúdo teleológico do instituto, delimitando o foco subjetivo da responsabilidade na atuação do Chefe do Executivo Federal e dos membros do Legislativo em nosso sistema jurídico e nos panoramas britânico, espanhol, italiano, francês e norte-americano. Não obstante a dogmática aportada com a pesquisa aos textos jurídicos, imprimimos ao trabalho o viés filosófico contido na idéia de responsabilidade política, seja sob o alicerce do dever (atividade), seja sob o prisma do valor (resultado). A partir desse cenário, três precauções metodológicas foram tomadas para aclarar nosso caminho: a primeira cuidou de identificar, no conceito de responsabilidade política, o comprometimento do agente em responder por um ato ou comportamento político desvalorado na esfera democrática; a segunda cuidou de traçar as características do governo de Gabinete sob a forma de monarquia e de república, com o fito de investigar-lhes os instrumentos de aferição da responsabilidade política do rei, do Presidente da República e do Primeiro-Ministro e seu Gabinete; a terceira pautou pela investigação do sistema de governo presidencial no que tange à responsabilidade do Presidente da República e aos mecanismos garantidores dessa responsabilização, com destaque para a responsabilidade do Chefe do Executivo e dos membros do Legislativo, entre nós. Em conclusão, o estudo remete à aferição da responsabilidade política por meio de um mecanismo jurídico de controle externo direto da atividade política -- a eleição -- que dá liga à relação de confiança entre governante e governados, na medida em que por meio de um ato de vontade dos cidadãos se faz a escolha dos representantes políticos. O estudo aponta que o número de reeleições e a taxa de renovação das cadeiras no Parlamento se traduzem num termômetro para aferição do grau de responsabilização política perante o corpo eleitoral. É certo, porém que a eficácia desse mecanismo requer a existência de um público atento aos acontecimentos políticos e capaz de influir nesse processo.

Den här studien syftade till att fördjupa förståelsen av vilka metoder som kan användas och utvecklas för samverkan kring bostadslöshetsfrågor i Stockholms stadsdelar, samt att identifiera eventuella strukturella hinder som negativt inverkar för individer att förbättra sin situation på bostadsmarknaden. Projektmedarbetare i Hemlöshetssamordnarprojektet i Skarpnäck stadsdelsförvaltning, anställda inom stadsdelen samt enskilda klienter intervjuades och resultatet analyserades utifrån teorier om samverkan, Empowerment och mobilisering av partiskhet. Resultatet visar på att det finns både individuella och strukturella faktorer som negativt påverkar bostadssituationen i samtiden. Individuella faktorer visade sig vara bristande språkkunskaper, ett litet kontaktnät samt okunskap om det svenska välfärdssystemet. De strukturella faktorer som visade sig handlade om att det byggs för få bostäder som människor i en utsatt boendesituation har råd att bo i och att bostadsfrågan inte har en prioriterad plats på den svenska välfärdsagendan. Studien visade även att projekt som Hemlöshetssamordnarprojektet är viktiga och fruktbärande för både enskild klient, för professionella som arbetar och samverkar kring dessa frågor i de olika stadsdelsförvaltningarna och för att belysa och erkänna bostadsbristen som ett verkligt problem i dagens välfärdssamhälle. / The aim of this study was to deepen the understanding of which methods that can be used and developed for cooperation around issues of homelessness in the municipalities of Stockholm, and to identify any structural obstacles that negatively impacts individuals to improve their situations on the housing market. Project employees in the Housing coordination project in Skarpnäck district administration, employees in the municipality and individual clients were interviewed and the result from the interviews were analysed by theories of cooperation, Empowerment and mobilization of partiality. The result shows that there is both individual and structural factors that negatively impacts the housing situation in contemporary Sweden. The individual factors were shown to be lacking knowledge in the Swedish language, few private contacts and ignorance of the Swedish welfare system. The structural factors that was shown dealt about the lack of building new and affordable housing for those who are in an exposed position at the housing market and that the issue of homelessness does not have a priority location on the Swedish welfare agenda. More to that, the study showed that projects like the Housing coordination project is important for both the individual client, to professionals working with and cooperating with these issues in the municipalities and to illustrate and admit the lack of housing as a real problem in today’s welfare community.

A presente dissertação tem por objeto de estudo o instituto da cassação de mandato por quebra de decoro, conforme previsto no art. 55, II, da Constituição da República de 1988, que determina que perca o mandato o deputado ou senador cujo procedimento for declarado incompatível com o decoro parlamentar. Trata-se de um estudo no qual analisamos diversos aspectos jurídicos relevantes do instituto, entre esses podemos destacar a definição mínima do que podemos entender por comportamento ofensivo ao decoro parlamentar, a natureza jurídica dos processos de cassação, os limites do exercício dessa competência pelas Casas do Congresso Nacional, as regras específicas previstas nos regimentos internos, bem como os limites do controle exercido pelo Poder Judiciário. Muitas das análises elaboradas são polêmicas e de difícil solução e envolvem temas candentes, não só do ponto de vista jurídico, mas também político, já que a cassação de mandato por quebra de decoro diz respeito a uma forma de perda antecipada do mandato representativo, implicando num fenômeno que resvala em todo o sistema democrático. / This dissertation is a study about the expel proceding a parliament member in case of offense to decorum according to art. 55 II of Republic Constitution of 1988, which states that lose the mandate the deputy or the senator who proceed in disorderly behavior with parliamentary decorum. We analyze various legal issues relevant to the institute, among these we can highlight the minimal definition of what we can call as an incompatible behavior with parliamentary decorum, the juridical nature of the legislative process of expulsion, limits for that jurisdiction by the Congress, the special rules of the Congress internal regulations and the limits of control exercised by the Judiciary. Many elaborated analysis are controversial and difficult to solve, involving political and legal questions, since the expel by an incompatible behavior with parliamentary decorum is a way to lose beforehand the representative mandate, implying a phenomenon that echoes in all the democratic system.

哈蒙認為傳統的行政責任傾向於以「控制」的觀點來規範行政人員的行為，對於人性均持負面的看法，於行政責任的落實亦缺乏完整的信賴，哈蒙則從人性的立場出發，認為人性的本質是「自主的--社會的」，並提出公務人員的行政責任包含專業責任、政治責任與個人責任三種，每一種責任只有關連到其他二個責任時，才具有意義；同時每種責任均可相互牽制彼此產生的病態，例如「政治責任」可解救「專業主義」者免於狹窄的工具主義，並可使「個人責任」免於淪落道德的教條主義；「專業責任」可牽制「政治」免於墮落為機會主義者，牽制「個人」免於陷入天真的頑強(impracticality)；「個人責任」則有助澄清「政治責任」與「盲目服從」之間的不同，免於權威的物化(reification)，以及「專業責任」與愚蠢的技術主義之差異，免於目標的錯置的迷思。三種責任各有其優缺點，本文並將闡述每一種途徑的正面意義與負面價值，以達成哈蒙所言「抗衡性的價值」(counterveiling virtue)。最後並將三種責任觀點加以辯証分析，而哈蒙認為在規範價值上以個人責任居於優先的地位。其次並從行政責任的具體論題出發，探討不同的責任觀點（包含政治責任、專業責任及個人責任）表現在公共利益、行政裁量與行政風格的有何差異，藉此更彰顯哈蒙行政責任的意義。

La rationalisation du parlementarisme se définit comme la constitutionnalisation du principe parlementaire, c’est-à-dire le fait de soumettre complètement la vie politique au droit constitutionnel. C'est le fait de normaliser la vie parlementaire par des règles constitutionnelles pour lutter contre le despotisme du parlement. Cette idée a été prise en compte, dès 1918, par les nouvelles Constitutions Européennes. Plusieurs États arabes s’en sont ensuite inspirés dans leur constitution. Compte tenu de l'importante de cette rationalisation, les constituants se sont préoccupés de renforcer l’exécutif face au parlement et ont tenté de préserver la stabilité du gouvernement face aux embuscades parlementaires. Ce sujet est important, surtout dans un pays arabe comme le Koweït, où l'expérience de la démocratie parlementaire est encore jeune, pour montrer les tentatives constitutionnelles concernant la rationalisation du parlementarisme et la question du contrôle politique. Les constituants koweïtiens se sont efforcés d’établir une rationalisation du parlementarisme concernant la question de contrôle politique du gouvernement afin d’en assurer la stabilité. Cette étude, au regard de l’expérience française permet de préciser les mécanismes de la rationalisation du parlementarisme adoptée dans les deux États. Ces deux états ont opté pour un régime parlementaire, cependant ils diffèrent concernant l’organisation politique dans leurs pays respectifs, ainsi que la mise en œuvre des mécanismes de la rationalisation du parlementarisme. / The rationalized parliamentarism defines itself as the constitutionalisation of the parliamentary principle that is the act of completely submitting the political life to the constitutional law. This idea was introduced in the new European Constitutions as early as 1918. Several Arab States were inspired by it in their constitutions. It meant normalizing the parliamentary life by constitutional rules to fight the tyranny of the parliament. The constitutional competence granted to the parliament, to watch the activities of the government counts among the major principles of the parliamentary system and is a typical element of the relationships between the powers in a parliamentary system. The constituents’ concern resulted in a double effort: to ensure, through constitutional procedures, both the right of the Assemblies to control the government and the political stability of the government. This subject is important, especially in an Arab Country such as Kuwait where the experience of the parliamentary democracy is still young, in order to show the constitutional attempts concerning the rationalization of the parliamentary government and the question of the political control. This study, with regard to the French experience, allows to put some light on the mechanisms of rationalised parliamentarism adopted in both States. These states have both opted for a parliamentary system, however they differ concerning the political organization in their respective countries, as well as the implementation of the mechanisms of rationalised parliamentarism.

A presente dissertação tem por objeto de estudo o instituto da cassação de mandato por quebra de decoro, conforme previsto no art. 55, II, da Constituição da República de 1988, que determina que perca o mandato o deputado ou senador cujo procedimento for declarado incompatível com o decoro parlamentar. Trata-se de um estudo no qual analisamos diversos aspectos jurídicos relevantes do instituto, entre esses podemos destacar a definição mínima do que podemos entender por comportamento ofensivo ao decoro parlamentar, a natureza jurídica dos processos de cassação, os limites do exercício dessa competência pelas Casas do Congresso Nacional, as regras específicas previstas nos regimentos internos, bem como os limites do controle exercido pelo Poder Judiciário. Muitas das análises elaboradas são polêmicas e de difícil solução e envolvem temas candentes, não só do ponto de vista jurídico, mas também político, já que a cassação de mandato por quebra de decoro diz respeito a uma forma de perda antecipada do mandato representativo, implicando num fenômeno que resvala em todo o sistema democrático. / This dissertation is a study about the expel proceding a parliament member in case of offense to decorum according to art. 55 II of Republic Constitution of 1988, which states that lose the mandate the deputy or the senator who proceed in disorderly behavior with parliamentary decorum. We analyze various legal issues relevant to the institute, among these we can highlight the minimal definition of what we can call as an incompatible behavior with parliamentary decorum, the juridical nature of the legislative process of expulsion, limits for that jurisdiction by the Congress, the special rules of the Congress internal regulations and the limits of control exercised by the Judiciary. Many elaborated analysis are controversial and difficult to solve, involving political and legal questions, since the expel by an incompatible behavior with parliamentary decorum is a way to lose beforehand the representative mandate, implying a phenomenon that echoes in all the democratic system.

Le contrôle parlementaire de l’action du gouvernement est une fonction consubstantielle au régime parlementaire qui prévoit une séparation dite « souple » des pouvoirs. En 1958, le contrôle parlementaire s’est retrouvé encadré juridiquement par la constitution du 4 octobre 1958 et par la pratique politique avec l’émergence du fait majoritaire. Au sens stricte, le contrôle parlementaire est un contrôle de nature politique tournée vers la sanction du gouvernement. Si l’exercice du contrôle du gouvernement est assimilé à sa censure, il apparaît ineffectif. La réforme constitutionnelle du 23 juillet 2008 ayant pour objectif de revaloriser le parlement, a consacré sa fonction de contrôle à l’article 24 de la constitution qui dispose : « Le parlement vote la loi. Il contrôle l’action du gouvernement. Il évalue les politiques publiques ». Pour redynamiser l’exercice de ce contrôle, l’ensemble de ses instruments sont renforcés. En pratique, apparait un « nouveau » type de contrôle, un contrôle moderne de l’action du gouvernement axé sur la performance des politiques publiques, il s’agit de la mission d’évaluation des politiques publiques. L’efficacité des politiques publiques est conçue comme la finalité technique du contrôle parlementaire. Le renouveau du contrôle parlementaire ne peut se réaliser qu’avec un rééquilibrage des institutions, entamé en 2008 permettant un dialogue constructif entre le parlement et le gouvernement. Le contrôle parlementaire est un instrument de cet équilibre, un instrument d’influence du parlement sur la politique gouvernementale, dans une optique de perfectionnement des politiques publiques, leur évaluation en constitue un puissant vecteur… / Parliamentary oversight of government action is a consubstantial feature of the parliamentary system which provides a soft separation powers.In 1958, parliamentary check has been legally framed by the constitution of 4 october 1958 and the political practice with the emergence of majority rule.In its strict sense, parliamentary check is a political control turned to the sanction of the controlled object: the government. If exercise government control is equated with censorship, it certainly appears that this control is ineffective.The constitutional reform of 23 July 2008 aiming displayed to upgrade the parliament, dedicated his article to control function 24 of the constitution which now reads: "parliament votes the law. It controls the action of the Government. It evaluates public policies” To revitalize the exercise of parliamentary control, all instruments and exercise of control arrangements have been consolidated.In practice, appears a "new" type of control, modern control government action focuses on the performance of public policies, it is the program evaluation. The effectiveness of public policy is conceived as technical purpose of parliamentary control.The revival of parliamentary check can be achieved with a rebalancing of the institutions, started in 2008 allowing a constructive dialogue between the parliament and the government. parliamentary check is an instrument of the institutional balance, a parliamentary instrument of influence on government policy, with a view to development of public policies, their assessment is a powerful vector...

This thesis develops the prioritization guidance and action guidance provided by Iris Marion Young’s Social Connection Model of responsibility for injustice. Young’s parameters of reasoning are limited in their ability to assist responsible agents in determining what they ought to do to fulfill their responsibilities, as they are severed from the structural analysis characteristic of the rest of the SCM. This thesis addresses the resulting limitations by developing categories of prioritization and an action guidance framework. I develop 6 categories of prioritization: power, benefit, interest, centrality, contribution, and control. Applied to social-group-based analysis, these categories determine the strength of the prioritization claim which a given injustice holds over a given social group. The action guidance framework takes the perspective of the political community and works its way through three questions and their corresponding considerations: “What can we do?” –structural change, altering practices, and harm alleviation; “How can we do it?” –understanding sub-issues and sub-options, determining interests, and organizing collectives; and “What can I do?” –eliminating contributory behaviours, and considering personal circumstances. Through this framework, agents can analyze the capacities of the political community and the structures of an injustice to determine which projects should be undertaken and how agents ought to contribute. Finally, the developments of this thesis are applied to the case of landlords and housing, therein establishing the necessity of landlords abandoning rental profits so as to fulfill and not contradict their responsibility to eliminate housing injustice. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / This thesis develops the prioritization guidance and action guidance provided by Iris Marion Young’s Social Connection Model of responsibility for injustice. Young’s parameters of reasoning, meant to provide this guidance, are limited in their ability to assist responsible agents in determining what they ought to do to fulfill their responsibilities. This thesis addresses these limitations by developing 6 categories of prioritization and an action guidance framework. The categories of prioritization determine which social groups ought to prioritize a given injustice. Through the action guidance framework, agents can analyze the capacities of the political community and the structures of an injustice to determine which projects should be undertaken and how agents ought to contribute to them. The developments of this thesis are applied to the case of landlords and housing injustice, therein establishing the necessity of landlords abandoning rental profits.