Educating for democracy has long been established as a central purpose for schooling in America and continues to be included in the ongoing discourses on educational policy and programs. While educating for democracy has been defined in many ways, it is commonly agreed that it is the knowledge, skills, and experiences that members of a democracy should possess in order to be contributing citizens of a global society. Nested within the context of democratic education, inclusion as advocated by Iris Marion Young provided the framework for this study. Young suggested that inclusive democracy enables the participation and voice for all those affected by problems and their proposed solutions. Within the context of education, democratic inclusive education is established for the purpose of creating learning environments in which multiple perspectives are included in the community building and decision-making efforts of the classroom. This study explored the perceptions and experiences of three elementary teachers that incorporated aspects of democratic inclusion into their teaching practice.

This thesis is based on a field study conducted in Uganda in the fall of 2015. The study is analyzing at the process behind the Domestic Violence Act, a law that came in to place in 2010, and try to scrutinize it by using the inclusive democracy theory of Iris Marion Young. In the study numerous interviews with several women’s organizations, as well as representatives for the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development and local police officers are presented.   The study aims at getting a better understanding of what is necessary to create successful laws to prevent violence against women. The main objective is to answer the question how inclusion, or the lack of it, can influence the success of legal norms and laws regarding violence against women. The result of this study shows that inclusion could play a role in a law’s success. However inclusion is not enough, other factors such as allocating enough money in the budget together with educating both the public and the officials that are enforcing the law, are also of great importance for a law’s success. Yet, this study also shows that a greater inclusion could affect these factors in a positive way, however inclusion alone is most likely not sufficient for creating a successful law

Denna didaktiskt inriktade C-uppsats i etik tar upp elevers skolmisslyckande satt i förhållande till skolans styrdokument, lärares yrkesetik samt vårt samhälles syn på människors värde. Syftet med uppsatsen är att utifrån Iris Marion Youngs teori kring förtryck samt Harald Ofstads teori kring styrka och svaghet, ur ett etiskt/moraliskt perspektiv, söka efter svar på följande frågeställningar: Kan elever i svensk skola anses vara förtryckta enligt Youngs teori om förtryck? Kan man inom svensk skola finna tendenser till ett sådant förakt för svaghet som Ofstad diskuterar? Vilka bakomliggande strukturella förklaringar kan man utifrån dessa teorier finna till varför vissa lärare i svensk skola medvetet eller omedvetet orsakar vissa elevers känsla av att vara kränkta, misslyckade och osynliggjorda såsom uppsatsens källmaterial påvisar? Metoden består av en etisk analys av kvalitativt empiriskt källmaterial. Källmaterialet, som bygger på delar av en doktorsavhandling i filosofi författad av Carina Henriksson, analyseras med hjälp av analysverktyg skapade utifrån Youngs teori kring förtryck samt Ofstads teori kring styrka och svaghet. Slutsatsen man kan dra utifrån analyserna visar att vissa elever i svensk skola kan anses vara förtryckta samt att man inom svensk skola kan finna tendenser till förakt för svaghet. Analyserna visar även att de bakomliggande strukturella förklaringar man kan finna till detta förtryck samt förakt för svaghet handlar om traditioner som genom historiens gång blivit allmänt vedertagna och därmed normativa, trots att de motsäger de etiska principer vårt samhälle sägs bygga på, principer man kan finna i bland annat skolans värdegrund samt lärares yrkesetiska principer.

本研究的發問從研究者自身經驗以及大眾媒體內容出發，試圖瞭解成年女性學習芭蕾背後指涉出女性身體、芭蕾文化以及社會性別結構之間的何種關係，並從中探討女性身體在習舞的過程中，扮演何種角色。 對此，在理論的引用上，本研究以人類學的「體現」典範和美國女性主義政治哲學家Iris Marion Young的理論觀點，將女性身體視為一個知覺主體進行分析探討；在研究方法上，則採用「深度訪談法」以及研究者本身的「參與體驗」，以對成年女性的習舞身體經驗進行多方詮釋，從中瞭解該經驗所呈現、調和與轉化女性身體、芭蕾文化和社會性別結構的種種現象與關係。 本研究發現成年女性的芭蕾身體經驗共有三個特質：首先，成年女性在學習芭蕾的過程中，得以覺察自我身體感官，抒解身體壓力，並從社會角色回歸真實自我，對於身體的關注也不再僅集中在視覺觀感，同時也重視身體體驗。芭蕾的身體經驗成為成年女性擺脫社會角色，回歸身體知覺的「她方」國度。 再者，芭蕾身體經驗具有「轉化」的功能。此經驗一方面轉化了成年女性和日常生活的關係，改變成年女性在日常生活的姿態、生活行動的意義，讓成年女性有再詮釋個人與生活世界的能力。另外在「芭蕾學習文化」的部分，成年女性在日漸老化、退化身體的限制下，以親身體驗與實踐，重新定義學習芭蕾的年齡上限與可能性，也藉此展現女性身體的能力、自主與超越性。另外，在本研究也發現，成年女性的身體經驗讓過去象徵為男性凝視的芭蕾文化，轉變成女性自我體察與觀看，而重新定義芭蕾的觀看意義，此乃有別於過去女性主義的芭蕾研究結果。 最後，本研究發現女性身體乃是同時交織主客體面貌的多元身體，亦即女性身體在自我知覺以及社會性別結構之中來回游移，時為主體，時為客體，女性身體遂在自我和社會之間不斷變化其面貌。 女性身體有其能動性，但其也必須在社會性別結構之下扮演其角色，因此對於扮演主客體的女性身體的關注，可能不在於尋求身體的終極解放，而是女性身體如何在結構的限制之下，獲得更多的自主與選擇的可能。在本研究中，成年女性在芭蕾學習經驗中，回歸純然的身體知覺，即開啟女性身體自主的可能與契機。

This bachelor thesis in human rights aims to critically study the human rights of the muslim minority in Sweden and the possible limitations of the swedish minority politics. With the Sweden Democrats’s (SD) bigger influence in swedish politics today, an increased xenophobia is a fact, which leads to a risk of a society where islamophobic ideas can grow. Through a case study, muslims’ requirements that their basic human rights are guaranteed, will be discussed, to examine limitations in the swedish multicultural society. With the perspecitve of Iris MarionYoung’s “five faces of oppression”, muslims’ situation will be analyzed, through a variety of material. Universal rights, group rights, integration politics and freedom of religion are parts of the analysis. International critique concerning Sweden’s lack of equality statistics and Sweden’s responsability to guarantee minority groups their rights will also be discussed. A need to strengthen the human rights for muslims in general is emphazised in the conclusion, with suggestions for further research.

I denna uppsats undersöks communityreglerna för Facebook för att se hur väl plattformen kan säkert utgöra den digitala offentliga sfären. Detta görs genom en anpassad WPR-analys, där materialet är communityreglerna för Facebook. Teorin som används är Iris Marion Youngs deliberativa demokratiteori, där Young redovisar ett antal kriterier som är förutsättningarna för en hälsosam offentlig sfär. Resultatet för undersökningen är att företaget som äger Facebook (Meta), både tydligt strävar efter att uppnå en hälsosam digital offentlig sfär och förstår vad problemen är som hindrar användarna från att uppnå en hälsosam digital offentlig sfär utan några regler. Resultatet visar att det Meta gör mycket väl är att de har flera effektiva åtgärder för att skapa ärliga och resonabla diskussioner på plattformen, med bra mångfald och pluralism. Där målet är att alla deltagare ska kunna uttrycka sig utan att riskera hot eller hat från andra användare. Där det fanns flest brister var i hanteringen av falsk information. Där Meta förlitar sig mycket på enbart faktagranskare som själva inte är tillräckligt för att hantera sanning och information. Dessutom ser Meta det offentliga och officiella narrativet som sanning och användare som avviker sig från det narrativet kan få sina inlägg borttagna eller att spridningen av deras uttalanden minskas. De användare som bryter mot reglerna exkluderas också från den offentliga sfären där Meta inte gör någonting för att inkludera deltagare med problematiska värderingar, vilket är negativt för en deliberativ demokrati.

The dilemma of diversity is the tension that exists when prescriptive claims are required across reasonable pluralism. Scholar and philosopher Dwight Boyd believes that the dilemma of diversity must be addressed for the continued health of multicultural societies, and suggests that the solution can be found through democratic reciprocity. Though the International Olympic Committee (IOC) markets unity and peace through its Olympic Games, does the Olympics relieve the dilemma of diversity? By critically examining the IOC’s historic and recent treatment of Aboriginals, its encouragement of divisive nationalism, and its educational programs, it is clear that the IOC does not embrace reasonable pluralism. The IOC’s public pedagogy is one that conceals its dominance through diversity. In exposing this dominance, I will argue that the IOC must embrace democratic reciprocity that allows for conversation across difference. Adopting an authentic acceptance of difference will alleviate the IOC’s propagation of Western ideology through neo-imperialism.

The dilemma of diversity is the tension that exists when prescriptive claims are required across reasonable pluralism. Scholar and philosopher Dwight Boyd believes that the dilemma of diversity must be addressed for the continued health of multicultural societies, and suggests that the solution can be found through democratic reciprocity. Though the International Olympic Committee (IOC) markets unity and peace through its Olympic Games, does the Olympics relieve the dilemma of diversity? By critically examining the IOC’s historic and recent treatment of Aboriginals, its encouragement of divisive nationalism, and its educational programs, it is clear that the IOC does not embrace reasonable pluralism. The IOC’s public pedagogy is one that conceals its dominance through diversity. In exposing this dominance, I will argue that the IOC must embrace democratic reciprocity that allows for conversation across difference. Adopting an authentic acceptance of difference will alleviate the IOC’s propagation of Western ideology through neo-imperialism.

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This thesis develops the prioritization guidance and action guidance provided by Iris Marion Young’s Social Connection Model of responsibility for injustice. Young’s parameters of reasoning are limited in their ability to assist responsible agents in determining what they ought to do to fulfill their responsibilities, as they are severed from the structural analysis characteristic of the rest of the SCM. This thesis addresses the resulting limitations by developing categories of prioritization and an action guidance framework. I develop 6 categories of prioritization: power, benefit, interest, centrality, contribution, and control. Applied to social-group-based analysis, these categories determine the strength of the prioritization claim which a given injustice holds over a given social group. The action guidance framework takes the perspective of the political community and works its way through three questions and their corresponding considerations: “What can we do?” –structural change, altering practices, and harm alleviation; “How can we do it?” –understanding sub-issues and sub-options, determining interests, and organizing collectives; and “What can I do?” –eliminating contributory behaviours, and considering personal circumstances. Through this framework, agents can analyze the capacities of the political community and the structures of an injustice to determine which projects should be undertaken and how agents ought to contribute. Finally, the developments of this thesis are applied to the case of landlords and housing, therein establishing the necessity of landlords abandoning rental profits so as to fulfill and not contradict their responsibility to eliminate housing injustice. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / This thesis develops the prioritization guidance and action guidance provided by Iris Marion Young’s Social Connection Model of responsibility for injustice. Young’s parameters of reasoning, meant to provide this guidance, are limited in their ability to assist responsible agents in determining what they ought to do to fulfill their responsibilities. This thesis addresses these limitations by developing 6 categories of prioritization and an action guidance framework. The categories of prioritization determine which social groups ought to prioritize a given injustice. Through the action guidance framework, agents can analyze the capacities of the political community and the structures of an injustice to determine which projects should be undertaken and how agents ought to contribute to them. The developments of this thesis are applied to the case of landlords and housing injustice, therein establishing the necessity of landlords abandoning rental profits.