This study was a qualitative examination of social, economic, political, and cultural dilemmas that face Peruvian survivors of the Communist Shining Path Revolution, an internal armed conflict that cut a swath of terror and destruction during the years 1980-2000, with a reported loss of 69,000 residents either killed or considered “disappeared.” The conflict affected primarily poor, uneducated Andean campesinos and townspeople in the highland areas of the Ayacucho District. In this study, I looked closely at the responsibilities of both government and NGOs in the facilitation of readjustment during and after times of instability. In addition, specific challenges the elderly, women and campesinos face in a post-conflict world are analyzed and possible social policies are discerned that might be developed to better implement the transition to a new form of community. Ideas that emerged from this research may assist policy shapers in other less developed countries involved in similar conflicts by examining how Peru dealt with its own issues. Methodology included participant observation and interviews with long-term Ayacuchan residents who stayed-in-place during war time, along with migrants who went to live in shantytowns in more urban areas. The government-mandated Truth and Reconciliation Commission report serves as a framework as it outlined those ultimately deemed responsible and detailed what those affected may expect in the way of appropriate reparations and compensation in the future. Much emphasis is given to the emerging role of women and how ensuing shifts of gender specific cultural roles may affect familial and communal bonds in small-scale societies.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’explorer les rôles de la religion dans le processus pour faire face à une situation potentiellement traumatique de violence organisée ; et ce dans un contexte culturel, socio-économique et politique précis, à savoir celui de la Colombie. La Colombie est un pays où culturellement la religion occupe une place importante dans la société. Elle connaît depuis plusieurs décennies un conflit armé ayant comme conséquence le déplacement forcé massif des populations à l’intérieur du pays. Cette recherche a une approche de psychologie culturelle, et se sert d’une méthodologie qualitative, avec des entretiens semi-structurés. Les participants comprennent 51 adultes déplacés (26 hommes et 25 femmes), et deux informants clés. Quatre thèmes sont explorés : a) le déplacement b) la religion au quotidien, c) les changements dans leur religion suite au déplacement, et d) les rôles de la religion dans l’expérience du déplacement. Les résultats montrent que la religion est importante pour les déplacés. Catholiques pour la plupart, leur religion est centrée sur une relation personnalisée et directe à Dieu, malgré les rituels collectifs pratiqués. Les déplacés vivent une religion culturellement ancrée, résistante à l’adversité : après le déplacement elle est soit restée inchangée, soit s’est renforcée. Concernant le déplacement, les aspects les plus marquants sont l’intensité des violences infligées, le caractère imminent des départs et la précarité à laquelle les déplacés sont confrontés en arrivant à Bogota. Malgré ces conditions et la souffrance éprouvée, il faut remarquer leur capacité à composer avec les ressources disponibles, et ce de manière active, souple et diversifiée. Plusieurs rôles de la religion ont été repérés dans ce processus. Ils ont été regroupés par leur fonctionnalité, en cinq groupes : a) pourvoyeur de sens, b) conservateur d’une stabilité, c) catalyseur de transformations, d) source de soutien social, et e) aspects potentiellement nocifs. La religion semble être pour cet échantillon une ressource salutaire, capable de s’articuler harmonieusement avec des ressources non religieuses, pour potentialiser leurs capacités et favoriser l’adaptation. Seule la culpabilité semble avoir un effet nocif, dont la fonctionnalité reste à explorer. La discussion des résultats souligne la pertinence d’étudier la religion d’un point de vue fonctionnel et fait le lien entre la relation à Dieu observée et la théorie de attachement. De plus, elle évalue les limites de l’étude et propose des pistes pour les futures recherches. / The purpose of this study is to explore the roles of religion in coping with a potentially traumatic situation of organized violence, in a particular cultural, socio-economic and political context, such as the Colombian one. In Colombia, religion as a cultural aspect has a significant place in Colombian society. It also deals with an armed conflict which lasts for several decades now and has resulted in the phenomenon of massive internal displacement of populations. This research has a cultural psychology approach and uses a qualitative methodology with semi-structured interviews. Participants include 51 adults, internally displaced people (IDP), (26 men and 25 women), and two key informants. Four topics are explored: a) their displacement, b) religion in every-day life, c) changes in their religion following displacement, d) the roles of religion during their displacement experience. Results show that religion is important for Colombian IDP’s. Mostly Catholics, their religion is centered on a direct and personalized relationship with God, in spite of the collective rituals they practice. In this sample, displaced people experience religion as a culturally anchored pattern, resistant to adversity: after displacement their religion remained either unchanged or reinforced. Concerning the displacement, the most salient aspects are the intensity of violence they went through, the imminence of departures, and the precariousness they have to deal with at arrival. In spite of these conditions and all the suffering they undergo, IDP’s show a remarkable capacity to cope with the available resources in an active, flexible and diversified way. Several roles of religion have been identified. They have been gathered according to their functionality into five categories: a) meaning provider, b) stability conservator, c) transformations catalyst, d) social support source, and e) potentially harmful aspects. Religion seems to be, for this sample, a constructive resource, capable of articulating itself harmonically with other non religious resources in order to enhance individuals skills and facilitate their adjustment. Only guiltiness seems to have a harmful effect in this process and its functionality is to be explored. Discussion of results underlines the pertinence of studying religion in a functional way and it links data to attachment theory. Finally, it evaluates the limits of this study and proposes some clues for future research. / El objetivo de esta tesis doctoral es explorar los roles de la religión en el afrontamiento de una situación potencialmente traumática de violencia organizada, en un contexto cultural, socio-económico y político específico, como el de Colombia. Colombia es un país donde culturalmente la religión ocupa un lugar importante en la sociedad. Este país vive, desde hace varias décadas, un conflicto armado que ha traído como consecuencia el desplazamiento interno forzado y masivo de la población. La investigación tiene una orientación de psicología cultural y utiliza una metodología cualitativa, con entrevistas semi-estructuradas. Los participantes incluyen 51 adultos desplazados por la violencia (26 hombres y 25 mujeres), y dos informantes clave. Cuatro temas son explorados: a) el desplazamiento, b) la religión en la vida cotidiana, c) los cambios en la religión causados por el desplazamiento, y d) los roles de la religión en la experiencia del desplazamiento. Los resultados muestran que la religión es importante para los desplazados. Católicos en su mayoría, su religión está centrada en una relación personalizada y directa con Dios, a pesar de los rituales colectivos practicados. Los desplazados viven una religión culturalmente arraigada, resistente a la adversidad: después del desplazamiento, ésta siguió igual o se reforzó. En cuanto al desplazamiento, los aspectos que sobresalen son la intensidad de la violencia, la inminencia de la partida y la precariedad que deben afrontar al llegar a Bogotá. A pesar de estas condiciones y del sufrimiento que viven, es de notar la capacidad de manejar los recursos disponibles de manera activa, flexible y diversificada. Varios roles de la religion fueron identificados: a) fuente de significado, b) conservador de una estabilidad, c) catalizador de transformaciones, d) fuente de apoyo social, y e) aspectos potencialmente nocivos La religión parece ser, para esta muestra, un recurso saludable, capaz de de articularse armoniosamente con recursos no religiosos, para potencializar sus capacidades y favorecer la adaptación. Sólo la culpabilidad parece tener un efecto nocivo y su funcionalidad debe ser explorada. La discusión de los resultados resalta la pertinencia de estudiar la religión desde un punto de vista funcional y establece un lazo entre la relación con Dios observada y la teoría del apego. Por último, se evaluán los límites del estudio y se proponen algunas pistas para futuras investigaciones.

Si la question de l'inclusion des actes de terrorisme dans la notion de crime contre l'humanité avait déjà été abordée à plusieurs reprises dans certains travaux, c'est au lendemain des attentats terroristes du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés aux États-Unis d'Amérique qu'elle s'est posée avec acuité. Cette étude est née de la volonté de savoir si le terrorisme pourrait être considéré comme un crime contre l'humanité. Celle-ci se veut une analyse des points de ressemblance et de dissemblance entre l'incrimination et la criminalité terroristes d'une part et celles liées au crime contre l'humanité d'autre part. Si à certains égards, le terrorisme se rapproche du crime contre l'humanité, par la violence et le contexte idéologique qui les caractérisent, il n'en demeure pas moins qu'il s'agit de deux criminalités essentiellement différentes. Étant donné que traiter du crime contre l'humanité et du terrorisme, c'est aborder des sujets où se trouvent étroitement imbriqués le droit, l'histoire, la politique et la sociologie politique, l'étude ne se limite pas au seul droit pénal. / If the matter of including terrorist acts in the notion of crime against humanity had already been approached repeatedly in certain research works, since the terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001, committed in the United States of America, it raised intensively. This study grew from the will to know if terrorism could be considered as a crime against humanity. This one aims to be an analysis of similarities and disparities between terrorist incrimination and criminality on the one hand and those linked with crime against humanity on the other hand. If in certain respects, terrorism gets closer to the crime against humanity, by violence and ideological context which characterize them, the fact remains that they are essentially two different forms of criminalities. Given that dealing with crime against humanity and terrorism, will raise subjects in which are closely interconnected law, history, politics and political sociology, thus the study is not restricted to the plain criminal law.

Les années 1970, en Argentine, sont marquées, jusqu’au coup d’Etat de mars 1976, par une intense montée de la conflictualité sociale en général et de la conflictualité ouvrière en particulier. Cette situation, ouverte par le Cordobazo de mai 1969, taraude les bases du régime militaire de la Révolution argentine. En 1973, le retour du péronisme au pouvoir après dix-huit années de proscription ne permet pas de juguler cette poussée. Après la mort de Juan Domingo Perón, cette dernière se poursuit sous la présidence d’Isabel Perón. Elle débouche ainsi en juillet 1975 sur la première grève générale de l’histoire argentine tournée contre un gouvernement justicialiste : c’est le Rodrigazo. Parallèlement, au sein des secteurs les plus radicalisés du mouvement ouvrier, des structures de coordination et d’auto-organisation, les Coordinadoras, font leur apparition. Ce travail, qui englobe la période constitutionnelle allant de mai 1973 à mars 1976, se centre sur les tendances à la rupture entre la base ouvrière et populaire péroniste et « son » gouvernement. A la jonction de l’histoire sociale et de l’histoire du mouvement ouvrier, puisant dans la presse de l’époque, commerciale autant que militante, ainsi que dans l’histoire orale, cette étude se veut comme une contribution à un « cinquième récit » des années 1970 en Argentine. A la différence des quatre lectures historiographiques ou « récits » qui ont prévalu depuis 1976, (« récit des militaires », « théorie des deux démons », « récit du renouveau », « récit kirchnériste »), ce travail a pour objet d’analyser les conditions d’émergence de cette conflictualité sociale, ses différentes modalités d’expression, sa cristallisation à travers diverses formes d’organisation et d’auto-organisation, mais également la façon dont la gauche radicale des années 1970 intervient en son sein. / Until the coup of March 1976, the 1970s were characterised in Argentina by a dramatic increase of social conflict in general, and of worker conflict in particular. This situation, which was initiated by the Cordobazo of May 1969, goaded the military regime of the Argentinian Revolution. The return to power of the Peronists in 1973, after 18 years of proscription, could not stop the deepening conflict. It continued after Juan Domingo Perón’s death, and throughout Isabel Perón’s period in power. In 1975 it led to the first ever general strike in Argentinian history, which was orchestrated against a justicialist government: the Rodrigazo. Simultaneously, in the most radical sectors of the workers’ movement, coordination and self-organisation structures (the Coodinadoras) began to appear. This work covers the constitutional period from May 1973 to March 1976, and focuses on the widening rift between Perón and the workers and the population at large. It aims to contribute to a “fifth” reading of the 1970s in Argentina by positioning itself at the crossroads between social history and labour history, and basing itself on mainstream and militant press coverage of the time and oral history. Unlike the four historiographical readings which have predominated since 1976 (the “military reading”, the “two demons theory”, the “renewal reading”, and the “kirchnerist reading”) this work aims to analyses the conditions from which the social conflict emerged, the different ways in which it expressed itself, its crystallisation through various forms of organisation and self-organisation, and also the role played by the radical left in the process.

This dissertation answers the question of what the proper balance is for victims with respect to the formation of a truth or truth and reconciliation commission that is formed to address the aftermath of an authoritarian regime or armed conflict. A review of the historical operation of entities that have operated in the aftermath of authoritarian regimes and armed conflict is conducted in this dissertation. From the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials to the present day, nations have struggled to try to devise a systematic way to deal with the aftermath of harm caused to victims as a consequence of authoritarian regimes and armed conflict. An examination of the various past truth and reconciliation commissions, the International Criminal Court, and various treaties is here juxtaposed with the Colombian Justice and Peace program implemented a decade ago to bring about peace and reconciliation in Colombia. This dissertation concludes that an entity formed with the purpose of achieving the proper balance for victims of an authoritarian regime or armed conflict, must have a truth-telling component that works in tandem with a specialized court conceived with the objective of operating alongside the commission. Thus, while there is a punitive aspect, the focus is more on the relationship between the events, solutions, and relief provided for victims. An entity with such a focus has various components, including truth-telling and some form of sanction or punishment, but always with the betterment of the past, present, and future victims as well as the subject society or country as its priority. In that vein, a set of proposed flexible guidelines are presented as the culmination of this dissertation. The flexible guidelines proposed here set forth a balanced system between the commission and the court that will provide for both punishment and reconciliation for particular countries and the victims. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2015. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.

Le nationalisme basque est apparu voilà maintenant deux siècles, cependant, il ne connait un retentissement mondial que depuis environ cinquante ans avec la création de l’ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, Pays basque Et Liberté). Fondée pour combattre le régime franquiste, cette organisation est aujourd’hui considérée comme un groupe terroriste par l’ensemble de la communauté internationale. L’organisation va être, toutefois, à la base d’une prise de conscience nationale basque sur la question de l’appartenance à un même peuple et, aujourd’hui, la lutte pour l’autodétermination du Pays basque fait écho tant sur le territoire espagnol que français. Ce mouvement nationaliste, bien qu’indissociable entre le sud et le nord, prendra tout de même des modes d’expression différents même si le nationalisme basque restera toujours rattachée à une violence politique. Le présent terrain de recherche a alors permis de récolter les « perceptions subjectives » de la population basque sur cette violence politique et ainsi, de dégager une violence de la part des Etats espagnol et français. Cette violence d’Etat est principalement caractérisée par une violence symbolique mais elle ira parfois jusqu’à une violence physique. Ainsi, bien plus que les contextes historiques et institutionnels distincts des Etats espagnol et français, c’est la violence disparate des ces deux Etats qui est le facteur de distinction de la violence nationaliste constatée sur le territoire français et espagnol. / Basque nationalism has emerged several centuries ago, however, it experienced a global resonance only since the last fifty years with the formation of the armed Basque nationalist and separatist organization Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). Formed to fight the Franco regime, the organization is now considered as a terrorist group by the entire international community. The organization will, however, raise a Basque national consciousness on the question of belonging to the same people, and today, the conflict for self-determination for the Basque country echoes back in both the Spanish and French territories. This nationalist movement is indissociable between south and north. Different modes of expression are still observed even if the Basque nationalism will always be linked to political violence. The present research work allowed to apprehend the "subjective perceptions" of the Basque population on this political violence and, thus, to highlight a violence from both Spanish and French States. This State violence is mainly characterized by a symbolic violence but it will sometimes lead to physical violence. Therefore, much more than the separate historical and institutional contexts Spanish and French States, the un-harmonized State violence is the distinguishing factor of nationalist violence experienced on French and Spanish territories.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The study of development in the 1960s and early 1970s was characterised by major struggles between competing ideological positions . Writings were dominated by attempts at getting the ideologies right , hence the proliferation ofNeo-Marxist and Neo-Classical discourses. The vociferous debates between development theorists such as Andre Gunder Frank (1966), Paul Baran (1962), W.W. Rostow (1963) and their followers) were indicative of this period. A fundamental shift occurred in the late 1970s, however, when the focus of development studies shifted to the more technical issue of how to get prices right. World Bank and International Monetary Fund intervention in state affairs were a characteristic of this fundamental shift, with the now notorious Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the 1980s being a direct result of this movement. The whole terrain of development studies has once again, however, undergone reconstruction, with the emergence of an entirely new strain of development-oriented thought in the 1990s. The key development problem being identified by social scientists at present is the institutional context in which development takes place. It has finally emerged that this issue surpasses those debates concerning ideology and monetary issues. Development protagonists now acknowledge that they can no longer look at development without considering the institutional environment in which it is to take place. Irrespective of ideology and price factors, then, it has finally been realised that development is highly contingent upon the establishment of a sound development-oriented institutional environment. Although the international development arena has experienced this fundamental shift, very little research has been done , thus far, on the dynamics of KwaZulu Natal 's institutional environment. As such very little is known about its efficacy in supporting or initiating development programmes in the province. If one considers the enormity of the development task in KwaZulu Natal this is an extremely unsatisfactory situation. KwaZulu Natal undoubtedly needs a sound institutional environment that supports development, thus making a study of how the province's institutional environment impacts on development imperatives an extremely important endeavour. It is hoped that this dissertation helps in some small way to fill the research void that is clearly apparent in KwaZulu Natal. It needs to be iterated right at the outset, however, that this dissertation is not meant to be an extensive, all encompassing critique of KwaZulu Natal's institutional environment. It is rather an exploration of those important issues pertaining to its institutional environment that impact so dramatically on development imperatives in the province. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.