Background: To investigate the link between depressive symptoms and physical activity (PA) by examining their association across genders, age, and race/ethnicity. Methods: Data of the cross-sectional study were from the 2011 and 2015 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System. The Patient Health Questionnaire-8, a well-validated instrument to measure depressive symptoms was used. PA was categorized as active, moderately active, and inactive. A generalized linear model specified with a Poisson distribution and log link was performed to investigate the association between depressive symptoms and PA across population characteristics. Results: No significant association between PA and depressive symptoms between genders and across racial/ethnic groups was found. Persons aged 65 years or older showed a significantly lower risk of depressive symptoms than those below 45 years when physically active (Adjusted Prevalence Ratio (APR) 0.36, 95% CI = 0.16–0.82) and moderately active (APR 0.39, 95% CI = 0.16–0.98). Limitations: The study included only leisure-time PA. Well-designed surveys that reflect a wider scope of PA are needed to strengthen the analysis. Conclusions: Compared to younger adults, older adults may gain further health benefits in reducing the risk of depressive symptoms by being physically active. Similar health benefits may be gained from PA between genders and between racial/ethnic groups. The different association between PA and depressive symptoms provides practical implications for the effective management of depressive symptoms in persons with diabetes.

In this re-evaluation of the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, I identify the original causes that made the Study emerge, examine why the intent of this research shifted over time, reveal the manner in which the Study was conducted, expose the role the government played in the manipulation of the Experiment, and, finally, investigate the ways, as well as the reasons, for the selection of the participants involved in the Study. After exploring the Experiment itself, I investigate the lasting effects of it on the community in which it occurred and the ways in which it further affected the relationship between African Americans and the United States Government. I explore the reasons for the involvement of Tuskegee Institute. Also, the philosophies of its founder, Booker T. Washington, are examined to discover the rationale behind the Institution's participation in an Experiment, which eventually became harmful. Finally, I hope to reveal why Tuskegee has been historically omitted from any blame in the Study.

Background Discrimination is a pervasive societal issue that monumentally impacts people of color (POC). Many Black, Asian, and Hispanic/Latinx individuals report experiencing race-based discrimination in their lifetime. Discrimination has previously been linked to adverse health outcomes among POC, including stress, depressive, and posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms. These health disparities are posited to have become exacerbated by COVID-19 and the racial awakening of 2020. The current study examined the short- and long-term effects of discrimination on stress, depression, and oppression-based trauma among POC. Methods Participants were (n = 398) who identified as Black, Indigenous, Hispanic/Latinx, and Asian completed an online self-report survey assessing discrimination, depression, stress, and oppression-based trauma collected at 3 time points: (T1) beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic (May 2020), (T2) 6 weeks later during the racial awakening of 2020 (June 2020), (T3) one year later (June 2021). Results Significant positive paths were revealed from T1 discrimination to T2 depression, T2 stress, and T3 oppression-based trauma. The association between T1 discrimination and T3 oppression-based trauma was partially mediated by T2 depression, but not by stress; total and total indirect effects remained significant. The final model accounted for a significant proportion of the variance in T3 oppression-based trauma, T2 depression, and T2 stress. Conclusion Findings are consistent with prior research linking discriminatory experiences with mental health symptomatology and provide evidence that race-based discrimination poses harmful short-and long-term mental health consequences. Further research is necessary to better understand oppression-based trauma to improve the accuracy of clinical diagnosis and treatment of POC.

No description available.

No description available.

American schooling and Indigenous peoples share a coarse relationship mired by devastating periods of forced removal, indoctrination, and brutal assimilation methods. Over the course of more than a century of failed education policy—though often veiled in good intentions—Indigenous peoples have yet to witness a comprehensive Indigenous education program that fundamentally honors the federal trust responsibility of the United States government. On the contrary, with a contemporary approach of apathy, invisibility, and institutionalization, it is not difficult to see the legacy of settler colonialism continuing to wield its oppressive influence on Indigenous communities. Wolfe’s (2006) claim that “invasion is a structure, not an event” (p. 388), prompts the recognition of the coloniality of power—referring to the interpellation of modern forms of exploitation and domination, long after the termination of formal colonial operations. This decolonizing interpretive approach of this dissertation served to: a) examine the historical and philosophical foundations of colonizing epistemicides and their impact on contemporary Indigenous education; and b) move toward the formulation of a decolonizing Indigenous curricular framework for contemporary Indigenous education. Grounded in Antonia Darder’s (2012, 2019) critical bicultural theory and a decolonizing interpretive methodology, this qualitative study examined the complex factors facing the indigenization of education, while implicating the pernicious impact of epistemicides and a culture of forgetting. The study provided a robust framework by which to situate a particular curricular approach through a set of five decolonizing principles that aim to shape a meaningful reflection of Indigenous consciousness. A commitment to these decolonizing principles necessarily means an emancipatory re-reading of Indigenous relations within the scope of contemporary education. It calls on educational leaders to paradoxically ground their decision-making in the ancestral teachings of Indigenous communities, for a genuine reimagination of self-determination and sovereignty in the contemporary moment.

In this thesis, I trace my personal journey and the precursors of unlearning and conversation necessary to start to move towards anti-racism. With a focused look on specific aspects of feminist history, Scripps College as a place was historically contextualized. This allowed for an exploration of its student body, a look at the ways in which traditional gender meanings and expectations necessarily operate within that space. White students who claim the label feminist add complexity to that space, though their reactions to conversations of race can be traced back to the historic and gender over-determined systems of domination and victimhood that produce caustic white feminist tears. Finally, different ways of having difficult conversations are discussed, along with detailed understandings of why those conversations are necessary. In conclusion, I try to envision a kind of feminism that I would like myself and my peers to continue to work for, and emphasize again the sort of education that one must undergo in order to continue their awareness and work.

Blacks who have descended from the nineteenth century Atlantic slave trade have historically debated and worked to claim a sense of cultural identity that reflects their African heritage and their identity as diasporic. I am particularly interested in how people of the black Atlantic claim their multiple identities since, for people of a diaspora, one main factor is the fact that they inhabit multiple spaces but cannot call any home. How does transnationalism become a better way to describe the cultural identity of those in the "black Atlantic" since these people have to create new or adapted identities as they move from place to place? For Paul Gilroy, the "black Atlantic" applies to people who descended from slaves forced to come to New World (19). In a sense, slavery is a major part of African diasporic history, but I would claim that as time has progressed and people of this lineage came to find homes in the Caribbean, America, and Europe and they have not lost their heritage. Instead, they have retained these identities in a transnational sense. Multiple cultural identities become integrated into each transnational individual, making each person unique to his or her culture without losing sight of his or her common heritage. I explore these identity formations through a close reading of The Butterfly's Way: Voices from the Haitian Dyaspora (sic) in the United States (2001), a collection of short stories, poetry, and personal accounts from Haitian diaspora in the United States, whose stories delve into the issue of transnational identity. The idea of diaspora as read in the text of The Butterfly's Way emphasizes that the more fluid and encompassing terms of hybridity and transnationalism more accurately describe the geographical movements and consequential amassing of black identification within Paul Gilroy's concept of the "black Atlantic." My analysis is supported by a survey of theoretical discourses, particularly those related to black identity. I utilize post-colonial theory while focusing particularly on transnationalism and diasporic studies through Stuart Hall, as well as W.E.B. Du Bois's conception of "double consciousness" to support and develop my argument on how blacks negotiate multiple identities (11). To discuss the formation of a people, I use the work of political theorist Ernesto Laclau, in particular, his arguments in On Populist Reason (2007) on group identity and demand. Gilroy's concept of the "black Atlantic" has many similarities to Laclau’s notion of the "empty signifier" as a way for people to form groups for collective action. I conclude that transnationalism works as better way to describe the black diaspora since black descendants of slaves have retained multiple identities as Africans as well as citizens of their current nations. My paper argues that transnationalism and hybridity function as better terms to describe people who have the Atlantic slave trade in their history.

This thesis addresses how Japanese and Japanese Americans may have lived and been perceived in Virginia from 1900s through the 1950s. This work focuses on their positions in society with comparisons to the nation, particularly during the “Jim Crow” era of “colored” and “white,” and after the bombing of Pearl Harbor in 1941. It highlights various means of understanding their positions in Virginia society, with emphasis on Japanese visitors, marriages of Japanese in Virginia, and the inclusion of Japanese in higher education at Roanoke College, Randolph-Macon College, William and Mary, University of Virginia, University of Richmond, Hampden-Sydney College, and Union Theological Seminary. It also takes into account the Japanese experience in Virginia during Japanese internment, while focusing on the Homestead, Virginia, as well as the experiences of Japanese students and soldiers, which ultimately showed Virginia was distinct in its mild treatment towards the Japanese as compared to the West Coast.

Using the film La Haine (1995), directed by Mathieu Kassovitz, as an object of analysis, this paper explores culture as a tool of exclusion in France through sociological, architectural, and political contexts. It investigates La Haine as one of the first representations of the banlieue to mainstream French audiences, as well as the ways in which the film reveals how immigrants and children of immigrants struggle to find personal, cultural, and national identity in France.