En 1985 Alemania Occidental, Bélgica, Francia, Luxemburgo, y los Países Bajos, establecieron el Acuerdo de Schengen sobre la cooperación en la abolición de fronteras interiores como respuesta al Acta Única Europea que creó el mercado común en la Unión Europea. Este acuerdo se evolucionaría a la Convención de Dublín en 1990, y los dos se convertirían en la base de la política de asilo en la Unión Europea, estableciendo un enfoque intergubermental en ella. Es la provisión del mercado común sobre la libre circulación de personas que inició estos acuerdos intergubermentales. La libre circulación de personas involucra a todo extranjero también, incluyendo a los refugiados. A lo largo de esta tesis, se explora las razones para el establecimiento de los acuerdos intergubermentales y que efecto tienen en la formación de la política de asilo en la Unión Europea. También explora el efecto para la obligación a los refugiados según la Convención sobre el estatuto de los refugiados de 1951. Con el precedente de los acuerdos intergubermentales como Schengen y Dublín y la desgana de renunciar a la soberanía nacional sobre el asilo, el enfoque intergubermental, o sea, la cooperación en asuntos fronterizos en vez de la armonización de las políticas nacionales, queda aun cuando se incorporaron Schengen y Dublín a la ley comunitaria durante la época del Tratado de Ámsterdam. Sólo con el Tratado de Lisboa entonces podemos ver un cambio en el régimen de asilo fuera del enfoque intergubermental, más hacia la armonización.

In his groundbreaking work of postcolonial theory, Orientalism, Edward Said puts forth the idea that imperial Europe asserted an identity by constructing the character of its colonized subjects. Said writes that his book tries to “show that European culture gained in strength and identity by setting itself off against the Orient as a sort of surrogate and even underground self” (3). The object of this thesis is a related project, for it too is a search for imperial Britain’s surrogate or underground self. Yet rather than positioning this search within the British colonies, this thesis takes as its context a land and people that were at once more intimate and more alien: the races and landscapes of Fairyland. This Thesis attempts to situate the fairy folklore and literature from the Victorian era within the context of greater social and political ideologies of the age, specifically those pertaining to national identity, imperial power and race. In doing so it will analyze Charles Kingsley’s Water-Babies, Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, Kenneth Grahame’s The Golden Age, George MacDonald’s The Princess and the Goblin, Charlotte Brontë’s Jane Eyre and Frances Hodgson Burnett’s The Secret Garden concluding that the British self proposed by these works was an uncomfortable manifestation, and haunted by the anxieties and discontinuities that arose as imperial Britain attempted to navigate an identity within Victorian conceptions of race and power.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

This research utilizes an agency framework to examine the complexities of the participation of indigenous women in local, national, and global spaces of activism. By examining the connections between processes of globalization of indigenous and women’s rights, development agendas, local politics, and gender dynamics in indigenous organizations, this research highlights the connection of ethnicity, gender, and power in an indigenous organization of Cotacachi, Ecuador, and for Ecuadorian and Latin American indigenous leaders and professionals working in national and global arenas. Four interconnected topics are explored: (1) the understanding of indigenous women’s participation in the history of their organization within a context of interethnic discrimination and poverty that especially affects indigenous women; (2) the relation between indigenous women and the changing demands on indigenous leadership due to reconfigurations of rural livelihoods, the ascendance of the indigenous movement as a political actor, and the sustained presence of development projects; (3) the challenges indigenous women face and the strategies they enact as local leaders in their communities and organization negotiating essentialized constructions of indigenous women’s identity and forms of gender inequality; (4) the transition to local, national, and international formal politics and indigenous activism in which indigenous women’s legitimacy increasingly necessitates both experience in the indigenous movement and professionalization and expert knowledge. Using an ethnographic methodology including interviews and participant observation, the research explores the participation of indigenous female leaders who, even if their strategies have favored working within the indigenous movement’s wider agenda, are also contesting forms of gender, ethnic, and class inequality they find in their own organizations and beyond. Thus, the research highlights the challenges they face, the strategies they resort to, and the possibilities of articulating a differentiated agenda that reflect their particular interests.

My dissertation explores the narrative of Aurora Bertrana (1892-1974), an unknown writer today, but a successful and recognized female author in Catalonia and Spain during the mid 20th century. The written work of Aurora Bertrana is almost never mentioned in manuals of literature. Relegated almost to absolute oblivion, her rich, intellectual writting has not received the attention it deserves. I have studied seventeen of Bertrana’s novels –practically her entire oeuvre– written in Catalan and Spanish, including the following excellent books that have escaped critical attention: Ariatea (1960), “El pomell de les violes” (mn.), L’inefable Philip (mn.), La aldea sin hombres (mn.), La madrecita de los cerdos (mn.), Entre dos silencis (1958), La ninfa d’argila (1959), Fracàs (1966) and La ciutat dels joves: reportatge fantasia (1971). I have analyzed her writing, published and unpublished, from a feminist approach, taking into account the intellectual history of Spain and Catalonia. Bertrana’s strong commitment to controversial, social issues reveals her association with the modern and noucentists Catalan trends of her time. Her novels also reveal a unique interest in Europe at war and in non-Western cultures and lifestyles that draws attention to the situation of women in different circumstances and cultural geographies. My research is therefore anchored on interpretive and theoretical parameters that intersect, with a consideration of gender, such as class-and-gender, war-and-gender and travel-and-gender. I have used the work of feminists such as Simone De Beauvoir, Shulamith Firestone, Jelke Boesten, Margaret and Patrice Higonnet, Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo, and Julia Kristeva to help assess Bertrana’s engagement with gender and socio-political issues. This approach is particularly well suited for a writer like Aurora Bertrana, a Catalan and Republican intellectual woman forced into exiled during the Spanish Civil War and the dictatorship of Francisco Franco.

When writing about Junot Díaz’s Drown (1996) Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao (2007) and This is How You Lose Her (2012), I focus on the iterations of masculinity depicted and embodied by Yunior de las Casas, the primary narrator of this collection. I explore the links between diaspora, hybridity, masculinity, and trauma, arguing that both socio-historical and personal traumatic experience reverberates through the psyches and bodies of Díaz’s characters. I demonstrate the relationship between Yunior’s navigation of the United States and the Dominican Republic and his ever-shifting sexuality, self-presentation, and gender identity. The physical and discursive spaces he must traverse contain multiple, contradictory narratives about how to be a man; within Díaz’s collection, we witness Yunior’s coming-to-terms with the way that these stories of masculinity are rendered dysfunctional and incoherent. Accordingly, Yunior uses the hegemonic discourses of masculinity as a way to cloak his own queer difference, ambivalently interacting and identifying with characters marked as Other. In this analysis, I read Yunior’s masculinity as reactionary to the expectations of Domincan society, and also explore how he shaped by migration, trauma, and unspeakable queer desire.

During the 1960s and 1970s, tribes across Indian Country struggled for tribal sovereignty against “termination” policies that aimed to disintegrate the federal government’s trust responsibilities and treaty obligations to tribes and assimilate all Indians into mainstream society. Individual tribes, pan-Indian organizations, and militant Red Power activists rose up in resistance to these policies and fought for self-determination: a preservation of Indian distinctiveness and social and political autonomy. This thesis examines a crucial, but often overlooked, element of the self-determination movement. Hundreds of tribal and national-scope activist newspapers emerged during this era and became the authentic voices of American Indians and the messengers of the movement. This thesis examines the stories of several key newspapers. By looking at the opportunities and challenges their editors faced and the different approaches they took, this thesis will assess how they succeeded and fell short in telling authentic stories from Indian Country, fighting for distinct indigenous culture and rights, and reshaping public discourse and policy on American Indian affairs.

Thesis (Ed. S.)--Miami University, Dept. of Educational Psychology, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 41-45).

Cette thèse analyse certaines formes de gouvernance de la jeunesse en matière de politiques de sécurité publique, celles-ci étant perçues comme des réponses de l’Etat à l’accroissement et à la généralisation d’un sentiment d’insécurité et de peur dans la société contemporaine. Pour ce faire, j’interroge des pratiques de gouvernementalité qui se manifestent dans les périphéries urbaines - et, en particulier, chez les jeunes qui y habitent - en les considérant comme le résultat d’un changement et d’une intensification de la façon dont l’Etat pratique la gouvernance des conduites. L’approche théorico-méthodologique utilisée ici se situe à l’interface des études de genre, des études culturelles et de l’anthropologie politique, s’appuyant notamment sur des perspectives qui proposent un rapprochement critique avec la théorisation foucaldienne. Le travail s’inscrit donc dans le champ d’une ethnographie post-moderne, à partir d’une combinaison de méthodologies et de modèles d’écriture divers. Pour procéder à mon analyse, j’ai choisi deux terrains de recherche. Le premier a été le quartier Guajuviras, à Canoas, ville de la région métropolitaine de Porto Alegre, dans l’Etat du Rio Grande do Sul, Brésil. Ce quartier accueille des actions du Programa Nacional de Segurança Pública e Cidadania (Pronasci), (Programme National de Sécurité Publique et de Citoyenneté), développées là-bas sous le nom Território de Paz (Territoire de Paix). Le deuxième terrain a été la ville de Grigny Centre, située dans la région métropolitaine de Paris et considérée comme l’une des plus « explosives » de la périphérie parisienne. J’y ai analysé un ensemble d’actions de prévention et de répression de la criminalité dans le cadre des politiques de la ville. Les sources de recherche ont été ainsi constituées : 1) documents officiels de la presse et tracts de diffusion ; 2) récits littéraires, musicaux et filmiques ; 3) annotations des souvenirs de terrain, transcriptions de groupes de discussion et entretiens ; 4) images photographiques. Les différents matériaux ont été analysés dans la perspective d’une analyse culturelle, ancrée dans la théorisation foucaldienne. Il a été possible de mettre en évidence le fait que les politiques de sécurité soient devenues des éléments capitaux dans l’agenda politique des deux pays, avec des propositions de solutions adressées aux jeunes hommes issus, surtout, des groupes considérés en situation de risque et de vulnérabilité sociale. Le Território de Paz au Brésil, se caractérise par une certaine technique de gouvernement. Il organise des activités de manière à (essayer) de réguler la diversité de la vie juvénile. En France, l’Etat procède de manière à criminaliser et à culpabiliser la jeunesse pauvre, arabe et noire, pour des situations considérées auparavant comme de simples incivilités. En ce qui concerne les jeunes et l’élaboration de leurs formes identitaires, fortement traversées par des marqueurs de classe, race et genre au Brésil, et de genre et race / ethnie en France, il a été possible de mettre en exergue une force vitale encore peu valorisée comme puissance de changement : il s’agit de la capacité des jeunes à élaborer des théories sur leurs propres conditions et trajectoires personnelles. En effet, les jeunes perçoivent l’écart entre ce qui leur parait important pour leurs vies et ce que leur proposent ou leur offrent les politiques de l’Etat. / Esta tese analisa determinadas formas de governamento da juventude em políticas de segurança pública, entendendo-as como respostas do Estado à expansão e à generalização de um sentimento de insegurança e medo na sociedade contemporânea. Para isso, discuto práticas de governamentalidade que atingem as periferias urbanas e, de modo particular, os/as jovens que lá habitam, considerando-as como resultados de uma alteração e uma intensificação dos modos como o Estado exerce o governo das condutas. A abordagem teórico-metodológica situa-se na interface dos estudos de gênero, dos estudos culturais e da antropologia política, principalmente as perspectivas que propõem uma aproximação crítica com a teorização foucaultiana; o trabalho posiciona-se no campo de uma etnografia pós-moderna, a partir de uma combinação de metodologias e de modos de escrita. Para efetivar minha análise elegi dois lócus de pesquisa. Um deles foi o bairro Guajuviras, em Canoas, cidade da região metropolitana de Porto Alegre, no Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. O bairro recebe ações do Programa Nacional de Segurança Pública e Cidadania (Pronasci), ali implementadas com o nome de Território de Paz. O segundo lócus foi a cidade de Grigny Centre, na região metropolitana de Paris, na França, considerada uma das cidades mais “explosivas” entre as periferias parisienses; analisei um conjunto de ações de prevenção e repressão à criminalidade situadas nas politiques de la ville. Constituíram fontes de pesquisa: (i) documentos oficiais, de órgãos de imprensa e panfletos de divulgação; (ii) narrativas literárias, musicais e fílmicas; (iii) anotações das recordações de campo, transcrições de grupos de discussão e entrevistas; (iv) imagens fotográficas. Os materiais foram analisados na perspectiva da análise cultural, ancorada na teorização foucaultiana. Foi possível evidenciar que as políticas de segurança tornaram-se elementos centrais da agenda política dos dois países, com propostas de soluções dirigidas aos jovens homens, principalmente de grupos considerados em situação de risco e vulnerabilidade social. O Território de Paz, no Brasil, se caracteriza como uma tecnologia de governamento. Organiza atividades de modo a (tentar) regular a diversidade da vida juvenil. As ações do Estado francês operam de modo a criminalizar e a culpabilizar a juventude pobre, árabe e negra por situações consideradas anteriormente como simples incivilidades. Com relação às elaborações dos/das jovens e de suas formações identitárias, fortemente atravessadas por marcadores de classe raça e gênero no Brasil, e de gênero e raça/etnia na França, foi possível trazer à tona uma força vital que pouco tem sido valorizada como potência de mudança: trata-se da capacidade dos/das jovens de elaborarem teorias sobre suas próprias condições e trajetórias. Com efeito, os/as jovens reconhecem a disjunção entre o que seria importante nas suas vidas e o que as ações de Estado lhes propõem ou oferecem. / This paper analyses certain forms of “governamentality” of the youth, as far as public security policies are concerned. Such policies are understood as reactions from the State to the expansion and generalization of a feeling of insecurity and fear in contemporary society. To that end, I discuss “governmentality” practices directed to suburban areas and in particular to the youngsters that live there. Such practices result from the intensification of State control over youngster behaviors. The theoretical-methodological approach results from the interaction of gender studies, cultural studies and political anthropology, in particular, the perspectives that maintain a critical proximity with Foucault’s thinking. Hence, this paper is situated in the field of post-modern ethnography resulting from a combination of methodologies and distinct narratives. To carry out my analysis, I have chosen two distinct research locations. One of such locations was the Guajuviras borough in Canoas, in the suburban area of Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. The National Program of Public Security and Citizenship (PRONASCI, from the acronym in Portuguese) carries out actions in Guajuviras borough. Those actions are implemented under the title of Território de Paz (Land of Peace). The second location was the town of Grigny Centre in the suburban area of Paris, France. Grigny Centre is considered one of the “hottest spots” among Paris suburban areas. I carried out the analysis of preventive and repressive measures to combat criminality in the context of politiques de la ville. The research sources employed were the following: (i) official documents, press reports and leaflets; (ii) literature, music and film; (iii) notes from field visits, transcripts of group discussions and interviews; (iv) photos. Such materials were assessed on the basis of the cultural analysis taking into account Foucault theoretical elements. Evidence confirmed that public security policies have become central elements in the political agenda of both countries. Based on that, solutions were proposed aiming at young men in situations of social risk and vulnerability. The Brazilian government initiative Território da Paz constitutes a “governamentality” technology. It organizes its activities (in an attempt) to regulate the diversity of situations in the life of juveniles. The actions by the French State, on the other hand, are carried out in a way that result in criminalizing and generating a sense of guilty in the poor youths of Arab or African origin for actions and situations that in the past were considered only as misdemeanors. As to the rationalizations from young men and women and to their identity construction, they were characterized by markers of class, race and gender in Brazil and, in France, by markers of race/ethnicity. It was possible to bring to the surface a vital energy linked to those rationalizations that has not been properly evaluated as an enabler for change. It represents the potential of young men and women to formulate their own theories regarding their own condition and life trajectories. It is my perception that young men and women acknowledge the existence o what is relevant to their lives and what is proposed or provided by the actions from the State.

247f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-11T19:39:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcia Macedoseg.pdf: 2163527 bytes, checksum: 6780afa8a23b65f3c47a7d37991c40b7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-16T17:33:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcia Macedoseg.pdf: 2163527 bytes, checksum: 6780afa8a23b65f3c47a7d37991c40b7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-16T17:33:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcia Macedoseg.pdf: 2163527 bytes, checksum: 6780afa8a23b65f3c47a7d37991c40b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Nesta tese busco entender a realidade ainda pouco conhecida das mulheres chefes de família de classes médias em Salvador, visto que a grande maioria dos estudos sobre chefia feminina vem insistindo na homogeneidade desse grupo social e tem associado sua expansão à ampliação dos processos de pauperização, contemporaneamente sintetizado na idéia de uma feminização da pobreza. Assim, através de estudo qualitativo, me proponho a discutir as trajetórias e experiências de 32 mulheres soteropolitanas de classe média, face à condição de chefia dos seus núcleos doméstico-familiares, tentando entender a pluralidade de caminhos que levou essas mulheres – na condição de separada, viúva, solteira e mesmo de casada – a assumir a responsabilidade pela provisão econômica e exercício da autoridade junto às suas respectivas famílias. Assim, busco ainda refletir, nesse contexto, como esta experiência de chefia vem sendo conformada face à articulação interseccional dos pertencimentos sociais de classe, gênero, raça/etnia e idade/geração, dando ênfase, portanto, às possíveis interconexões entre sistemas de opressão. Nessa perspectiva, me proponho ao duplo desafio de discutir os significados dessa experiência intra-classe, a partir do entendimento da combinação dos múltiplos pertencimentos sociais e, ainda, comparativamente, buscarei entender, mesmo que em menor profundidade, na dimensão inter-classe, como essas experiências se afastam e se aproximam quando confrontadas com a realidade vivida pelas mulheres chefes de família de classes populares, a partir de pesquisa realizada anteriormente como dissertação de mestrado. / Salvador