Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / During the South African War of 1899-1902 captured civilians were directed by the British army into military controlled zones and into refugee camps which became known as concentration camps. Established near towns, mines and railway sidings these camps were separated along racial lines. The British forced black men, women and children through the violence of war into agricultural and military labour as a war resource, interning over 110,000 black civilians in concentration camps. Unlike Boer civilians who were not compelled to labour, the British forced black civilians into military labour through a policy of no work no food. According to recent scholarly work based only on the written archive, at least 20,000 black civilians died in these camps. This project uses these written archives together with archaeological surveys, excavations, and oral histories to uncover a history of seven such forced labour camps. This approach demonstrates that in constructing an understanding and a history of what happened in the forced labour camps, the written archive alone is limited. Through the work of archaeology which uncovers material evidence on the terrain and the remains of graves one can begin to envisage the scale an extent of the violence that characterized the experience of forced laborers in the 'black concentration camps' in the South African War.

Cette thèse contribue à la littérature sur la consommation alimentaire, la malnutrition infantile et la réussite scolaire dans les pays en développement. Le premier chapitre a pour but d’estimer la relation causale entre la malnutrition et la réussite scolaire parmi un échantillon d’enfants malgaches inscrits dans le cycle primaire. Les chocs de pluie endurés lors de la petite enfance sont utilisés comme instruments exogènes pour expliquer le statut nutritionnel de long terme. Les résultats indiquent que les retards de croissance sont un obstacle important pour l’apprentissage scolaire. Le deuxième chapitre examine l’effet des cycles de distribution alimentaire sur la consommation alimentaire de ménages réfugiés. Les résultats suggèrent que la consommation moyenne de céréales diminue au fur et à mesure que l’on s’éloigne du jour de la distribution alimentaire. Cet effet est suffisamment important pour avoir un impact sur le statut nutritionnel de court terme des enfants de notre échantillon. Le troisième chapitre exploite des données de panel sur une cohorte de jeunes adultes malgaches afin d’estimer une fonction de production de capacités cognitives grâce à l’utilisation d’un modèle de valeur ajoutée. Les résultats soulignent le rôle essentiel de la scolarisation dans l’acquisition de capacités cognitives. / This thesis contributes to the literatures on food consumption, child malnutrition and school achievement in developing countries. The first chapter aims at estimating the causal relationship between malnutrition and school achievement among Malagasy children enrolled in primary school. Rainfall shocks during the first years of a child’s life are used as exogenous instruments to predict the long-term nutritional status. Results indicate that stunting is a significant obstacle to learning. The second chapter investigates the effect of food distribution cycle on refugee households’ consumption. Results suggest that the more distant thefood distribution, the less important is household’s consumption of cereals. The effect is sufficiently large to impact children short-term nutritional status. The third chapter takes advantage of a panel database of a cohort of Malagasy young adults to estimate a cognitive skills production function with a value-added approach. Results highlight the large role of schooling in the acquisition of cognitive skills.

This thesis attempts to reconcile the ‘two Rwandas’ which dominate contemporary scholarship, and seem on first glance utterly incommensurable: the inspirational developmental donor darling, and the brutal police state ruled by a shadowy ethnic clique. It argues both sides capture something, but fail to give a fair assessment of the mercurial system of political order constructed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) following the Genocide of 1994. This system is a durably strong state with exceptionally high levels of societal penetration capable of delivering order and other public goods, with a ruling party in a hegemonic position with a degree of medium-term stability, despite (and because of) its illiberal repressive character. Such a system is only possible because of the extremely unusual sociology of the RPF itself, forged in the refugee camps of Uganda and the Ugandan Bush War, and the structural constraints on rule within Rwanda. With these resources, the RPF has successfully made the transition from guerilla movement to hegemonic civilian political party, created bureaucratic institutions of government which penetrate to the lowest level, and hugely profitable ‘party-statals’ which co-exist alongside functioning competitive markets. Such successes are not disconnected from the violence, repression, and extra-judicial coercion which remain crucial to the regime. Analyses which think the positive aspects of Rwanda’s current ‘miracle’ can be mimicked without the accompanying domination and autocracy are engaging in wishful thinking. Crucially, given how distinctive the enabling conditions for Rwanda’s current political dispensation are, the extent to which Rwanda can be a policy exemplar or ‘best-practice’ for other African states to follow is in any case seriously overstated.

This thesis makes two related arguments regarding the academic field of migration and refugee studies (MARS) and the control of migration by UK state agencies. The first, and more empirical one, is that the former facilitated the latter: the field’s members provided symbolic, technical, and pedagogic assistance to two non-departmental public bodies in controlling migration. The second, and more theoretical, argument of this thesis is that MARS facilitated migration control because of culture, power, and structure. It is through the field’s implication in the coercion of its human subjects by UK state agencies that MARS academics a) answered their calling, b) assisted class rule as ideologists, and c) separated sacred and profane by policing endogamy. The introduction describes the existing literature on the relationship between MARS and migration control. The consensus is that the former facilitated the latter. However, these studies fail to provide detailed accounts of the ways in which it did so. Chapter One defines the elements of my more empirical argument: MARS and migration control. An historical narrative outlines the institutional development of the field since its beginnings in the early 1980s. Then a new model for understanding migration control – i.e., migrant CODAR – is described. Chapter Two uses this model to trace the actor network through which MARS academics facilitated the restriction of their human subjects’ mobility by the UK state agencies of the Advisory Panel on Country Information and the Migration Advisory Committee. Chapters Three, Four, and Five use Weberian, Marxist, and Durkheimian anthropological approaches (respectively) to explain the implication of MARS and migration control that is described in Chapters One and Two. Finally, the conclusion of the thesis discusses its contributions to both more particular (i.e., the literature surveyed in the introduction on MARS and migration control) and more general (i.e., anthropology) scholarly fields.

This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.

La violence chronique qui caractérise la Somalie depuis plus de deux décennies a forcé près de deux millions de personnes à fuir. Cette ethnographie étudie l’expérience de l’asile prolongé de jeunes Somaliens qui ont grandi au camp de Kakuma, au Kenya. Leur expérience est hors du commun, bien qu’un nombre croissant de réfugiés passent de longues années dans des camps pourtant conçus comme temporaires, en vertu de la durée des conflits et de la normalisation de pratiques de mise à l’écart de populations « indésirables ». Nous explorons la perception qu’ont ces jeunes de leur environnement et de quelle façon leur exil structure leur perception du passé et de leur pays d’origine, et de leur futur. Ce faisant, nous considérons à la fois les spécificités du contexte et l’environnement global, afin de comprendre comment l’expérience des gens est façonnée par (et façonne) les dynamiques sociales, politiques, économiques et historiques. Nous observons que le camp est, et demeure, un espace de confinement, indépendamment de sa durée d’existence ; bien que conçu comme un lieu de gestion rationnelle des populations, le camp devient un monde social où se développent de nouvelles pratiques ; les jeunes Somaliens font preuve d’agentivité et interprètent leur expérience de manière à rendre leur quotidien acceptable ; ces derniers expriment une frustration croissante lorsque leurs études sont terminées et qu’ils peinent à s’établir en tant qu’adultes, ce qui exacerbe leur désir de quitter le camp. En effet, même s’il existe depuis plus de 20 ans, le camp demeure un lieu de transition. L’expérience de jeunes Somaliens qui ont grandi dans un camp de réfugiés n’a pas été étudiée auparavant. Nous soutenons que cette expérience est caractérisée par des tensions entre contraintes et opportunités, mobilité et immobilité, isolation et connexion ou victimisation et affirmation du sujet – et des temporalités contradictoires. Cette étude souligne que des notions comme la convivialité ou la pluralité des appartenances développées dans la littérature sur la cohabitation interethnique dans les villes ou sur l’identité des migrants aident à appréhender le réalité du camp. Cette ethnographie montre également que, loin d’être des victimes passives, les réfugiés contribuent à trouver des solutions à leur exil. / Chronic violence has characterized Somalia for over two decades, forcing nearly two million people to flee. This ethnography studies the experience of protracted exile of Somalis who were raised in Kakuma refugee camp, in Kenya, and are now young adults. Their experience is relatively uncommon, although increasing numbers of people spend long periods in camps conceived as temporary, due to the length of conflicts and the normalization of excluding populations deemed undesirable. I explore how young people perceive their living environment and how growing up in exile structures their view of the past and their country of origin, and the future and its possibilities. In doing so, I regularly shift perspectives from the specificities of the context to the global environment, to understand how people’s experience is shaped by (and shapes) the social, political, economical and historical dynamics in which it is embedded. My observations can be summarized into a few broad statements: regardless of how long it has existed, the camp is and remains a space of containment; conceived as a rationally organized space to manage populations, the camp becomes a messier social world where new practices develop; young Somalis display agency and interpret their experience in a way that makes the present bearable; frustration grows when Somali youth complete their education and struggle to establish themselves as adults, catalyzing their determination to leave Kakuma. Indeed, although refugees have been living there since the early 1990s, the camp remains a space of transition. Although there have been a number of studies on refugee camps in Kenya, no study has focused on the experience of Somali youth raised in a refugee camp. I argue that this experience is traversed and shaped by tensions between constraints and opportunities, mobility and immobility, isolation and connectedness, victimization and affirmation of the subject, citizenship and refugeeness – and by conflicting temporalities. This ethnographic study highlights the fact that notions such as conviviality or the multiplicity of people’s belongings developed in the literature on interethnic cohabitation in cities or the ethnic identity of migrants, help us to understand the camp experience. This research also shows that, far from being powerless victims, people actively contribute to finding solutions to their exile.

Internally Displaced Persons ('IDPs') outnumber refugees by two to one and often have the same fears, needs and wants as refugees recognised as such under international law. However, refugee status entails international protection, while IDPs are left to the protection of their own state, which may, but by no means necessarily, be the very entity that has forced them to flee in the first place. In recent years, there have been significant developments in the realm of IDP protection. This includes the conclusion of two regional treaties on the protection of IDPs, the development of relevant soft law instruments, and the reformed 'Cluster Approach' of humanitarian response. Although the increased focus on IDP protection is a welcome development, the UNHCR has expressed the fear that 'activities for the internally displaced may be (mis)interpreted as obviating the need for international protection and asylum.' This thesis represents the first legal analysis of the relationship between the protection of IDPs and International Refugee Law. It will discuss five key challenges in this respect. First, the challenge of drawing the attention of the international community to the plight of IDPs; second, the challenge of developing an appropriate framework for the protection of IDPs; third, the challenge of ensuring that internal protection is not interpreted as a substitute for asylum; fourth; the challenge of determining the relationship between complementary protection and internal displacement; and fifth, the challenge of ensuring that IDP protection in an inter-agency context does not trigger the application of Article 1D of the Refugee Convention, rendering the Convention inapplicable to the recipients of that protection. This thesis will conclude by setting out the future challenges in the relationship between IDP protection and International Refugee Law, by identifying questions left open for further research, and by illustrating the overall impact and importance of this thesis' findings.

HORÁK, Pavel, Počátky poúnorového sociálnědemokratického exilu (1948-1953) [Forming of socialdemocratic post-February exile (1948-1953)], Praha, Karlova univerzita, Filozofická fakulta, Ústav českých dějin, 2014, 392 s. Vedoucí diplomové práce Doc. PhDr. Jana Čechurová, Ph.D. The study aims to answer questions in which way was formed socialdemocratic exile party in the years 1948-1953. It studies who, how and why could have or wanted to have been involved in this process. The topic is viewed from the institutional perspective of an "exile party". It analyses how was the party organised and negotiated. Besides personal stories in the background of refugee everydayness it also looks into what it meant to a be a "social democrat" in "post-February exile" and whether the "exile party" created its own sphere of communicative space for formulating program and various demands and initiatives. The work focuses on the formative period of "exile". It is delimited by the year 1953 which proved a long-term, bipolar character of the world order. The hypothesis is the statement that the "exile socialdemocratic party" was formed in the frame of Czechoslovakian post-February migration as an institution which was creating its own communication, social and migration networks based on specific criteria. At the same...

The average time for an individual to be located in a refugee situation is 17 years. That people are fleeing for such a long period of their life means that a large part of their human rights can easily be neglected. This study examines the humanitarian organizations MSB’s and UN- HCR's implementation of refugee camps and how they allow refugees to play a part in this process. This essay intends to examine the policy the organizations adhere to, namely the in- ternationally recognized handbooks Handbook of Emergencies and The Sphere Project. Em- pirical material is based on a qualitative interview method where a comparison between poli- cy and practice is investigated. Employees of organizations and experts on refugee camp de- sign, management and urban planning have served as respondents in this study. The city planning theory collaborative rationality is used to examine the empirical data to answer how organizations work with refugee camps, if a dialogue processes occur between organizations and refugees, and what benefits the theory can provide. This is followed by a discussion re- garding the human rights of the refugees and whether these are considered in the implementa- tion of the camp. A question raised in the discussion is whether a clarification of the concept could help the organizations' employees to meet the human rights of the refugees. The aim of this thesis is to create an interdisciplinary understanding across disciplinary boundaries. The idea is that the amalgamation of disciplines can improve the humanitarian organizations’ work and aid refugees living conditions. This study highlights a discrepancy in the relation- ship between policy and practice in relation to the procedure manuals, but also in relation to refugees and the satisfaction of human rights. A majority of the respondents testify a wish that a dialogue should be conducted between the organization and the recipients of humanitar- ian aid but that issues such as time pressure, ignorance and power relations complicates this process. What is needed for an improvement of dialogue processes is that the organizations need to take clearer positions on how the practical implementation should play out which would more easily control their employees to execute their work. States need to review their approach to refugees and to take responsibility for the people who need help. Last but not least, the concept of human rights and Nussbaum's definition of it is offered as a suggestion as to how UNHCR and MSB could simplify their work to accommodate that the refugees are treated within the realms of the human rights legislation.

No description available.