Cette thèse contribue à la littérature sur les manifestations, la participation des femmes au marché du travail et la migration de retour. Le premier chapitre examine l’impact des manifestations égyptiennes de 2011 sur les conditions du marché du travail des femmes en utilisant des données en panel d’avant et d’après la révolution. En utilisant la méthode des doubles différences ainsi que des données sur les «martyrs» de la révolution égyptienne, les résultats suggèrent que les manifestations de 2011 ont réduit les écarts homme-femme en termes de participation au marché du travail au sein du ménage, à travers l’effet du travailleur additionnel. Le deuxième chapitre examine l’impact de la migration temporaire sur la mobilité professionnelle des migrants de retour vis-à-vis des non-migrants. En employant l’approche de variable instrumentale, des doubles différences et des doubles différences combinées avec la méthode d’appariement, les résultats mettent en avant un effet positif de la migration de retour sur la mobilité professionnelle et surtout, pour les migrants de retour les plus éduqués. Le troisième chapitre examine l’impact des première et deuxième vagues de manifestations égyptiennes sur les résultats électoraux durant les premières élections libres et compétitives égyptiennes. Le résultat principal est qu’une exposition élevée aux manifestations mène à un pourcentage de votes plus élevé pour les candidats de l’ancien régime durant les deux tours de scrutin. Les résultats mettent aussi en lumière que les manifestions ont eu des répercussions conservatrices, aux côtés de prévisions économiques négatives, de l’insatisfaction générale à l’égard de la performance du gouvernement, de la réduction des niveaux de confiance envers les institutions publiques et de la reconnaissance croissante des limitations aux libertés civiles et politiques. / This thesis contributes to the literature on protests, women’s labor force participation and return migration. The first chapter examines the effects of the 2011 Egyptian protests on the relative labor market conditions of women using panel data from before and after the protests. Using Difference-in-Differences approach and a unique dataset on the Egyptian “martyrs", the results suggest that the 2011 protests have reduced intra-household differences in labor force participation between husband and wife, through an added-worker effect. The second chapter examines whether temporary international migration enables returnees to climb the occupational ladder compared to non-migrants. Using an instrumental variable approach, Difference-in-Differences and Difference-in-Differences matching techniques, the results suggest that return migration increases the probability of upward occupational mobility, in particular for returnees who belong to the upper end of the educational distribution. The third chapter examines the effects of the first and second waves of Egyptian protests, on voting outcomes during Egypt’s first free presidential elections. The main finding of this chapter is that higher exposure to protests’ intensity leads to a higher share of votes for former regime candidates, both during the first and second rounds of Egypt’s first presidential elections after the uprisings. Results also suggest that the protests led to a conservative backlash, alongside negative economic expectations, general dissatisfaction with government performance, decreasing levels of trust towards public institutions, and increasing recognition of limitations on civil and political liberties.

Si les centres d'appel constituent une porte d'entrée sur le marché du travail pour de plus en plus de jeunes issus du système universitaire mexicain, ils jouent le même rôle pour un autre type de population : les jeunes migrants de retour en provenance des États-Unis et du Canada. Parmi eux, on retrouve un nombre important de jeunes Mexicains qui appartiennent à cette catégorie intermédiaire que les spécialistes de la migration ont défini comme génération 1.5. Véritables symboles du tournant sécuritaire de la politique migratoire américaine après 1986, ils font partie de ces 2.1 millions de mineurs Mexicains qui n'ont jamais eu accès à un statut légal depuis qu'ils sont arrivés dans leur «pays d'accueil». À partir d'entretiens biographiques et d'une étude ethnographique prolongée auprès de ce groupe, nous avons cherché à comprendre les raisons qui expliquaient leur retour vers le Mexique. Si certains d'entre eux n'ont pas eu le choix dans cette décision, d'autres intègrent cette catégorie de retours dits «volontaires». Plus qu'un véritable choix, cette bifurcation dans leur trajectoire biographique est une réponse à la situation d'enfermement social, économique et physique à laquelle se retrouvent confrontés les immigrants illégaux aux États-Unis. De retour au Mexique, ils intègrent en nombre les centres d'appel bilingues offshore où leur expérience migratoire leur permet de palier le manque de diplômes qui les caractérisent presque tous. Si le fait que ce secteur soit à la recherche constante de main d’œuvre leur offre une sécurité sur le marché de l'emploi, on constate qu'il est aussi souvent l'unique secteur rentable auquel ces jeunes migrants de retour ont accès. / Not only are call centres a gateway into the labour market for young Mexican university students, but they are also becoming more and more significant for young Mexican return migrants from the USA and Canada. The latter are largely represented by young Mexican migrants referred to by migration scholars as belonging to the 1.5 generation. A symbol of the securitarian turn of American immigrant policies after 1986, they are a portion of the total of 2.1 million Mexicans who, arrived as minors, have not yet been able to acquire legal status in their "host country".Drawing from life histories interviews and from ethnographic fieldwork in Mexico City the thesis investigates the reasons that explain why they have returned to Mexico. For some the choice has not been of their making, yet others have willingly decided to return. More than a choice, this turning point in their lives is a response to the awareness of the social, economic and physical limitations they encounter as illegal immigrants in the USA. Once having returned to Mexico, most of them are employed in offshore bilingual call centres where their migration experience gives them a linguistic and cultural advantage compensating their lack of institutionally recognized educational degrees. While having a preferential position in this expanding sector, constantly recruiting new workers, nonetheless it is the only sector which offers good job opportunities for them.

Albanians are known for their long legacy in migrating worldwide for economic reasons, especially in Europe. Yet, return programs and policies are falling behind to meet the needs of those migrants who decides to return to their home country. The aim of this study is to explore the topic of return migration and reintegration in the context of Albanian migrants. To this end, this thesis answers three research questions: 1) What are the forces driving Albanians to emigrate from their country of origin? 2) What are reasons that Albanians return to their country of origin? 3) What are the challenges that Albanian returnees face during the reintegration process in Albania? The main theoretical lenses adapted by this study are the social network theory, the theory of reintegration, and push-pull factors. Through a qualitative research, based on semi-structured interviews, this study identifies as pull factors of migration higher paying jobs and employment opportunities, while recognising educational systems and labour laws as push factors. Furthermore, discrimination and unsuccessful acculturation resulted as key drivers of return. Finally, this study investigates dysfunctional systems, unresponsive public institutions, and economic difficulties as significant challenges throughout returnees’ reintegration.

本論文包括三篇有關「勞動力調整機制」及「失業」相關課題之研究。 這三篇研究分別在國際貿易理論的領域中，建立三個不同的理論分析架構與模型，進行討論有關勞動力調整的主題，整個論文的主軸及行文順序如下： 第一篇文章為「農村失業模型的理論與應用： WTO架構下的農業政策」，主要建構一個可能存在失業的理論模型。主要根據 Adam Smith 「剩餘生產力的出路」(vent for surplus)的理念下，本文主要針對在農村經濟出現生產要素「失業」的情況下，從剩餘生產力出路的觀點，將鄉村的過多勞動力或閒置土地，找到一個新的出口，再創造生產要素的價值。 第二篇文章為「勞動力調整機制與都市勞動力回流」，都市人口回流鄉村(return migration)為人口遷移的實證文獻所肯定的普遍現象，本文提供一個闡釋上述人口回流現象的理論基礎，討論勞動力的過度反應與都市人口回流(return migration)的形成。當鄉村地區勞動力過度外移至就業，一窩蜂跑到都市後反而成為都市中的失業人口，最後再選擇回流鄉村的動態行為模式。 最後，第三篇文章為「職前訓練與勞動力調整機制」，結合實質景氣循環模型中內生的勞動供給與跨部門的調整成本 (adjustment costs)的動態分析架構，從勞動者可以自己選擇要投入工作賺取報酬，或是不工作的決定，亦即，勞動者衡量「休閒」與「工作」所帶來的效用差異，決定投入生產的勞動供給量。同時，也考量到勞動市場的內部移動會造成資源配置的調整成本，因此，我們考慮勞動力跨部門移動需要經過職業訓練(training)的過程，才可正式生產。準此，在「內生的勞動供給」模型中納入「職業訓練」調整成本之後，能夠進一步釐清勞動市場內部的調整機制與其配置。

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This thesis revolves around two themes. The first is whether granting citizenship to immigrant children at birth affects their parents’ return migration decisions and integration into the host-country society. Evaluating the introduction of birthright citizenship in Germany in 2000, I show in chapter 1 that migrant families are less likely to return to their home countries if their children automatically obtain the German citizenship. Chapter 2 continues the analysis of the same reform and finds that it has different effects across integration dimensions. Finally, chapter 3 is dedicated to the second theme. It examines whether stating the profession of candidates in open-list elections influences voter satisfaction and voting behavior. The results of a field experiment conducted in Barcelona indicate that voters are more satisfied if they know the profession of the candidates and that candidates working in high-skill occupations enjoy an electoral advantage. / Esta tesis estudia dos temas. El primero es si otorgar la nacionalidad a los hijos de inmigrantes afecta las decisiones de sus padres de retornar a su país y la integración en el país de destino. En el primer capítulo muestro que las familias migrantes tienen menos probabilidad de volver a sus países de origen si sus hijos automáticamente obtienen la nacionalidad alemana. El capítulo dos sigue analizando la misma reforma y encuentra que sus efectos varían entre diferentes dimensiones de integración. Finalmente, el capítulo tres se dedica al segundo tema, el efecto de incluir la profesión de los candidatos en elecciones con listas abiertas. Los resultados de un experimento de campo en Barcelona indican que los votantes están más satisfechos si conocen la profesión de los candidatos y que los candidatos que trabajan en ocupaciones cualificadas disfrutan de una ventaja electoral.

La présente thèse aborde la question de la migration de retour sous l’angle peu commun du transfert de connaissances, au travers de la création d’entreprise, susceptible d’être novatrice, dans l’hypothèse où l’expatriation du migrant qualifié, aux fins de formation supérieure dans un pays comparativement plus développé, peut être l’occasion pour celui-ci de maîtriser un savoir ou un savoir-faire profitable à la mise en place d’affaires à plus forte valeur ajoutée dans son pays d’origine. De plus, notre travail ambitionne de pouvoir au final renseigner sur des approches opportunes pour la mobilisation des compétences diasporiques, –en faveur d’investissements servant par exemple les plans d’émergence industrielle de ce pays d’origine qu’est le Maroc– au travers de recommandations basées sur notre revue de la littérature théorique et empirique, appuyée par une étude de terrain originale et une analyse formalisée de ses résultats, suivant une démarche hypothético-déductive prédictive. Ceci, en vue de contribuer à faire face à cette rareté des études qui, comme la nôtre, font appel aux variables qualitatives (ouvertes) plus riches –pour une compréhension en profondeur du sujet– mais aussi plus complexes à traiter et à interpréter que celles se limitant aux variables quantitatives. Il s’agit ainsi, d’étudier une tranche de la diaspora marocaine de France et son degré de contribution au développement socio-économique du Maroc, de par son potentiel entrepreneurial souvent synonyme d’une plus grande valeur ajoutée à ce pays en développement, grâce aux qualités propres à cette tranche. La problématique a, en effet, pour population cible : les diplômés et étudiants originaires du Maroc qui préparent ou qui ont fait des études supérieures et/ou disposent d’une qualification professionnelle acquise en France, et dont l’éventuel projet de retour serait associé ou pas à une création d’entreprise. L'objectif recherché est donc l'étude du retour, lié à la probable intention d’entreprendre, et delà celle des variables explicatives pouvant affecter cette décision et/ou ce choix positivement ou négativement, en en repérant les incitations et les freins par l’examen d’un échantillon représentatif qui nous permettra de faire ressortir les motivations et contraintes mais aussi les opportunités qui se présentent à un candidat au retour au pays et qui serait éventuellement porteur d’un projet de création d’entreprise innovante ou non au Maroc. / This thesis addresses the issue of return migration, in the unusual terms of knowledge transfer through business creation, which may have the potential to drive innovation from the host to the home country, in the event that the expatriation of skilled migrant, for the purpose of achieving higher qualification in a comparatively more developed country, may be an opportunity for this migrant to master knowledge or know-how beneficial to value added businesses development in its country of origin. Our work also aims to provide guidance on formulating appropriate approach for mobilizing diaspora entrepreneurship to promote economic growth and development (that could, for example, be in harmony with the Moroccan national plan for industrial emergence) through recommendations, based on critical review of the theoretical and empirical literature, supported by an original field study and its formal analysis results, using an hypothetico-deductive approach, associated with econometric modeling for predictive purposes by simulations. In an attempt to contribute to fill the lack of studies, like ours, that take the challenge of making use of (open-ended) qualitative variables richer –for a deeper understanding of the subject– but also more complex to treat and interpret than quantitative variables. So, we study a portion of the Moroccan diaspora of France and its degree of contribution to the socio-economic development of Morocco, through its entrepreneurial potential, that may be synonymous with greater added value in this “developing” country thanks to the unique qualities of this portion. The problem statement, or thesis, has indeed as target population: graduates & students originating from Morocco who prepare or have completed graduate studies and /or have a professional qualification acquired in France, and whose return project may or may not be associated with starting a business in Morocco. The aim is the study of return linked to the probable intention to undertake a business project, and therefore the examination of explanatory variables that could affect, positively or negatively, this decision and/or choice, by identifying its incentives and brakes through the analysis of a representative sample that will allow us to highlight motivations and constraints, but also the opportunities that present themselves to a candidate for return who is possibly bearer or not of an innovative business creation project in Morocco.

A l'interface de la sociologie des migrations et de la sociologie politique, la thèse porte sur les migrations de retour des réfugiés congolais à partir des principaux pays d'acceuil l'afrique centrale. loin d'être regardées dans une perspective linéaire et statique entre deux sédentarités mais analysées à partir d'observation in situ et d'entretiens biographiques réalisés pendant près de seize mois dans les espaces d'accueil et de retour, les migrations de retour son intégrées ici dans un espace migratoire dynamique fait d'oppositions et de transactions entre les dispositifs du flux migratoire qui organisent et réglementent les migrations de retour, et les multiples pratiques formelles et informelles du sujet dont les intenses jeux de tension s'inscrivent dans un contexte soutenu de limitation des flux migratoires et l'accroissement de nouvelles formes de mobilité dans l'espace migratoire d'afrique centrale. / In the interface of the sociology of migration and political sociology, the thesis focuses on return migration of Congolese refugees from the main host countries of central Africa. Far from being observed in a linear and static perspective between two sedentarinesses but analyzed starting from in situ observations and from biographical interviews conducted during 16 months in host and return areas, the migrations of return are integrated in a dynamic migratory space constituted by oppositions and transactions between the biopolitic plans of retention of flows and the circulatory practices of the refugees. The accent is particularly focused on negotiating "biographical crossroads" and migratory careers of refugees from the social, spatial and political capital acquired during the refuge time. How, in these intersections between migratory careers and biopolitical plans, the returnees can define and negotiate their installations in the environment of return ?

This thesis aims to study both French and Swedish return migration policies with a practical perspective. The paper constitutes an attempt to understand how governmental institutions (such as migration authorities) deal with return migration and to clarify significant issues related to migrants’ needs for determining a successful return. Through analyzing competent literature and secondary material as starting point,the conducted study gives an interesting approach on the problematic gap between voluntary return policies in theory and in practice.

Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar o processo de constituição de uma nova forma de assentamento proposta pelo MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) no estado de São Paulo, denominada Comuna da Terra, situada em áreas nas proximidades de grandes centros urbanos, buscando identificar no que ela difere de outras formas de assentamento, no sentido de sua organização interna, e qual a sua contribuição para o avanço da luta por reforma agrária e para o desenvolvimento social e econômico brasileiro. O discurso de intelectuais e parcela do governo de que a reforma agrária não seria mais necessária; a crescente importância atribuída ao agronegócio no país, seja pela política econômica seja pela mídia; e a mudança no caráter do sujeito social da reforma agrária em determinadas regiões, foram alguns dos fatores que levaram o MST a formular essa proposta de assentamento. Para compreender a Comuna da Terra foi imprescindível analisar a questão do sujeito social da reforma agrária. Para tanto, foi necessário compreender os processos migratórios no Brasil, e mais especificamente no estado de São Paulo bem como a crescente importância da migração de retorno. Analisamos então o processo histórico que envolve os grandes centros urbanos e as vidas das classes subalternas que aí se encontram, envolvidas num processo de migração e deslocamento constantes. Analisando os projetos de vida dessa população e o projeto político do MST de constituição das Comunas da Terra, como elemento de uma nova concepção de reforma agrária, pudemos perceber que essa proposta aponta para um novo projeto de desenvolvimento para o campo, no qual elementos do urbano sejam incorporados. Ao questionar os rumos da política agrária, ao reivindicar um novo modelo de desenvolvimento para o campo, ao propor a união de movimentos rurais e urbanos, o MST acaba por colocar em debate um novo modelo de desenvolvimento também para o Brasil. A Comuna da Terra é elaborada com a proposta de ser uma forma de assentamento em que haja infra-estrutura, acesso à informação, tecnologia etc. Em que haja também uma organização espacial que propicie uma maior centralidade. Enfim, a Comuna da Terra é elaborada de forma a ter um caráter mais urbano que os assentamentos convencionais. No entanto, ela não se enquadra como espaço urbano/rural a partir de imprecisões ou transições. Não constitui um espaço em transição do rural para o urbano. É um espaço que se propõe a ser rural, posto que de reprodução do modo de vida camponês, e urbano, ou com elementos do urbano, posto que demanda os benefícios que a urbanidade criou ao longo dos séculos. / This research project aims to analyze the creation of a new kind of land reform settlement in Brazil - the Comunas da Terra, or Land Communes. These settlements were proposed by Brazil\'s movement of landless workers, the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), and they have been thus far been located in São Paulo state, close to large urban centers. The project attempts to identify the differences between Land Communes and other kinds of land reform settlements, with particular attention paid to their internal organization. The project also seeks to outline the Land Communes\' contribution to the land reform struggle and, in a broader sense, to Brazil\'s social and economic development. A number of factors led the MST to propose the Land Commune model: the discourse, common among intellectuals and some segments of the Brazilian government, claiming that agrarian reform is no longer necessary; the growing importance of agribusiness, as reflected both in economic policy and in media depictions; and, in some regions, the changing nature of the social subjects who engage in the agrarian reform process. This last factor has particular importance. In order to understand Land Communes, one must analyze agrarian reform\'s social subjects. To approach this question, in turn, one must examine Brazil\'s migratory processes, and particularly the role that São Paulo plays in these processes, as well as the increasing importance of rural return migration. This thesis therefore reviews the history of Brazil\'s major urban centers and of the subaltern classes who live in them, classes which have been continually involved in a dynamic of migration and displacement. The thesis then analyzes the life plans of people from these classes, and the MST\'s political efforts to plan the Land Communes, as two factors leading towards a new conceptualization of agrarian reform. Both types of plan - life plans and Land Commune plans - point towards a new model for rural development, a model in which elements of the city are brought into the countryside. In its challenges to current agrarian policies, in its demands for a new rural development strategy, and in its proposals for unity between rural and urban social movements, the MST has in effect opened a debate about a new development model for Brazil itself. The MST\'s Land Commune proposal envisions a type of land reform settlement in which advanced infrastructure, information access, and technology are readily available. Moreover, the proposal aims to create settlements whose spatial organization is considerably more centralized than previous types of settlement. Land Communes, in summary, are created with a considerably more urban character than conventional land reform settlements. But the Land Communes\' hybrid status, as a urban/ rural space, does not come from their planners\' indecisiveness, nor does it reflect a process of transition. Land Communes are not a transitional space in which the rural becomes urban. Rather, they are a space at once rural - because in them a peasant lifestyle is reproduced - and urban, or at least with urban elements - because their inhabitants demand the benefits that, for centuries, urbanity has created.