Turkey has made a big progress in developing democratic and thriving state in last 60 years. In its history nevertheless you can find a few moments which make its accession to EU harder. Whether it is recognition of the Armenian genocide or the divided Cyprus island. The biggest Turkish struggle is not insufficent economic development but political issues in the field of human rights. Turkish public and the government has been losing its enthusiasm towards the EU membership, partly because of the european crisis, but mainly because of the feeling, that European Union only throws obstacles into their effort. Therefore, Turkey slowly realizes its growing importance and makes its own foreign policy heading not only to Europe and the West. Both member states and the EU as a whole should try to look further into the future and set the priorities.

My research on Victor Brauner’s work in the first two decades of his affiliation with the Surrealist group in Paris re-establishes the role played by the Romanian Jewish artist in the definition of automatic Surrealist procedures of painting and mixed-technique objects that relied upon a new and unconventional understanding of the occult. In the three chapters of this study of Victor Brauner’s work in the 1930s and early 1940s, I analyse key notions, such as the fantastic, animal magnetism, and the occult practices of art making in a Surrealist context. The fantastic is discussed in the first chapter of the thesis from a literary perspective with political connotations in Surrealism, which resulted from a debate engaged in nineteenth-century French literature on the issue of the marvellous versus the fantastic. Due to the Surrealists’ interest in the fantastic a new category emerged, the fantastic art, which is examined in this first chapter in connection with Brauner’s artworks in the 1930s. The incursion into the fantastic, with focus on the premonition of the painter’s left eye loss in his artworks of the 1930s is completed with an approach to spiritualism that had a revival at the time. The second chapter of the thesis investigates the doctrine of animal magnetism and the state of magnetic somnambulism in eighteenth-century scholarship and shows how this experimentation had influenced the development of a new branch of the science, metapsychics or psychical research at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth one. I take into account and demonstrate that these outdated and modern domains of enquiry into the unknown and beyond reality were appealing to Surrealists, in particular to Brauner, due to their research into unconscious processes of the mind. I argue that through the attainment of a condition similar to the one of the somnambulist in sessions of magnetic sleep, the Surrealists aimed to generate automatic procedures of painting and object making. In the third chapter of the thesis I discuss Victor Brauner’s technique of drawing with a candle, or le cirage, as an automatic procedure of art developed in connection with the occult. This final part of the thesis makes also manifest the association of Brauner’s artworks in the early 1940s with practices of the occult in the near and centuries before past.

Pourquoi la Roumanie ne réussit-elle pas l'épreuve de l'européanisation? À travers quatre études de cas, ce mémoire souligne le rôle central occupé par les partis politiques dans le développement de la corruption en Roumanie. En adaptant la théorie créée par Jonathan Pinto, Carrie Leana et Frits Pil, il montre que le type le plus répandu de corruption n'est pas individuel mais organisationnel et se propage à travers les partis. Plus précisément, les études de cas servent à comparer les phénomènes de l'Organisation d'Individus Corrompus (OIC) et de l'Organisation Corrompue (OC). En Roumanie, les deux types coexistent. Toutefois, de par l’étendue et la puissance supérieure dans le fonctionnement de l’OC par rapport à l’OIC, de par la définition et tel que le montre l'analyse des études de cas choisies, le phénomène de l’Organisation Corrompue dans sa manifestation à l'intérieur des partis politiques a plus de conséquences négatives sur le développement économique, politique et sur l’intégration européenne du pays comprise dans le sens d’idéal démocratique et de modernité dont tout État membre de l’Union européenne tente de se rapprocher. / Why does Romania fail the Europeanization test? Using four case studies, this thesis emphasizes the central role played by political parties in the development of corruption in Romania. By adapting the theory first developed by Jonathan Pinto, Carrie Leana and Frits Pil, it shows that the most common type of corruption is not individual but organizational and spreads through political parties. More precisely, the case studies are used to compare the phenomena of Corrupt Organization (CO) and Organization of Corrupt Individuals (OCI), respectively. In Romania, the two types coexist. However, due to its extent and strength revealed by the case studies, the phenomenon of Corrupt Organization in its manifestation within political parties has more negative consequences on the economic and political development as well as on the European integration of the country.

The aim of this thesis is to design a marketing strategy. The first part presents theoretical knowledge of marketing, marketing strategy, competitive analysis and methods of penetration for new markets. In second part is introduced the company and made the analysis of the current situation. Furthermore, this work deals with analysis of the situation and competition on the Romanian markets (searching for potential distributors and their evaluation). On the basis of analysis is proposed appropriate marketing strategies, options of the penetration to the markets and costing. These options are then evaluated and selected the most appropriate.

Le sujet central de cette thèse concerne les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les régimespost-communistes et traite de la contribution de ces évolutions à la démocratisation dessystèmes politiques de l’Europe du Sud-Est, à partir d’un échantillon d’Etats (Albanie,Bulgarie, Macédoine, Roumanie et Serbie-Monténégro). La transition démocratique et lechangement de régime impliquent la construction d’une nouvelle légitimité politique. Cettelégitimité passe par les élections qui sont au coeur de la démocratie. Ce travail cherche àcomprendre comment sont choisies les règles régissant ces élections. Le choix du systèmeélectoral est, dans une grande mesure, la conséquence de plusieurs processus. L’accent mis surles facteurs déterminants de l’adoption et de la réforme électorale permet de comprendre lesmotivations et les objectifs des évolutions de la règle électorale en Europe post-communiste.L’étude de la législation réformée et l’analyse du comportement des acteurs électorauxpermettent de constater que les leaders politiques ont très souvent contourné le sensdémocratique de la norme électorale. Dans cet échantillon d’Etats, les évolutions de la règleélectorale ont eu des conséquences relatives sur le nombre des partis politiques représentés auParlement. Le changement de régime a favorisé l’alternance des majorités électorales etparlementaires. Cette alternance démontre que les principes démocratiques des électionscontribuent à la stabilisation démocratique, même si le contexte et les enjeux politiques propresà cette région favorisent une relative instabilité des majorités parlementaires etgouvernementales. / The central subject of this thesis concerns the developments of the electoral rule in postcommunistregimes and discusses the contribution of these changes to the democratization ofpolitical systems of Southeast Europe, from a sample of states (Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia,Romania and Serbia-Montenegro). Democratic transition and regime change involves theconstruction of a new political legitimacy. This legitimacy is through elections that are at theheart of democracy. This work seeks to understand how the rules are chosen these elections.The choice of electoral system is, to a large extent, the result of several processes. The focus onthe determinants of adoption and electoral reform to understanding the motivations and goalsof the developments of the electoral rule in post-communist Europe. The study of the reformedlegislation and behavior analysis of electoral allow players to see that the political leaders haveoften bypassed the democratic sense of the electoral standard. In this sample of countries,changes in the electoral rule had consequences on the number of political parties represented inParliament. Regime change has favored the alternation of parliamentary and electoralmajorities. This alternation shows that the democratic principles of elections contribute to thedemocratic stabilization, even if the context and the political stakes in this region favor a relativeinstability of parliamentary and government majority.

Cette recherche s’est initialement constituée autour de la réalisation de films documentaires et d’une collecte d’images vernaculaires produites dans le « quartier tsigane » (une « ţigănie ») du village de Dițești, au sud de la Roumanie. Dès le début de l’enquête, mes interlocuteurs m’indiquent que leur tsiganie est peuplée d’images ; des telenovelas, des images domestiques, des « films de commande familiaux », etc. Chaque situation filmée fait ainsi l’objet d’intenses négociations entre des pratiques et des expériences filmiques contrastées. Ce travail de description et de reconstitution de l’expérience vécue et sédimentée des images de mes interlocuteurs, par l’observation de ses ramifications à la fois dans le monde social et dans une histoire et une écologie des images, a successivement pris la forme d’une enquête par les arts filmiques, d’une histoire visuelle et numérique des figures tsiganes des industries culturelles roumaines, et enfin d’une archéologie des pratiques filmiques vernaculaires en ţigănie.Bien que l’échelle de l’analyse soit celle de la monographie, l’enjeu de ce travail est de montrer combien cette forme d’expérience reconfigure la pratique des arts filmiques et élargit le champ phénoménal des différentes traditions de recherche qui composent le domaine de l’anthropologie visuelle (« ethnographie expérimentale », Indigenous media et film ethnographique). En somme, cet ensemble de propositions visuelles et manuscrites considère les arts filmiques comme des outils analytiques permettant de comprendre et faire comprendre l’expérience vécue des personnes filmées et l’agentivité des images dans le monde social que nous habitons. Ce qui implique, c’est à la fois la conclusion de cette recherche et le postulat du manuscrit, de considérer les cinéastes et les interlocuteurs de l’anthropologue comme de véritables observateurs et théoriciens des images et des réalités vécues. Ainsi, en appréhendant les images au prisme de l’expérience des images des enquêtés, cette recherche expose la manière dont les arts filmiques – en tant que pratique et discipline – produisent de nouveaux questionnements anthropologiques. Complémentairement, et de manière plus critique, ce savoir des images invite à reconsidérer avec attention la manière dont les anthropologues (et les cinéastes) délèguent parfois aux technologies de l’image des fonctions descriptives, mémorielles, ou transactionnelles. / This research initially consisted of the production of documentary films and a collection of vernacular images produced in the "Gypsy Quarter" ( "ţigănie") of Diţeşti, a village in the south of Romania. From the start of this investigation, my interlocutors informed me that their ţigănie is populated by images; telenovelas, domestic pictures, “commissioned home movies”, etc. Each filmed situation is therefore the subject of intense negotiations between practices and contrasting filmic experiences. This work is based on a description and the reconstruction of the lived experiences, sedimented with images of my interlocutors. By observing the ramifications of this work, both in the social world and in a history and ecology of images, it has progressively taken the form of an investigation by the filmic arts, a visual and digital history of Gypsy figures of the Romanian cultural industries and an archeology of vernacular film practices in ţigănie. Although the scale of the analysis is that of a monograph, the challenge of this work is to show how this form of experience reconfigures the practice of filmic arts and broadens the phenomenal field of different research traditions that constitute the field of Visual Anthropology ("experimental ethnography", Indigenous media and ethnographic film). In short, this set of visual and textual proposals considers the filmic arts as analytical tools for understanding and making understood the lived experience of filmed people and the agentivity of images in the social world we inhabit. What this thesis proposes, both in its hypothesis and conclusion, is to consider both filmmakers and the anthropologist’s interlocutors as true observers and theoreticians of images and experienced realities. Thus, by understanding images through the experience of the respondents’ images, this research demonstrates the way in which the filmic arts - as a practice and a discipline - generate new anthropological questions. In addition, and more critically, this knowledge of images invites us to reconsider attentively the way in which anthropologists (and filmmakers) sometimes delegate the descriptive, memorial or transactional functions of images to visual technologies.

Les villes d’Europe centrale et orientale suscitent l’intérêt des chercheurs, car leur évolution a suivi des trajectoires particulières vu leur histoire complexe. Mais le plus souvent leurs transformations sont recensées à partir des changements politiques et socio-économiques et non pas du point de vue de l’évolution morphologique et fonctionnelle. Cette thèse propose une démarche d’analyse quantitative à la fois des changements morphologiques des villes d’Europe centrale et orientale avant et après l’effondrement de communisme, ainsi que des changements fonctionnels dans la période post-socialiste, les deux doublées par une analyse exploratoire de la capacité de résilience spatiale et socio-économique des villes à court et à long terme. Par conséquent, cette thèse vise à ajouter la dimension spatiale à l’analyse socio-économique et politique de la ville post-socialiste de l’Europe centrale et orientale, en questionnant les similarités et les dissimilarités qui les caractérisent. Nos résultats montrent un territoire d’Europe centrale et orientale assez hétérogène, avec des fractures ouest-est au niveau régional (dans l’ensemble du territoire), mais également au niveau national. La ville d’Europe centrale et orientale s’esquisse dans un modelé urbain conciliant l’héritage du passé, y compris l’héritage socialiste, avec les nouvelles demandes de l’économie de marché, ce qui se traduit spatialement par l’émergence d’une ville qui se rapproche du modèle de la ville d’Europe de l’Ouest, tout en restant différente. / Cities in Central and Eastern Europe are a subject of interest for researchers, as their evolution has followed particular trajectories in view of their complex history. However, often, the transformations of the cities of Central and Eastern European countries are analysed by taking into account only the political and socio-economic changes and not from the point of view of morphological and functional evolution. Thus, this thesis proposes a quantitative approach in what concerns the analysis of both the morphological changes of the cities of Central and Eastern Europe before and after the collapse of communism as well as the functional changes of the post-socialist period, both doubled by an exploratory analysis of spatial and socio-economic capacity of resilience of cities in the short and long term. Therefore, this thesis aims to add the spatial dimension to the socio-economic and political analysis of the post-socialist city of Central and Eastern Europe, by questioning the similarities and dissimilarities that characterize them. Our results show a rather heterogeneous territory of Central and Eastern Europe, with West-East fractures at the regional level, as well as at the national level. The city of Central and Eastern Europe is outlined as an urban model that seeks to reconcile the legacy of the past, including the socialist legacy, with the new demands of the market economy, which spatially translates into the emergence of a similar city, but in the same time different from that of Western Europe, which he seeks to match, fact that proves its complex context of evolution.

The thesis deals with the negotiations on the EU framework for climate and energy in the period from 2020 to 2030 which were held in the Council of the EU and the European Council from January to October 2014. The text focuses on coordination of common negotiating position and common requirements of the Visegrad countries, Bulgaria and Romania which played an important role as an advocacy coalition during the negotiations on climate and energy package. They aimed to push through solutions of the issue of unequal costs placed on individual EU member states, with heavier burden put on the low-income countries. The thesis looks into the V4+2 group particular claims and evaluates how successful the coalition was in its efforts to set their ideas into the final formulation of the EU climate and energy policy for the period after 2020. The thesis is based on theoretical concepts of agenda-setting and advocacy coalition and uses also knowledge from theoretical research on the EU decision process.

In Romania, the consideration that politicians use their influence to control the public procurement market is axiomatic. It is no surprise that the country ranks high in perceptionbased surveys or the low participation of firms on the procurement market. The more difficult task is to demonstrate the existence of restrictions to procurement contracts in order to benefit preferred companies. That is, to measure the extent to which the market is captured by favored companies. Employing data on all public procurement contracts in Romania for the period 2009 – 2015, this paper examines government favoritism in public procurement exerted by political parties. Using a dynamic panel data approach (Dávid-Barrett and Fazekas 2019), the companies are classified based on their winning pattern with respect to government change. Favoritism is observed if winning companies within the government period are also associated with a higher risk of corruption measured by two alternative approaches. The findings confirm that procurement market is captured in a low to moderate proportion (24%) and that the market display patterns of systematic favoritism. This may signal certain progress registered by Romania to combat political corruption. Arguably, the insensitivity of perception indicators with respect to this progress is, at least partly, due to media coverage of the on-going corruption investigations related to the past. / I Rumänien, finns det en allmän uppfattning om att politiker använder sitt inflytande för att kontrollera den offentliga upphandlingsmarknaden. Det är ingen överraskning att landet rankas högt i perceptionsbaserade undersökningar rörande korruption eller att företags deltagande inom upphandlingsmarknaden är lågt. Ett svårare uppdrag är dock att påvisa och bevisa förekomsten av begränsningar kring upphandlingskontrakt med syfte att gynna vissa företag. Med andra ord så föreligger en utmaning att, genom mätning, påvisa i vilken utsträckning marknaden inkluderar favoriserade företag kontra hur den exkluderar övriga företag. Med hjälp av uppgifter om samtliga kontrakt gällande offentlig upphandling i Rumänien under åren 2009 – 2015, undersöker denna avhandling regeringens och dess politiska partiers favorisering. Företagen i upphandlingarna klassificeras med hjälp av dynamiskpaneldata (Dávid-Barrett och Fazekas 2019), baserat på des vinnande mönster kopplat till regeringsbyte. Favorisering kan observeras om vinnande företag inom regeringsperioden även är förknippade med en högre risk för korruption som mätts genom två alternativa metoder. Resultaten bekräftar att upphandlingsmarknaden fångas i en låg till måttlig andel (24%) av favoriserade företag och att marknaden visar mönster av systematisk favorisering. Resultaten kan dock signalera om visst framsteg som Rumänien har uppnått för att bekämpa politisk korruption. Det kan argumenteras att perceptionsbaserade indikatorer fångade inte upp dessa framsteg, åtminstone delvis, på grund av mediatäckningen av pågående korruptionsutredningar i Rumänien relaterade till det förflutna.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / In a world in which the use of violence continues to be viewed as an acceptable method to pursue political goals, the use of terrorism as a political method will also continue. And within that world, in the coming years, hostage rescues and other direct actions to combat terrorism are likely to be the most frequent type of missions conducted by state special operations forces, including those of Romania. This thesis explores the importance of integrating three types of decisions-informational, structural, and operational-for the successful outcome of special operations. The thesis analyzes four operations, conducted by American, Belgian, and Israeli forces, and the circumstances of their positive or negative outcomes. The historical cases show that, if any one of the three types of decisions was not integrated with the other two, the operation was doomed. The analysis also reveals that the integration of decision-making can best be realized by using interagency coordination mechanisms and a collocation of decision-makers, especially for situations in which command arrangements are highly complicated or unclear. In light of the findings in the four case studies, an analysis of the Romanian Special Operations Forces reveals that its overall structure does not favor either immediate-response or high-complexity missions. The thesis concludes with a number of recommendations for short- and long-term mitigation of current command and control problems faced by Romanian Special Operations Forces. / Captain, Romanian Army