Elderly patients in the Emergency Department (ED) receive a different level of care than younger patients. The ED disproportionately deploys resources to serve the needs of the younger patient population, a decision that appears to be mediated by the acuity of the patient’s condition as defined by the institution. This study will seek to examine the institutional work processes by which this disparity in care is created. By looking at the needs of the elderly as ED patients and based on what they identify as important to them, this ethnographic study will examine the work organization of the nurses, physicians, and administrators in the ED. The goal of the research is, through the examination of the organization of work and the texts that mediate it, to explain the ruling relations through which elderly patients are subjugated as patients in the ED.

Elderly patients in the Emergency Department (ED) receive a different level of care than younger patients. The ED disproportionately deploys resources to serve the needs of the younger patient population, a decision that appears to be mediated by the acuity of the patient’s condition as defined by the institution. This study will seek to examine the institutional work processes by which this disparity in care is created. By looking at the needs of the elderly as ED patients and based on what they identify as important to them, this ethnographic study will examine the work organization of the nurses, physicians, and administrators in the ED. The goal of the research is, through the examination of the organization of work and the texts that mediate it, to explain the ruling relations through which elderly patients are subjugated as patients in the ED.

Since 2002, the Canadian state has mandatorily tested applicants for permanent residence for HIV (Human immune deficiency virus). The policy and practices associated with this screening have never been critically scrutinized. Authoritative claims about what happens in the conduct of the immigration medical examination are at odds with the experience of immigrant applicants living with HIV. This is the analytic entry point into this inquiry that is organized within the theoretical and methodological frame offered by institutional ethnography and political activist ethnography. Analysis is connected to broader research literatures and the historical record. The goal of this study is to produce detailed, contextualized understandings of the social and ruling relations that organize the lives of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. These are generated from the material conditions of their lives. An assumption about how organization happens is the social and reflexive production of knowledge in people’s day-to-day lives through which connections between local and extra-local settings are empirically investigable. I investigate the organization of the Canadian immigration process. How is this institutional complex ordered and governed? How is immigration mandatory HIV testing organized, and with what consequences to HIV-positive applicants to Canada? This is a text-mediated organization where all the sites are connected by people’s work and the texts they circulate. The positive result of an immigration HIV test catalyzes the state’s collection of medical data about an applicant. These are entered into state decision-making about the person’s in/admissibility to Canada. I focus on a key component of the immigration process, which is medical examination and HIV testing with this, along with the HIV test counselling practices that happen (or not) there. The reported absence of the latter form of care causes problems and contradictions for people. This investigation adopts the standpoint of these persons to investigate their problems associated with HIV testing. The main empirically supported argument I make is that the Canadian state’s ideological work related to the HIV policy and mandatory screening ushers in a set of institutional practices that are highly problematic for immigrants with HIV. This argument relies on data collected in interviews, focus groups, observations, and analysis of texts organized under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (S.C., 2001, c. 27) and textually mediated, discursively organized concepts that shape people’s practice. Canadian immigration medical policy makers should make use of these findings, as should civil society activists acting on behalf of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. I make nine specific recommendations for future action on HIV and immigration in Canada.

In the late 1990s, many Western governments introduced policy programs to make information and communication technology (ICT) accessible to all. More than a decade later, however, such universal access is far from a reality. Between 2002 and 2005, in response to a request from a group of contingent workers who felt excluded from effective access to ICT training, a university research group on contingency conducted an applied research project in the form of a series of basic ICT courses. This qualitative dissertation both critically examines the training process and treats it as a case study for exploring broader issues of exclusion and resistance in the context of access to ICT. Specifically, it explores: (1) the symptoms of exclusion as they relate to ICT, social capital, and the community; (2) possibilities for resistance that can alleviate the conditions of exclusion; (3) the assumptions, theories, knowledge construction, policy methods, and processes that underlie the symptoms of exclusion; and (4) alternative assumptions, strategies, and activities that offer possibilities for resistive action. The case study provided an environment in which exclusionary and resistive experiences with access to ICT and training were examined from the perspective of excluded contingent workers, as supported by a university research group. A key finding is that generational behaviour in the domestic sphere erects barriers that contribute to the silencing and exclusion of immigrant contingent women; these barriers then reinforce similar patterns of exclusion in institutionalized ICT training. Another major finding is the need for alleviating the barrier that limited English skills create for ICT learning; addressing this issue must be part of any recommendations for curricular change. Guided throughout by a critical approach that focuses on the concept of ruling relations, this dissertation marshals critical knowledge gained from below in support of change by policymakers, educators, and community practitioners.

Le recenti trasformazioni dei sistemi politici suggeriscono la necessità di ripensare il rapporto fra l’ideale democratico e il concetto di qualità. I mutamenti e le pretese della rappresentanza politica, infatti, appaiono sempre più inconciliabili con le teorie che, fino a pochi decenni fa, apparivano granitiche e (quasi) immodificabili. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di argomentare tali assunti, non senza prima soffermarsi su alcune questioni preliminari: a livello teorico, cosa si deve intendere per qualità? Quale rapporto può realisticamente intrattenere con il sistema democratico? E, quindi, la qualità può essere selezionata? Le risposte a simili quesiti passano attraverso un approfondimento del rapporto (inevitabile) fra i governanti e i governati, considerato il canale più affidabile per osservare la ‘qualità’ come idea-concetto e per percepire gli effettivi cambiamenti che proietta sulla rappresentanza politica. / The recent transformations of political systems suggest the need to rethink the relationship between the democratic ideal and the concept of quality. Indeed, changes and demands in political representation look increasingly incompatible with the theories that seemed lasting and (almost) immutable until a few decades ago. The aim of this dissertation is to discuss these assumptions, after dwelling on some preliminary questions. At the theoretical level, what is quality? Which relationship can it realistically have with the democratic system? And, therefore, can quality be selected? To answers such questions, the dissertation goes through an in-depth analysis of the (inevitable) relationship between rulers and the ruled. This relationship is considered the most reliable channel both to observe ‘quality’ as an idea-concept and to perceive the actual changes that it projects on political representation.

In the late 1990s, many Western governments introduced policy programs to make information and communication technology (ICT) accessible to all. More than a decade later, however, such universal access is far from a reality. Between 2002 and 2005, in response to a request from a group of contingent workers who felt excluded from effective access to ICT training, a university research group on contingency conducted an applied research project in the form of a series of basic ICT courses. This qualitative dissertation both critically examines the training process and treats it as a case study for exploring broader issues of exclusion and resistance in the context of access to ICT. Specifically, it explores: (1) the symptoms of exclusion as they relate to ICT, social capital, and the community; (2) possibilities for resistance that can alleviate the conditions of exclusion; (3) the assumptions, theories, knowledge construction, policy methods, and processes that underlie the symptoms of exclusion; and (4) alternative assumptions, strategies, and activities that offer possibilities for resistive action. The case study provided an environment in which exclusionary and resistive experiences with access to ICT and training were examined from the perspective of excluded contingent workers, as supported by a university research group. A key finding is that generational behaviour in the domestic sphere erects barriers that contribute to the silencing and exclusion of immigrant contingent women; these barriers then reinforce similar patterns of exclusion in institutionalized ICT training. Another major finding is the need for alleviating the barrier that limited English skills create for ICT learning; addressing this issue must be part of any recommendations for curricular change. Guided throughout by a critical approach that focuses on the concept of ruling relations, this dissertation marshals critical knowledge gained from below in support of change by policymakers, educators, and community practitioners.

Since 2002, the Canadian state has mandatorily tested applicants for permanent residence for HIV (Human immune deficiency virus). The policy and practices associated with this screening have never been critically scrutinized. Authoritative claims about what happens in the conduct of the immigration medical examination are at odds with the experience of immigrant applicants living with HIV. This is the analytic entry point into this inquiry that is organized within the theoretical and methodological frame offered by institutional ethnography and political activist ethnography. Analysis is connected to broader research literatures and the historical record. The goal of this study is to produce detailed, contextualized understandings of the social and ruling relations that organize the lives of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. These are generated from the material conditions of their lives. An assumption about how organization happens is the social and reflexive production of knowledge in people’s day-to-day lives through which connections between local and extra-local settings are empirically investigable. I investigate the organization of the Canadian immigration process. How is this institutional complex ordered and governed? How is immigration mandatory HIV testing organized, and with what consequences to HIV-positive applicants to Canada? This is a text-mediated organization where all the sites are connected by people’s work and the texts they circulate. The positive result of an immigration HIV test catalyzes the state’s collection of medical data about an applicant. These are entered into state decision-making about the person’s in/admissibility to Canada. I focus on a key component of the immigration process, which is medical examination and HIV testing with this, along with the HIV test counselling practices that happen (or not) there. The reported absence of the latter form of care causes problems and contradictions for people. This investigation adopts the standpoint of these persons to investigate their problems associated with HIV testing. The main empirically supported argument I make is that the Canadian state’s ideological work related to the HIV policy and mandatory screening ushers in a set of institutional practices that are highly problematic for immigrants with HIV. This argument relies on data collected in interviews, focus groups, observations, and analysis of texts organized under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (S.C., 2001, c. 27) and textually mediated, discursively organized concepts that shape people’s practice. Canadian immigration medical policy makers should make use of these findings, as should civil society activists acting on behalf of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. I make nine specific recommendations for future action on HIV and immigration in Canada.

Procédure de juge à juge non contentieuse, le renvoi préjudiciel consiste en une voie de droit qui permet à toute juridiction nationale d’interroger la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne sur l’interprétation du droit de l’Union et sur la validité des actes des institutions européennes. Laissée à la discrétion des juridictions nationales, ou parfois imposée, cette procédure n’est enfermée dans aucun délai particulier. Se pose alors la question du temps, envisageable de différents points de vue, qu’il s’agisse des parties, de la juridiction nationale à l’origine du renvoi et de la Cour de justice en charge du traitement.Il s’agit d’un sujet tout à la fois récurrent et d’actualité, dans la mesure où, notamment, la procédure préjudicielle d’urgence a vu le jour récemment et où les statistiques de la Cour de justice ne cessent de rendre compte des efforts déployés sans relâche pour diminuer les délais de procédure. De même, le nouveau règlement de procédure de la Cour de justice s’efforce de rendre cette procédure aussi célère que possible. La procédure préjudicielle se prête particulièrement à une étude introduisant la dimension temporelle pour de nombreuses raisons. Pour n’en citer qu’une : le délai de la réponse préjudicielle s’ajoute aux délais nationaux, ce qui, selon la position de la juridiction de renvoi, au sein de son ordre, et selon le type de procédure pendant, ouvre de vastes pistes de réflexion. Il ne s’agit pas d’expliquer la procédure préjudicielle uniquement par des considérations d'ordre temporel, mais d’observer cette procédure en prenant en compte les différentes manières dont le temps, au sens juridique du terme, joue un rôle dans cette procédure.Cette thèse développe ainsi deux idées principales : la prise en compte du temps préjudiciel par les juridictions nationales (partie I) et la prise en compte du temps préjudiciel par la Cour de justice (partie II). / As a non-litigious court procedure, the reference for a preliminary ruling is a legal remedy that enables any national court or tribunal to refer questions to the Court of Justice of the European Union on the interpretation of Union law and on the validity of acts of the European institutions. Upon discretion of national courts, or sometimes imposed to them, this procedure is not locked up within any particular time frame. This raises the question of time, which may be regarded from different points of view, whether it is one of the parties, of the national court at the origin of the referral, or of the Court of Justice in charge of the processing. The subject is both recurrent and topical, since, in particular, the urgent preliminary ruling procedure has recently emerged and because the statistics of the Court of Justice show constant and countless efforts to reduce the length of the proceedings. Similarly, the new Rules of Procedure of the Court of Justice endeavour to make this procedure as fast as possible.The preliminary ruling procedure is particularly suitable for a study introducing the temporal dimension for many reasons. To mention only one: the time for the preliminary ruling procedure comes in addition to the national duration of the trial. This suggests many lines of thought, considering the position of the referring court, within its order, and depending on the different types of courts in general. The goal of the reflexion is not of explaining the preliminary ruling procedure solely by temporal considerations, but of observing this procedure taking into account the different ways in which time, in the legal sense of the term, plays a role in this procedure.This thesis thus develops two main ideas: the taking into account of the prejudicial time by the national courts (or judges) (part I) and the taking into account of the prejudicial time by the Court of justice (part II).

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:09:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 4284401 bytes, checksum: de65d8af975b9ad67939beb0cc746d68 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The state of the Brazilian Black People proves racism s aftereffect in our society, both in private scopem pronounced by prejudgment and discrimination, both on public, especially regarding public policies and the law in general. With advent of measures for inclusion in higher education favoring the black membership, mainly with Law 12.711/12, argument about rights becomes fierce for sidelines in its full citizenship and unfold races society alive in Brazil. It analyzes the implementation of affirmative action in Paraiba s public universities- Universidade Estadual da Paraíba and Universidade Federal da Paraíba- in law school, considering them as measures to promote empowerment and overcoming racism from the construction of positive black identities, as establishing new ruling relations, initially on academical environment, and reflects in all social body. From analytical Foucault, that highlights micropowers, the bloke and ruling relations, argued that shape identities of young blacks and browns are being built in law school, against of intersubjective exchanges of power between students and professors, in the assertion of their identity, and effective participation in academic life. The qualitative research involved the analysis of interviews of students and teachers of the law courses of the aforementioned universities and found, through his discourses, which are still striking the association between race and poverty, the idea of "racial democracy , formal equality and stigmatizing relationship between students / students and teachers belonging to different social classes; a significant percentage of students and teachers denies the practice of racial prejudice, although ponder their existence. It was found that the implementation of measures for inclusion in public universities of Paraíba, especially those with racial group enables the fight against racism, since it promotes diversity, and contributes, even in embryo, to form positive identities beyond of academic life. / A situação da população negra no Brasil reflete as consequências do racismo presente em nossa sociedade, tanto no âmbito privado, marcado pela discriminação e preconceito, quanto no público, especialmente no que tange às políticas públicas e a legislação de um modo geral. Com o advento das medidas de inclusão no ensino superior em favor da pertença negra, sobretudo com a Lei 12.711/12, a discussão acerca dos direitos torna-se acirrada vez que as ações afirmativas voltam-se para grupos alijados em sua cidadania plena e desvelam a sociedade de raças existente no Brasil. Analisa-se, então, a implementação das ações Afirmativas em universidades públicas paraibanas- Universidade Estadual da Paraíba e Universidade Federal da Paraíba- nos cursos de direito, considerando-as como medidas capazes de impulsionar empoderamento e superação do racismo a partir da construção de identidades negras positivas, à medida que instauram novas relações de poder, inicialmente no ambiente universitário, e que se desdobram por todo o corpo social. A partir da Analítica Foucaultiana, que destaca os micropoderes, o sujeito e as relações de poder, discutiu-se de que forma as identidades de jovens pardos e pretos estão sendo construídas no curso de direito, diante das trocas intersubjetivas de poder entre alunos e professores, na afirmação de sua identidade e na participação efetiva na vida acadêmica. A pesquisa qualitativa contou com a análise de entrevistas semiestruturadas de alunos e de professores dos cursos de direito das já referidas universidades e constatou, através de seus discursos, que ainda são marcantes a associação entre raça e pobreza, a ideia de democracia racial , isonomia formal e a relação estigmatizante entre alunos/alunos e professores de pertenças e classes sociais diferentes; que parte significativa dos alunos e professores nega a prática de preconceito racial, embora pondere sua existência. Verificou-se que a implementação de ações afirmativas em universidades públicas da Paraíba, sobretudo as que possuem recorte racial, viabiliza a luta contra o racismo, posto que promove a diversidade, e contribui, mesmo que embrionariamente, para a constituição de identidades positivas para além da vida acadêmica.

The retaking of the regional question under the perspective of development s promotion through the incentive and coordination of the State occurred during the year 2000, makes it unavoidable the rescuing of analysis about the inequality and its permanency, even after the efforts due to overcome them. This work aims to study the role of the Superintendency for Development of Northeast (SUDENE), and the Northeastern social forces in face to the new ruling mark of state intervention and development. The norhteastern retardment, its conditioners and causes, the indicated propositions, contradictory actions and movements, caused by them, the culminate from the extinguishment of the Superintendency in 2001, are the elements which point out the steps we had walk to get to contextualization of the rearticulation of the institution into the new ruling mark of the State intervention that emerged by the end of the 20th century. This mark obliges the updating of the regional projection to the new pattern of capitalist s gathering, centered within the flexibilization, claimed by the financiation of the funds. It is reported, hence, that the new SUDENE as been adjusted to the new paradigms, takes the risk of submitting again to the problem of the social relations to the point of co-operating into the promotion of the local development, creating stranglements (unemployment, concentration of revenues, fragmented introducements, the keeping up of migrations, and other aspects that also lead to social exclusions). The new proposal of SUDENE reproduces the few priority of the social questionment s particularities which stand from the economic formation and been added of others characteristics through the changes observed during the later years that gives it a more complex profile. Because of this cause, even in the last year, with an extraordinary growing the Northeast s question was not diminished into these aspects and, once more it breaks through as a priority. This unfolding permits us to renew the critics originally made by Francisco de Oliveira who remarks that the regional planning and the occurred policies come to satisfy interests or as a consequence of the these, obeying to the union of the aspects related to the legitimate of the financial gathering dominion into the scenery of globalization. Differently from the days before, this domination is without policies but, hidden in the construction of a regional development s policy by the new SUDENE. / A retomada da questão regional na perspectiva de promoção do desenvolvimento através da coordenação e estímulo do Estado ocorrida nos anos 2000 torna inevitável o resgate da análise sobre as desigualdades e sua permanência mesmo após as tentativas no intuito de superá-las. Este trabalho objetiva estudar o papel da Superintendência de Desenvolvimento do Nordeste SUDENE e as forças sociais nordestinas face ao novo marco regulatório de intervenção estatal e de desenvolvimento. O atraso nordestino, seus condicionantes e causas, as proposições indicadas, ações e movimentos contraditórios por elas ocasionados que culminam da destituição da Superintendência em 2001 são os elementos que indicam o caminho percorrido para a contextualização da rearticulação da instituição no novo marco regulatório de intervenção estatal que emerge no final do século XX. Esse marco obriga a atualização do planejamento regional ao novo padrão de acumulação capitalista centrado na flexibilização exigida pela financeirização do capital. Constatou-se, portanto, que a nova SUDENE ao balizar-se nos novos paradigmas corre o risco de novamente submeter a problemática das relações sociais ao posto de coadjuvante na promoção do desenvolvimento regional reproduzindo estrangulamentos (desemprego, concentração de renda, inserção fragmentada, continuidade da migração e outros tantos que levam à exclusão social). A nova proposta da SUDENE reproduz a pouca primazia das particularidades da questão social, advinda da formação econômica e acrescida de outras características pelas transformações observadas nos últimos anos que lhe dá um perfil bem mais complexo. Foi por essa causa que no caso passado, mesmo com o crescimento exuberante, a questão nordeste não foi atenuada nesses aspectos e mais uma vez vem à tona como prioridade. Esse desdobramento nos permite renovar a crítica feita originalmente por Francisco de Oliveira ao afirmar que o planejamento regional e as políticas decorrentes vêm atender interesses ou como conseqüência desses obedecendo à homogeneização dos aspectos condizentes à legitimidade do domínio da acumulação financeira no panorama da globalização. Diferentemente de antes, a dominação é sem política, mas escamoteada na montagem de uma política de desenvolvimento regional pela nova SUDENE. / Mestre em Economia