Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides. / The thesis studies stability and instability in hybrid regimes. The research question is: under which conditions the authority of the elites in power is recognized or contested? Our answer rests on the inclusive or exclusive dimension of the ruling coalition: that is, the strategic alliance between the ruling elites and dominant social groups. Inclusion favors consent and stability whereas exclusion favors contention and instability. The composition of the ruling coalition depends on (i) the degree of extra-legal organized violence and (ii) the degree of state penetration over the territory and in the economy. The first variable identifies which social group in the state (military officers) or in the regime (opposition parties) is dominant and influences the forms of political communication with the ruling elites. The second variable identifies which social group in the state (bureaucrats) or in society (local leaders) is dominant and shapes the relation between regions and the center. The thesis contribution is to deepen our understanding of political institutions in hybrid regimes by focusing on the identity of dominant social groups according to a given context. It offers a simple, flexible and original model that allow us to grasp causal relations that would otherwise be counter-intuitive. Hence, political stability is also possible in a country where the state is weak and/or rebellion movements exist; and instability in the opposite context. It all comes down to the composition of the ruling coalition. In order to illustrate the line of reasoning and unfold the richness of our framework, a comparative historical analysis of the ruling coalition in Malaysia (1957-2010), Indonesia (1945-1998), Senegal (1960-2010) and Paraguay (1945-2008) is used. The main conclusion is that the two variables are key. One without the other necessarily amounts to an incomplete explanation of political alliances at stake when dealing with conditions of stability and instability in hybrid regimes.

Preliminary References in Civil and European procedural law JUDr. Štangová Eva 1 Abstract (EN) The main purpose of this doctoral thesis was to provide an comprehensive analysis of the Preliminary questions under Slovak and Czech national legislations and to provide the same analysis of Preliminary questions under Treaties and Legislation of European Union Law (hereinafter referred to as "Union law"). This analysis shall cover both, Slovak and Czech code of judicial procedure which have the same numerical designation as Act No. 99/1963 Coll. and are known as Code of civil procedure (hereinafter referred to as OSP) in Slovakia and Code of civil procedure (hereinafter referred to as OSŘ) in the Czech Republic as well. The research in this thesis is structurally divided into 5 independent chapters. Using bellow stated research methods and science procedures; each part focuses on different context of preliminary questions. The first two chapters focus the historical context, concept, importance and scope of the preliminary questions under legislation of Czech and Slovak Republic. This chapter also outlines the normative legal regulations of these issues in the "de lege lata" status. At the same time, the author pays more attention to the eligibility of preliminary questions to be considered as preliminary ones,...

Les questions préjudicielles interrogent l’office du juge administratif qui les formule.Accessoires du procès au principal, elles pourraient être considérées comme des questions annexes etsecondaires. Cette étude de contentieux administratif, fondée sur l’analyse systématique de lajurisprudence administrative, vise à démontrer le contraire. Remarquables tant par leur variété que parleurs incidences sur le procès, les questions préjudicielles restent souvent perçues comme descomplications de procédure inutiles visant à retarder la résolution du litige. Cette étude prend le partid’expliciter comment le juge administratif au principal en vient à construire une question préjudicielle,et quel en est le fondement juridique. De ce point de vue, si les parties au litige jouent bien souvent unrôle essentiel dans le relevé d’une exception, c’est en dernière analyse, le juge au principal qui détientle pouvoir de formulation de la question. Par ailleurs, la mise en oeuvre des questions préjudicielles,traditionnellement présentée comme paralysant l’office du juge, apparaît sous un nouveau jour. Loind’immobiliser l’office du juge au principal, l’étude minutieuse du droit positif révèle les importantspouvoirs que possède encore le juge a quo dans la maîtrise du procès dont il est compétemment saisi.Enfin, la réception par le juge a quo de la décision préjudicielle correspond à un partage de lasouveraineté juridictionnelle impliquant l’édiction d’un acte juridictionnel issu d’un processus decodécision. Cette étude livre un éclairage sur le fonctionnement et la complexité d’un mécanisme icitraité sous l’angle de l’office du juge lorsqu’il se place en situation de juge a quo. Elle permetégalement d’envisager les principales problématiques juridiques relatives à la fonction juridictionnelle. / Preliminary issues challenge the role of the administrative law judge who formulates them.They are regarded as being accessory to the principle case at bar. They may even be perceived assecondary issues. This study of administrative litigation, based on a systematic analysis ofadministrative case law, aims to establish the opposite. Preliminary issues are characterized by theirdiversity as well as by their influence on the lawsuit, however, they are often perceived as useless andcumbersome procedural complications aiming to delay the resolution of the dispute. This study aimsto explicit the process by which the administrative law judge builds a preliminary issue and what is thelegal foundation of such an issue. From this angle, albeit the fact that the parties to the main disputeplay an essential role, it is the judge, who mainly retains the power to formulate the preliminary issue.This analysis challenges the traditional portrayal of preliminary issues as paralyzing the judicial“office”. To the contrary, far from immobilizing the “office of the judge”, an in depth study of positivelaw reveals the extensive powers that the judge a quo possesses with regards to the case at bar.Finally, the reception by the judge a quo of the preliminary ruling corresponds to a sharing of juridicalsovereignty implying the passing of a juridical act emanating from a process of co-decision. Thisstudy aims to shed light on the functioning and the complexity of a mechanism rarely examined fromthis angle. This study equally allows for an exploration of the main legal issues relating to the judicialfunction and the “Office” of the administrative law judge when placed in the situation of judge a quo.

La distinction du fait et du droit est une problématique centrale dansl’organisation des voies de droit. Elle exerce en effet, au-delà d’une variété de formes et designifications, une influence décisive sur l’office du juge ainsi que sur la fonction desautorités soumises à son contrôle. Pour appréhender pleinement la portée qu’elle revêt dansl’équilibre des pouvoirs établi par la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne, il est nécessairede se défaire de toute préconception de la distinction du fait et du droit (notamment auregard des pratiques observées en droit interne), afin de comprendre comment le juge del’Union européenne exerce un pouvoir de détermination à son égard, que ce soit dans lecontrôle de validité des actes juridiques ou dans les voies de recours dirigées contre desactes juridictionnels. Dans cette opération, elle reste toutefois soucieuse d’assurerl’acceptabilité de ses décisions, et prend donc en considération certaines contraintesjuridiques qui se présentent à elle dans son office. Autorité normatrice et ordonnatrice, laCour de justice en tant qu’interprète authentique utilise en réalité la distinction du fait et dudroit comme un instrument de répartition des compétences entre les différents acteursconcernés par la réalisation du droit de l’Union européenne. Elle définit ainsi, à travers ladétermination de la distinction du fait et du droit dans chacune de ses manifestations,l’habilitation que leur confère le système juridique. En ce sens, elle apparaît comme lajuridiction suprême de cet espace normatif. / The distinction between fact and law is central to the organization of remedies.It exerts, through its variety of forms and meanings, a decisive influence on the Court and onthe function of the authorities that the former reviews. In order to fully grasp its significance inthe balance of power that the European Court of Justice has established, one has to discardany preconception related to the distinction between fact and law (especially those present inmunicipal law). This in turn leads to the understanding of the manner in which the EuropeanCourt specifies the distinction, should it concern the review against legal acts or the ways ofchallenging case law. Whilst doing this, the European Court remains wary of the acceptabilityof its decisions, thus taking into account several legal constraints. As a normative authorityand as the authentic interpreter, the European Court of Justice uses the distinction betweenfact and law as a way to divide the competences of the actors concerned with theimplementation of EU law. By performing this specification, it defines the way the legalsystem entitles these actors. In this way, the European Court of Justice emerges as theSupreme Court of this normative space.

This study examines intricately related questions of consciousness and learning, textually-mediated social coordination, and human relationships within nature, anchored in the everyday life practices and concerns of a remote First Nation community in the Treaty 9 region. Through the use of Institutional Ethnography, community-based research and narrative methods, the research traces how the ruling relations of land use planning unfold within the contemporary period of neoliberal development in Northern Ontario. People’s everyday experiences and access to land in the Mushkego Inninowuk (Swampy Cree) community of Fort Albany for example, are shaped in ways that become oriented to provincial ruling relations, while people also reorient these relations on their own terms through the activities of a community research project and through historically advanced Indigenous ways of being. The study examines the coordinating effects of provincially-driven land use planning on communities and territories in Treaty 9, as people in local sites are coordinated to others elsewhere in a complex process that serves to produce the legislative process called Bill 191 or the Far North Act. Examining texts, ideology and dialectical historical materialist relations, the study is an involved inquiry into the text process itself and how it comes to be put together. The textually mediated and institutional forms of organizing social relations—effectively land relations—unfold with the involvement of people from specific sites and social locations whose work is coordinated, as it centres on environmental protection and development in the region north of the 51st parallel. A critique of the textually mediated institutional process provides a rich site for exploring learning within the context of neoliberal capitalist relations and serves to illuminate ways in which people can better act to change the problematic relations that haunt settler-Indigenous history in the contemporary period. The work asks all people involved in the North how we can work to address historic injustices rooted in the relations and practices of accumulation and dispossession. The voices and modes of governance of Aboriginal people, obfuscated within the processes and relations of provincial planning, must be afforded the space and recognition to flourish on their own terms.

This study examines intricately related questions of consciousness and learning, textually-mediated social coordination, and human relationships within nature, anchored in the everyday life practices and concerns of a remote First Nation community in the Treaty 9 region. Through the use of Institutional Ethnography, community-based research and narrative methods, the research traces how the ruling relations of land use planning unfold within the contemporary period of neoliberal development in Northern Ontario. People’s everyday experiences and access to land in the Mushkego Inninowuk (Swampy Cree) community of Fort Albany for example, are shaped in ways that become oriented to provincial ruling relations, while people also reorient these relations on their own terms through the activities of a community research project and through historically advanced Indigenous ways of being. The study examines the coordinating effects of provincially-driven land use planning on communities and territories in Treaty 9, as people in local sites are coordinated to others elsewhere in a complex process that serves to produce the legislative process called Bill 191 or the Far North Act. Examining texts, ideology and dialectical historical materialist relations, the study is an involved inquiry into the text process itself and how it comes to be put together. The textually mediated and institutional forms of organizing social relations—effectively land relations—unfold with the involvement of people from specific sites and social locations whose work is coordinated, as it centres on environmental protection and development in the region north of the 51st parallel. A critique of the textually mediated institutional process provides a rich site for exploring learning within the context of neoliberal capitalist relations and serves to illuminate ways in which people can better act to change the problematic relations that haunt settler-Indigenous history in the contemporary period. The work asks all people involved in the North how we can work to address historic injustices rooted in the relations and practices of accumulation and dispossession. The voices and modes of governance of Aboriginal people, obfuscated within the processes and relations of provincial planning, must be afforded the space and recognition to flourish on their own terms.

In this thesis the overall aim is to analyse conceptions of change with the point of departure being texts developed within the framework of three development partnerships financed by the European Social Fund's Equal Programme 2001-2007. The development partnerships, consisting of collaborating parties from both the public and private sector, aimed at developing new methods and ideas in order to counteract discrimination and all kinds of inequality in working life. The thesis poses the following research questions: How are the problems that the development partnerships intended to counteract described? What appears as important to change in order for discrimination in working life to decrease? In what ways are changes aimed at combating discrimination and contributing to increased gender equality and diversity in working life deemed possible? What motives emerge behind the visions of creating a working life without discrimination? How are gender and other social categories constructed and how do these constructions impact on the conceptions of change that emerge? The ideas, perspectives and interests that characterise the understanding of changes in working life in the studied texts, are illustrated with the aid of theories on how society's forms of rule have changed from government to governance and theories on how gender is done. Furthermore, why certain perspectives and ideas emerge and the consequences of them is analysed based on institutional ethnography and concepts such as social relations and ruling relations. The thesis' analysis points to how the consensus-based organisational form of partnership and the politics and principles that are reflected in the Equal Programme together with notions on growth, leadership and gender create limits for the conceptions of change. Limits that in certain respects entail that society's relations of power and inequality, instead of being challenged, are reproduced. Based on the results of the study, the importance is emphasised of continuously taking one's point of departure in identifying and challenging the limits to how one can speak of change, since the dominant conceptions of change may be an expression of the ruling relations. / I den här avhandlingen är det övergripande syftet att analysera föreställningar om förändring med utgångspunkt i texter som tagits fram inom ramen för tre utvecklingspartnerskap som finansierades av den Europeiska socialfondens Equal-program 2001-2007. Utvecklingspartnerskapen, som bestod av flera samverkansparter från privat och offentlig sektor, syftade till att utveckla nya metoder och idéer för att motverka diskriminering och all slags ojämlikhet i arbetslivet. Avhandlingen utgår från frågeställningarna: Hur beskrivs de problem som utvecklingspartnerskapen avsåg att motverka? Vad framstår som viktigt att förändra för att diskrimineringen i arbetslivet ska minska? På vilka sätt antas förändringar, som anses leda till minskad diskriminering och ökad jämställdhet och mångfald i arbetslivet, vara möjliga? Vilka motiv framträder bakom visionerna om att skapa ett arbetsliv utan diskriminering? Hur konstrueras kön och andra sociala kategorier och hur inverkar dessa konstruktioner på de föreställningar om förändring som framträder? Med hjälp av teorier om hur samhällets styrformer förändrats ”från government till governance” och teorier om hur kön görs åskådliggörs vad det är för idéer, perspektiv och intressen som karakteriserar förståelsen av förändringar i arbetslivet i de rapporter, filmer, utbildningar och metodböcker med mera som studerats. Utifrån den institutionella etnografin och begrepp som sociala relationer och styrningsrelationer analyseras vidare varför vissa perspektiv och idéer framträder och konsekvenserna av dem. Avhandlingens analys pekar på hur den konsensusbaserade organiseringsformen partnerskap och den politik och de principer som reflekteras i Equal-programmet tillsammans med föreställningar om tillväxt, ledarskap och kön skapar gränser i föreställningarna om förändring. Gränser som i vissa avseenden innebär att samhällets relationer av makt och ojämlikhet – istället för att utmanas – reproduceras. Utifrån studiens resultat poängteras vikten av att ständigt ta utgångspunkt i att identifiera och utmana gränserna för hur det går att tala om förändring eftersom dominerande föreställningar om förändring kan vara ett uttryck för samhällets styrningsrelationer.

Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides. / The thesis studies stability and instability in hybrid regimes. The research question is: under which conditions the authority of the elites in power is recognized or contested? Our answer rests on the inclusive or exclusive dimension of the ruling coalition: that is, the strategic alliance between the ruling elites and dominant social groups. Inclusion favors consent and stability whereas exclusion favors contention and instability. The composition of the ruling coalition depends on (i) the degree of extra-legal organized violence and (ii) the degree of state penetration over the territory and in the economy. The first variable identifies which social group in the state (military officers) or in the regime (opposition parties) is dominant and influences the forms of political communication with the ruling elites. The second variable identifies which social group in the state (bureaucrats) or in society (local leaders) is dominant and shapes the relation between regions and the center. The thesis contribution is to deepen our understanding of political institutions in hybrid regimes by focusing on the identity of dominant social groups according to a given context. It offers a simple, flexible and original model that allow us to grasp causal relations that would otherwise be counter-intuitive. Hence, political stability is also possible in a country where the state is weak and/or rebellion movements exist; and instability in the opposite context. It all comes down to the composition of the ruling coalition. In order to illustrate the line of reasoning and unfold the richness of our framework, a comparative historical analysis of the ruling coalition in Malaysia (1957-2010), Indonesia (1945-1998), Senegal (1960-2010) and Paraguay (1945-2008) is used. The main conclusion is that the two variables are key. One without the other necessarily amounts to an incomplete explanation of political alliances at stake when dealing with conditions of stability and instability in hybrid regimes.

Durant el període que va des de la mort de Carles II (1700) fins a la fi de la Guerra de Successió (1714), els tres comuns (Consell de Cent, Diputació del Catalunya i Braç Militar), assoliren un paper fonamental en la defensa de les Constitucions davant les transgressions dels monarques. La seva actuació, però, va estar dirigida per una institució de recent creació: la Conferència dels Comuns. La present tesi doctoral estudia aquesta institució, que va esdevenir decisiva en el tombant del segle XVII i ajuda a entendre per què els catalans es decantaren a favor de Carles III, l'arxiduc, durant el conflicte successori. Però la Conferència dels Tres Comuns va ser rellevant també per la seva significació dins el context de les institucions representatives: va afavorir l'actuació mancomunada dels comuns a la vegada que va facilitar l'accés dels nous sectors mercantils en la presa de decisions polítiques. / Durante el periodo que va desde la muerte de Carlos II (1700) hasta el fin de la Guerra de Sucesión (1714), los tres comunes (Consejo de Ciento, Diputación del General y Brazo Militar), adquirieron un papel fundamental en la defensa de las Constituciones ante las transgresiones de los monarcas. Su actuación, sin embargo, estuvo dirigida por una institución de reciente creación: la Conferencia de los Comunes. La presente tesis doctoral estudia esta institución, que fue decisiva en el cambio del siglo XVII y ayuda a entender por qué los catalanes apoyaron a Carlos III, el archiduque, durante el conflicto sucesorio. Pero la Conferencia también fue relevante por su significación dentro del contexto de las instituciones representativas: favoreció la acción mancomunada de los comunes a la vez que facilitó el acceso de los nuevos sectores mercantiles en la toma de decisiones políticas. / During the period that goes from the death of Charles II (1700) to the end the of Succession War (1714), the three commons (Consell de Cent, Deputation of Catalonia and Military Arm), acquired a very important role in the defense of the Constitutions when kings tried to beak them. However, the actions of three commons were guided by a new institution: the Conference of Commons. This doctoral thesis studies this institution, which was decisive during these years, and helps us to understand why Catalans supported to Charles III, the archduke. Conference of Commons was also important because of its meaning in the context of representative institutions: it did well for the unity of action of the commons, and, at the same time, it permits the access of the new mercantile sectors to the groups with political power.

Text in Afrikaans / Executions were discontinued during November 1989. In February 1990 the State President announced a moratorium on executions. Since 27 July 1990 the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1990 effected important changes to the substantive law and procedure regarding the death sentence. The "new" death sentence dispensation was applied by the courts and the moratorium would be lifted as soon as the new dispensation became effective. That never materialised. The death sentence issue was dealt with in a game of political compromise. Criminal law and the esteem of the Government suffered as a result. Judicial frustration and uncertainty developed regarding application of the death sentence. The opportunity was seized by the abolitionists to attain their ideal. The Constitutional Court declared the death sentence unconstitutional. Presently a final Constitution is being drafted which will probably finally do away with the death sentence. An effective process of denigration of the death sentence thus resulted from the moratorium on executions. / Teregstellings is gedurende November 1989 gestaak. Op 2 Februarie 1990 het die Staatspresident 'n moratorium op teregstellings afgekondig. Vanaf 27 Julie 1990 het die Strafregwysigingswet, 1990, belangrike verstellings aan die materiele en prosessuele reg met betrekking tot die doodvonnis gemaak. Die "nuwe" doodvonnisbedeling is deur die howe toegepas. Die moratorium sou opgehef word sodra die "nuwe bedeling" op dreef was. Dit het nie gebeur nie. 'n Spel van kornprornie-politiek random die doodvonniskwessie het horn afgespeel. Die strafregpleging en die Regering se aansien het daaronder gely. Regterlike frustrasie het posgevat en regsonsekerheid oar die toepassing van die doodvonnis het ontstaan. Die geleentheid is deur die afskaffers aangegryp om hul ideaal te verwesenlik. Die Konstitusionele Hof het die doodvonnis ongrondwetlik verklaar. Tans word 'n finale Grondwet geskryf wat waarskynlik die doodvonnis gaan afskaf. 'n Effektiewe proses van aftakeling van die doodvonnis het dus sedert die moratorium op teregstellings plaasgevind. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. M.