This thesis is a comprehensive interpretation of European political history in the periodization from 2008 to 2016. The history begins with an exploration of the intellectual and political origins of the post-World War II project of European integration and the development of, and opposition to, the early institutions that eventually formed the contemporary assemblage of the European Union. Following a traditionally structured history, this work is styled as a ‘history of the present’ that specifies the role of the European Union in precipitating and attempting to overcome the financial and monetary crises, foreign policy quandaries on its Eastern periphery, an unmanageable escalation in migration rates, and the materialization of Eurosceptic, populist, and anti-establishment political actors at European and national levels. The specific arrangement of this thesis intends to fulfill its ultimate purpose of identifying the dynamic circumstances that aided the outcome of the United Kingdom referendum to leave the European Union.

During World War II, the United States had worked in a multilateral fashion with Great Britain and the Soviet Union to form the victorious "Big Three." The countries were optimistic that the peace they had achieved would be sustainable. However, after the Cold War began, the United States backed away from opportunities to work multilaterally; instead, working unilaterally to spread democracy and other principles around the globe. On many occasions, the United States has chosen to take action alone, leaving it isolated from other countries. With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the bipolar system, the United States has sought superpower status and has sought to become a global hegemon on many fronts. Issues such as ideology and human rights have created tension in U.S. bilateral relations, notably with Russia, China, and France. While headway has been made to reduce tension since the Cold War, other issues have prevented the complete alleviation of tension in U.S. foreign relations with the three countries. The United States' pursuit of hegemonic status employing a unilateral approach and isolationist strategy has resulted in much of the tension seen today. While there are many examples, the most prominent example is that of the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan. This and several other issues are addressed in the evolution of U.S. foreign policy after the Cold War with Russia, China, and France.

Ukraine’s foreign policy has puzzled observers since the dissolution of the Soviet Union due to its unusual inconsistency. This inconsistency exhibited itself in contradictory decisions by the Ukrainian executive carried out within a short period of time, which signalled either greater cooperation with Russia and relative cooling of relations with the West, or integration into Western institutions and worsening of the relations with Moscow. This study aims to explain the inconsistency by examining the sources of Ukraine’s foreign policy through process-tracing in four policy cases: Ukraine’s renouncement of nuclear weapons (1991-1994), the status of the Black Sea Fleet (1991-1997), the Odesa-Brody pipeline (2002-2004), and the 2006-2009 gas disputes. Contrary to dominant interpretations of Ukraine’s foreign policy vacillation that emphasise the role of external influences, especially that of Russia and the West, this study concludes that Ukraine’s inconsistent foreign policy decisions are best explained by domestic factors – intra-executive divisions and the influence of vested interests on policy-making. The work relies on the use of primary sources including archival research, elite interviews, and Ukrainian and Russian newspaper reports.

The study analyzes Russian foreign policy discourse on NATO during and after the Georgian war as constructed in on-line news articles from the state-run RIA Novosti news agency. The thesis adopts constructivist and discourse analytical approach. Namely, it is based on the interplay between the three main theoretical pillars: language as constitutive part of social reality; media as a type of discourse; and the constructivist understanding of the foreign policy discourse as being embedded in the domestic social and cultural dimensions.  The research has shown that the discourse on NATO constructed in the news articles of Ria Novosti to a great extent reflected the official Russian government’s discourse.  The overall unfavorable representation of the organization was evident throughout the analyzed material. This ‘negative-other representation’ served to establish political frontiers between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ of the discourse. In the context of the Georgian war, the questions of the future power balance as well as effective transatlantic security mechanism gained particular prominence. The geopolitics of the regional security was represented as bipolar, comprising NATO (or ‘the West’ in its broad sense) on the one hand and Russia as the legitimate leader in most of the post-Soviet space, on the other. Such representation tended to possess distinctive features of the Cold War discourse.

The second term of the presidency of Barack Obama was an active phase of interactions among Russia, the United States, and China. At that time, many issues came up to be able to shake the international situation (e.g., the rise of ISIS, the South China Sea issue, the THAAD, TPP, Ukrainian crisis). The author selected four issues (trade, counterterrorism, the South China Sea issue, the THAAD) to analyze how the states were interacting among themselves (Russia-US, US-China, China-Russia) and how it influenced the international order. Two basic international theories will be applied - realism and liberalism (offensive realism, neo-liberal institutionalism, economic interdependency, and theory of triangle) to understand the interactions and discuss them.

The history between the European Union and Russia has been one of interest for the entire world. With the growth in the relationship after the Cold War, it has become one exhaustive field of research and existing literature. Especially characteristic is the field which focuses on energy security and energy dependency and how these constitute the foundations of the relationship. Thus, this thesis follows how the economic relationship between the EU and Russia came to be developed from the dissolution of Soviet in 1922 up until today through a qualitative case study. This was done by starting the analysis with a portrayal of these thirty years and identifying which thematic components of the relationship that could be discerned as dominant and the causations of those. This was done especially in relation to energy as the relationship is largely characterized by energy interdependency. In relation to the components, issues as the challenges within the relationship, and how the actions performed by the EU was aligned with their own goals were discussed. The theoretical framework served as a fundamental part of the thesis, where a “taxonomy of power” was used to identify power structures which served as an explanation of understanding this historical relationship through economic means. Within the analysis it was then used further to find alignments to the traditional IR theories realism and liberalism. This combination of a taxonomy and theory gave opportunity to realize that theory at times certainly is limited and therefore contributed with a critical discussion too. The analysis showed that the relationship can be understood through three phases. The first shows alignment with the liberalist ideas as it focuses on institutional power, agreements, and interdependency right after the dissolution of the Soviet. The two latter, with the start from the Russian annexation of Crimea up until their invasion of Ukraine in February, alignment with realism as these focused on explicit forms of compulsory power as restrictive measures, productive power in using discourses, disinformation, and fears. Through these divisions the critical discussion of EU’s actions towards Russia questioned where the line should be drawn for continuing to rely on liberal values, cooperation and buying natural gas, despite it funding the Kremlins’ treasury.

This thesis addresses the ethical implications of NATO securitizing Russia without being in direct warfare,seeking to contribute to the debate of the integration of ethics into IR. This thesis contributes to that argument by integrating ethical dimensions of normative character through Floyd's Just Security Theory (JST) within the framework of social constructivism to develop new theoretical insights. The research is structured around theresearch question exploring how NATO's identity construction undergoes changes due to the tense relationship withRussia. The formation of identity plays a crucial role in threat construction. The findings from Rousseau andGarcia- Retamero's Threat Assessment, revealed through NATO Annual Reports, confirm the fluidity of NATO's identity construction and its designation of Russia as a threat. The second portion of the research question suggestthat attributing a threat status to another actor in the international system has significant ethical implications, necessitating ethical considerations in the securitization process and its influence on security discourse. The thesis findings support the need for ethical considerations, while acknowledging that these considerations aresubject to critique based on the chosen theoretical framework. It emphasizes the need for ethical considerations in the securitization process, and by extension in IR; and argues for the moral justifiability of NATO's securitization of Russia.

Cette présente étude propose d’éclairer l’apport de la France durant la première étape du développement de la galerie impériale de peintures, qui donna naissance au Musée de l’Ermitage, à Saint-Pétersbourg. C’est durant cette période que se constitue et se sanctuarise, comme nous tenterons de le démontrer, la galerie des souverains russes au sein d’un nouveau complexe palatial adossé au palais d’Hiver – siège du pouvoir –, en un établissement qui prend rapidement le nom – français – d’« ermitage ». Ce travail se divise en trois parties. Après une présentation de l’apport de la France sous Catherine II (1729-1762-1796), à travers l’étude de la construction des bâtiments de l’Ermitage d’une part, et la formation des collections d’autre part, nous traiterons ensuite des règnes de Paul Ier (1754-1796-1801) et surtout de son fils Alexandre Ier (1777-1801-1825), afin de déterminer comment ils ont géré cet héritage, en soulignant ce que ces souverains ont puisé en idées et en œuvres en France. Il reste enfin à établir, dans un troisième temps et au terme de cette première étape de l’évolution de l’Ermitage, comment la France a stimulé la mutation de la galerie impériale en un établissement tendant de plus en plus vers le musée. / This study proposes to clarify the contribution of France during the first stage of development of the Imperial Gallery of Paintings, which gave birth to the State Hermitage Museum, in Saint Petersburg. It is during this period that the gallery of the Russian sovereigns, within a new palatial complex, is gathered, organized and housed immediately just next to the Winter Palace – the seat of power – in an establishment which is quickly given the – French – name, “Hermitage.”This study is divided in three parts. First, the study will present the contribution of France under Catherine the Great (1729-1762-1796), by examining both the construction of the Hermitage’s building and the formation of the collections. Secondly, we will delve into the reigns of Paul I (1754-1796-1801) and especially his son, Alexander the Great (1777-1801-1825), in order to determine how they managed this inheritance, by highlighting how these sovereigns used the ideas and artworks from France. Finally, the study will establish, how, at the end of this first stage of the evolution of the Hermitage, France stimulated the transformation of the Imperial Gallery into an institution whose trajectory arced towards becoming a museum.

Žlugus Sovietų Sąjungai vienas milijonas rusakalbių atvyko į Izraelį iš buvusių komunistinių šalių. Šiandien 20 % Izraelio visuomenės sudaro rusakalbiai asmenys. Iš kitų visuomenės grupių jie išsiskiria tuo, kad nesugebėjo tapti integralia Izraelio visuomenės dalimi ir sukūrė atskirą rusakalbių subkultūrą šalyje. Šis atsiskyrimas nuo likusios Izraelio visuomenės lemia sudėtingus rusakalbių žydų bendruomenės tarpusavio santykius su Izraeliu ir Rusija: Izraelio politiniame ir ekonominiame gyvenime ji dalyvauja tarytum „atskira etninė grupė“, o su Rusija sukuria stiprų diasporinį ryšį. Žlugus Sovietų Sąjungai ne tik milijonas rusakalbių žydų sugrįžo į savo tėvynę, bet ir Rusija su Izraeliu užmezgė ir ėmė vystyti draugiškus santykius. Darbe keliamas tikslas išsiaiškinti, kokį vaidmenį rusakalbių Izraelio žydų bendruomenė vaidina Izraelio-Rusijos tarpusavio santykiuose. Atsižvelgiant į darbo tikslą, keliama hipotezė: rusakalbių Izraelio žydų bendruomenė yra vienas iš Rusijos-Izraelio santykių transformaciją teigiama kryptimi lėmusių veiksnių. Siekiant patikrinti hipotezę, numatomi tokie uždaviniai: 1) apsibrėžti diasporos sąvoką ir teorinį diasporos veikimo tarp gimtosios ir priimančiosios valstybių modelį; 2) išsiaiškinti rusakalbių žydų bendruomenės identifikavimosi su rusiškąja kultūra ypatumus ir įvertinti šios identifikacijos sąlygojamą nesiintegravimo į Izraelio visuomenę procesą; 3) įvertinti rusakalbių žydų bendruomenės, Izraelio ir Rusijos interesus viena kitos atžvilgiu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Since the demise of FSU, about one million Russian speakers from all republics of the FSU have moved to Israel. Today Russian Jews amount to 20 % of Israeli society. This aliyah doesn’t integrate into Israeli society and forms Russian speakers’ subculture (externalized through particular cultural identity, Russian language community formation and no integration process) in Israel. This segregation determines complex Russian Jews relationship with Israel and Russia: in Israel this community functions like separate ethnic group and creates diasporic ties with Russia. As a result of the demise of the FSU Russia-Israel relations take a new form. Russia renounced it’s entirely proarabic politics and started developing friendly ties with Israel. The aim of the work is to determine the role of Israeli Russian Jews community in Israel-Russia relations, keeping in mind that Israeli Russian speakers in Israel society act like the separate ethnic group with strong diasporic ties with Russia. The hypothesis of the work – Israeli Russian Jews community is one of the factors, affecting Israel-Russia relations transformation in positive way. In order to verify the hypothesis there are formed four goals: 1) to define the term „diaspora“and theoretical model of diaspora‘s action between hostland and homeland; 2) to analyze Israeli Russian Jews community‘s identification with Russian culture and evaluate the disintegration into Israeli society process; 3) to evaluate Israel, Russia and... [to full text]

Le Roman russe d’Eugène-Melchior de Vogüé paraît au bon moment. À la fin du XIXe siècle, l’« horizon d’attente » de la France est plus que favorable à la réception de la littérature russe. Saturée et étouffée non seulement par le pessimisme consécutif à la défaite de 1871 mais aussi par le scientisme et le naturalisme, la société française ressent un besoin de renouveau dans tous les domaines de la vie. L’affaiblissement de la France sur la scène internationale fait de l’alliance avec la Russie un objectif politique prioritaire. Cette problématique nourrit aussi l’ambition de Vogüé de rapprocher les deux pays. « La pauvre vie spirituelle » de la France contemporaine incite le vicomte à accentuer le caractère chrétien de la littérature russe. Redonner à la France ses valeurs chrétiennes d’autrefois – voilà encore une ambition du vicomte exprimée au travers du Roman russe.À sa parution, en 1886, l’ouvrage connaît un succès immédiat non seulement dans le milieu intellectuel mais également auprès du grand public. En important la littérature russe en France, Vogüé veut découvrir à ses compatriotes, en plus de son génie littéraire et culturel, les particularités de l’âme russe. L’alliance franco-russe, le rapprochement culturel et intellectuel entre les deux pays, la russomanie du peuple, la russophilie des intellectuels, la renaissance de l’idéalisme, telles furent en France les nombreuses résonances du Roman russe. / The Russian Novel by Eugène-Melchior de Vogüé comes out just at the right time. At the end of the 19-th century «the horizon of expectation» in France is more than favourable to perceive Russian literature. Satiated and suppressed by the postwar (1871) pessimism, exultant scientism and naturalism the French society begins to feel the need for change in all spheres of life. The loss of position on the international scene makes the country seek for alliance with Russia which becomes the main political goal of France in this historic period. Soon it becomes one of the goals of the viscount’s literary works. Seeing spiritual poverty in contemporary France Vogüé gives emphasis to Christian nature of Russian literature. Bringing the country back to its original Christian values – that is the other goal of Vogüé embodied in The Russian Novel.Before the book comes out in 1886, it is a total success both among intellectuals and general public. Introducing Russian literature in France Vogüé wants his compatriots not only to know and appreciate Russian literary and cultural genius, but to discover specific features of the Russian soul. The French-Russian alliance, cultural and intellectual convergence of the two countries, Russomania among the general public, Russophilia among the intellectuals, rebirth of idealism - these were the numerous echos of The Russian Novel in France.