Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 773518 bytes, checksum: 403aa1d48aa51aec98d6a132f54ea45d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-07-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work is linked to the research line of Regional History Graduate Program in History of the Federal University of Paraíba, with a major in History and Historical Culture. This paper examines the historical culture of the shootings occurred within Maranhão in 1921 and the actions of a farmer called socialist and spiritualist Manoel Bernardino de Oliveira, dubbed by newspapers of the time of Lenin Maranhão. Manoel Bernardino became involved in a conflict in 1921 which culminated in the shooting, officer, four farmers and was reflected in electoral disputes at the regional and national levels, since the state's governor, Urbano Santos da Costa Araújo, was accused of ordering the shooting and was a candidate for vice-president of the Republic on the plate of Artur Bernardes, successor Epitácio Pessoa disputed elections in 1922. When the Prestes Column passed by Maranhão, in 1925, joined the Manoel Bernardino with a contingent of two hundred men. We study the collective memory as a constituent of historical culture, used the methods of oral history, with the analysis of statements made in police investigations and interviews with people in the region. The time frame was chosen as the central year of 1921 when the shootings occurred, but we present briefly the developments until 1925 when the Prestes Column through the life of Maranhão and Manoel Bernardino until his death in 1942. / Esta dissertação está vinculada à linha de pesquisa História Regional do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal da Paraíba, com área de concentração em História e Cultura Histórica. O presente trabalho analisa a cultura histórica sobre os fuzilamentos ocorridos no interior do Maranhão no ano de 1921 e as ações de um lavrador socialista e espírita chamado Manoel Bernardino de Oliveira, apelidado pelos jornais da época de Lenine maranhense. Manoel Bernardino envolveu-se em um conflito no ano de 1921 que culminou com o fuzilamento, oficial, de quatro lavradores e teve reflexos nas disputas eleitorais em âmbito regional e nacional, uma vez que o governador do estado, Urbano Santos da Costa Araújo, foi acusado de ordenar os fuzilamentos e era candidato à vice-presidência da República na chapa de Artur Bernardes, sucessor de Epitácio Pessoa nas disputadas eleições de 1922. Quando a Coluna Prestes passou pelo Maranhão, em 1925, Manoel Bernardino a integrou com um contingente de duzentos homens. Estudamos a memória coletiva como constituinte da cultura histórica, utilizado os métodos da história oral, com a análise de depoimentos prestados em inquéritos policiais e entrevistas com pessoas da região. O recorte temporal escolhido como central foi o ano de 1921, quando ocorreram os fuzilamentos, mas apresentamos, de forma breve os desdobramentos até 1925 quando a Coluna Prestes passa pelo Maranhão e a vida de Manoel Bernardino até sua morte em 1942.

Chapter one suggests thet trade and merchant capital, which were crucial to Port Elizabeth's economic development during the nineteenth century, was subsumed by the rise of manufactures and industrial capital after the First World War. Industrial expansion was cut short by the post-war recession, which caused un- and underemployment. The black worker, who experienced a severe loss in real earnings on account of the increased cost of living, became involved in a struggle with employers for wage increases. Chapter two shows how the policy of segregation was applied in Port Elizabeth, which meant that the workers were subjected to an increasing degree of control and regulation of their daily lives. The conditions of reproduction in the black townships fostered inter-racial and cross-class mobilisation which culminated in the formation of a general labour union, the Port Elizabeth Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (PEICWU). Chapter three will suggest links between the tradition in Port Elizabeth of worker resistance and the unionisation of black workers in the post-war period. Thus, the first three chapters attempt to provide a historical perspective for analysing the underlying causes of the 1920 Port Elizabeth disturbances. The immediate cause of the disturbances was the arrest of the Union leader, Masabalala, after he called for a general strike. Chapter four will show how the intervention of the local authorities provoked a spontaneous act of defiance on the part of Union members. A demonstration outside the Baakens Street Police Station to demand the release of Masabalala, precipitated the tragic shootings of 23 October 1920. The repressive violence which left 22 dead (with two further deaths resulting indirectly from the incident) was unprecedented in South African history. The resolution of the crisis brought the workers no nearer to obtaining a reasonable settlement of the wage issue. If anything, the resolve of employers to deny wage demands was hardened by the actions of the local authorities, who attributed the disturbances to ' agitation '. Such thinly-disguised justifications of the shootings by the dominant classes, however, provoked recriminations from other quarters. Chapter five examines the legal and political ramifications of the Port Elizabeth shootings. The circumstances of the shootings prompted the Smuts Government to appoint a Commission of Enquiry in the face of public pressure. The Commission found that the Police and vigilantes were largely to blame for the high death toll. But the Government's 'whitewash' of the findings could not absolve the Police from culpability entirely, nor could it sidestep its own responsibility and liability to victims of the shootings. Finally, in Chapter six, an attempt will be made to assess the long term impact of the shootings on the PElCU and the black labour movement in Port Elizabeth generally. The outcome of the episode was a victory for employers, which dealt a body blow to worker organisation which only became resurgent in the 1950s.

No description available.

This thesis examines the effects of discourses by journalists from six major media outlets in the United States covering the Atlanta massage parlor shootings. Through conducting critical discourse analysis, this research investigates the journalist's use of language, content selection, and positioning to understand journalistic reporting's role in influencing and promoting xenophobia towards Asian Americans and furthering the polarization of political ideologies. This research sampled news articles from various news outlets along a political spectrum, including the New York Times, The Washington Post, Fox News, CNN, NPR, and The Wall Street Journal. This analysis is conducted through analyzing observations and patterns found in 42 news articles by the selected news outlets, alongside a framework of communication theories including gatekeeping, framing, agenda-setting, and the representation of Asian Americans in media. This thesis is relevant to current events because there is an increase in anti-Asian sentiments due to the COVID- 19 pandemic.  Overall, this study found that most journalists reporting the Atlanta massage parlor shootings utilized forms of framing and gatekeeping in the sampled articles. Observations found that the journalists practiced framing and gatekeeping, which displayed patterns of biases in their journalistic reporting. Additionally, this study found that the news media tended to use language that potentially dictates public discourse through agenda-setting practices. This thesis found that these biases attract specific audiences, which ultimately promote xenophobia and polarization. Journalists debated if a racial motive influenced the shooting. This debate between journalists was a crucial observation in identifying how framing and agenda-setting influenced furthered polarization of political ideologies. This thesis found patterns of language supporting a white racial frame that ultimately perpetuate a white hegemony.  Moreover, patterns of journalistic reporting showed how representation, or lack of it, can contribute to xenophobic tendencies and increased anti-Asian sentiments. The results of this thesis signify the importance of language selection by journalists in reporting racially sensitive issues. This thesis displays the necessity for further research on how to promote journalistic language that minimizes biases.

Segregation is increasing in Sweden, and the political discourse about violence in Swedish suburbs has intensified dramatically throughout the last years. Segregated areas are often described as dangerous areas with a lot of insecurities. In this paper, I´m going to present a case study of Botkyrka municipality which is in south Stockholm. The purpose of this study is to see if media and political discourse are stigmatizing Botkyrka or not. By interviewing people living in Botkyrka, I get their perspective of living in Botkyrka municipality. This case study can be exemplifying a case study of suburbs in Stockholm as the discourse can be similar to other suburbs in Stockholm. This case study is following an abductive qualitative approach using theories as neighborhood-effect, segregation, and territorial stigma to answer the research questions “Does the image of Botkyrka municipality presented by political actors and media create territorial stigmatization of Botkyrka municipality?” and  “What are Botkyrka municipality as an organization doing to decrease segregation, and what are the biggest challenges in their work?” Interviews are conducted both randomly in chosen areas and in-depth interviews with chosen respondents. Findings from this case study show that certain areas of Botkyrka are stigmatized, that citizens in Botkyrka refer to some areas as dangerous, which is also presented in political discourse and media, as events taking place in these areas are referred to Botkyrka, it creates a territorial stigma of Botkyrka municipality. As some neighborhoods in Botkyrka is affected more negatively by school segregation, youth in these areas face a higher risk of getting excluded from society and fall into a destructive way of living, as influences among youth living in low-economic neighborhoods are strong predictors of negative behaviors, such as drug abuse, crime, and participation in the job market. Territorial stigma and the neighborhood-effect becomes obstacles in the work of decreasing segregation, further, inequality is an obstacle in the work of decreasing segregation. The unequal access to different key resources as housing, education, and jobs are great challenges in process of decreasing segregation.

The aim of this study is to investigate young adults’ perspectives on the increased shootings in their neighborhoods and how their perspectives relate to the public debate. This study also aims to inquire what measures young adults consider works against the increased shootings. The study is based on seven semi-structured interviews with young adults aged between 20 – 30 years from Järvaområdet. The empirical data was analyzed with inductive thematic analysis and resulted in four main themes. To describe and understand some of the themes we used labeling theory and the concepts of stigma and normalization. The research shows that the experience of the increased shootings has been normalized in the public debate and between the residents in the neighborhood. One of the findings indicates that the preventive measures doesn’t seems to match the needs in the neighborhoods. The overall conclusion shows that the shooting in the neighborhoods affects all in different levels and thus shows the importance to lift the different perspectives for instance future studies.

abstract: Utilizing visual semiotics and performance theories as a backdrop to inform a discussion regarding entertainment education and community dialogue, this study explores a unique case of compassionate communication being enacted at the most crucial moment – facing a school shooter at the height of a critical juncture. Through narrative film techniques and dramatism, a recreation of the real-life event was re-framed and distilled into a documentary-style film to showcase to general audiences for the purpose of dialogue catalyzation and elicitation. The film acts as a provocative statement for the process of conducting a Civil Dialogue® with the viewing audience. Qualitative analysis of 12 dialogue groups and 15 individual interviews (primarily college students) explores the impact film has on viewers’ perceptions, their participation in dialogue, and the role of affect when it comes to communicating with others. Findings suggest a positive correlation between film, emotional engagement, and dialogue participation, with significant impact on viewer’s perceptions and indications of influencing anticipated future behavior. Additional findings and analysis reveal a cultural master narrative of “fight or flight” syndrome, and a tendency toward spectacle or doing things “for show.” Novel concepts such as visual capital and performative cognition emerge to inform a new arts-based method and the development of a theory referred to as the Tuff-Hill Phenomenon. / Dissertation/Thesis / Documentary Film - "A Way Out" / Doctoral Dissertation Communication Studies 2019

School shootings and emergencies have created the need for educators to be proficient in emergency response procedures; yet they do not always receive the requisite training. The lack of an established delineated training program for New Jersey, kindergarten to Grade 12 institutions has created a situation where educator preparedness varies immensely at schools. Numerous national events of targeted school violence have exemplified the need for quick and proper responses by educators to mitigate the tragic results until first responders arrive. The purpose and goal of this study was to assess educators’ perceptions and to determine the best practices in creating a comprehensive safety and security training program to prepare educators for school crises in order to offer a model for stakeholders to follow or gain ideas to improve their institution’s specific school safety and security emergency plans. Guided by the U.S. Department of Education’s best practices in developing high-quality school safety plans, this study analyzed the perceptions of 60 educators in one New Jersey kindergarten to Grade 12 school on the effectiveness of training. A mixed-methods approach, using a survey questionnaire and interviews, measured changes in the perceptions of these educators after the 15-week program. Data results included a revelation of the implementation of a comprehensive school safety and security plan with related training program resulted in a statistically significant increase in the perceptions of educators’ knowledge and abilities to respond effectively to school targeted violence and emergencies. These findings support the concept that best practices in the field of school safety and security management include appropriate and comprehensive school safety and security plans and training for educators to combat and mitigate school targeted violence and emergent events.

De senaste åren har flera offentliga skjutningar inträffat i Malmö. Malmöpolisen har haft svårigheter att lösa dessa då det, bland annat, har varit en brist på vittnen. Att vittnen inte vågar träda fram kan bero på olika saker, men vanligast är det att de är rädda för repressalier. Detta trots att risken för att utsättas för sådana är relativt låg. För vittnen som utsätts för hot finns det olika skyddsåtgärder att tillgå, men vittnen som upplever en ogrundad oro får i stort sett klara sig själva. Konsekvenserna av att vittnen inte vågar medverka i utredningar och rättegångar kan ha långtgående effekter i samhället och kan i till slut leda till att rättssystemet inte kan arbeta effektivt. Något som kan generera mycket negativa resultat. Eftersom majoriteten av vittnen inte utsätts för hot, kan man utgå från att gruppen som inte har möjlighet för att få polisiärt stöd är relativt stor. Frågeställningen är: Hur kan Malmöpolisen arbeta för att få fler att våga vittna i samband med offentliga skjutningar? Resultaten av denna kvalitativa studie visade att Malmöpolisen bör lägga stort fokus, i sitt arbete, på att sprida information. Både inom och utanför myndigheten. Detta hade kunnat bidra till en ökad säkerhet bland vittnena. / In the recent years a number of public shootings have taken place in Malmö. The Malmö police department have experienced difficulty in solving these crimes. One of the reasons for this is the lack of witnesses that have come forward. The reasons why witnesses won’t make themselves know can be many. The most common one however is the fear of reprisals from the suspect. This despite the fact that the risk of being subjected to reprisals is relatively low. Witnesses who are threatened are offered different types of protection. Witnesses who don’t get threatened, but still experience fear get to fend for themselves. The consequences of witnesses who are too frightened to take part in an investigation and trial can be extensive and could lead to the judicial system not being able to work effectively. This can generate very negative results. Since the majority of witnesses don’t get subjected to threats, you can assume that the group of witnesses without support from the police department is extensive. The research question is as follows: How can the Malmö police department work in order to generate more witnesses willing to testify, in connection to public shootings? The results of this qualitative study shows that the Malmö police department should focus on the distribution of information. Both within and outside of the department. This could lead to a stronger feeling of security among these witnesses.

Contemporary challenges to education pose threats that our current educational system remains unable to meet. With the prevalence of school shootings, rapid technological development, threats to mental health, superficial curriculum content, increased testing standards, and continued inequality in classrooms, now more than ever it is imperative to define, explore, and quantify the ways in which the system of education reproduces or replicates norms, values, behaviors, and practices and the effects these possibly have on students and teachers. The purpose of this research is to redefine 'cultural reproduction' into reproduction and replication in order to explore how the education system in a single district in Florida reacts to threats through adjustments to, or replication of, existing practices. Through the perspectives of teachers, the research question posed was: (RQ) How do teachers perceive the presence of cultural reproduction and cultural replication in their schools? The study discovered that in addition to identifying cultural replication (CL) and cultural reproduction (CD) in their schools, (i) participants perceived that current needs outpace their public-school system's ability to adapt effectively and (ii) that contemporary threats to education produce unmeasurable and unmeetable challenges within current cultural practices and resources. The study contextualized the implications of these findings through social change, cultural studies, social system dynamics, and primitive belief disruption for the purpose of developing a new model of subsystem adaptation to represent the cycle of replication, reproduction, and reform in education as observed by teacher participants in this study.