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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 21 to 30 of 33 (0.046 seconds)| 21 |
Segurança Cidadã e policiamento comunitário: o caso do Conselho Estadual de Segurança de Alagoas / Citizen Security police and community: the case of The State Board Of Safety AlagoasSantos , Adilson Bispo dos 14 April 2014 (has links)
This dissertation aims to study the level of interference and popular joint in public security policy produced in Alagoas defined as community policing, with a special look at the city of Maceió, noting the social channels that interact with the government and interference levels in construction of these policies, taking as an object of analysis, the State Board of Public Security of Alagoas. To this end, we analyzed the laws creating, formatting and composition of the State Board of Public Safety, as well as documents generated by this as a legitimate public space for deliberation and collective interests as a social environment produced from the communicative interaction and articulation between the demands of the population and policymakers. Thus, we sought to evaluate the level of this popular participation during the planning, implementation and monitoring of public security policies. Not realizing it is a community organization characterized by active community participation in decision making attempts to build public policies on citizen security in Alagoas. / A presente dissertação objetiva estudar o nível de interferência e articulação popular na política de segurança pública produzida em Alagoas definida como polícia comunitária, com um olhar especial para o município de Maceió, observando os canais sociais que interagem com o governo e os níveis de interferência na construção destas políticas, tomando como objeto de análise o Conselho Estadual de Segurança Pública de Alagoas. Para tanto, analisou-se as leis de criação, formatação e composição do Conselho Estadual de Segurança Pública, bem como os documentos gerados por este enquanto espaço público legítimo de deliberações e interesses coletivos, como um ambiente socialmente produzido a partir da interação comunicativa e de articulação entre as demandas da população e os policymakers. Desta maneira, buscamos avaliar o nível de participação popular presente durante o planejamento, a execução e o monitoramento das políticas públicas de segurança. Percebendo não se tratar de uma organização comunitária caracterizada pela participação ativa da comunidade nos processos decisórios das tentativas de construção de políticas públicas de segurança cidadã em Alagoas.
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Uplatňování církevní politiky prostřednictvím státních institucí v letech 1948-1989 / Application of Church Policy by Means of State Institutions in the Period 1948 - 1989FABER, Tomáš January 2008 (has links)
The master thesis deals with the application of state church policy to the Roman Catholic Church. First chapter describes the activity of state structures towards the church at the country-wide level. The period between 1948 and 1989 is covered in four subchapters.Second chapter deals with the individual subjects that participated in realization of the state church policy in South Bohemia, both from the side of state power and the church.
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The Evolution of the Security Services of Ukraine: Institutional Change in the Post-Soviet Security ApparatusKaul, Eli Charles 19 November 2021 (has links)
No description available.
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The political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector: South Africa and its international river basinsTurton, Anthony Richard 04 June 2004 (has links)
This research set out to develop a deeper theoretical component to the emerging discipline of hydropolitics by studying the political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector. The focal point was the four international river basins that are shared between South Africa and six of its neighbouring states. The study found that while there is a lot of evidence for the securitization of water resource management in South Africa’s international river basins, there are also a number of examples of regimes. The creation of these regimes was driven primarily by threat perceptions relating to state security, mostly during the period of apartheid and the Cold War. These regimes were mostly robust and served as a valuable instrument for the de-escalation of conflict, which was primarily of a high politics nature. Examples of both plus-sum and zero-sum outcomes have been isolated. Plus-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of national self-interest with four examples of this condition. In all four cases the non-hegemonic state benefited from cooperation with South Africa. Zero-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of ideology with two examples of this condition. In both cases the non-hegemonic state did not benefit and was sidelined to the extent that they became marginalized and worse off than before. In all cases the hegemonic state benefited from the regime. The research consequently showed that a hydropolitical complex is emerging in Southern Africa, clustered around two international river basins, the Orange and Limpopo, which have been defined as pivotal basins. Both of these basins have reached the limit of their readily available water resources and future development is not possible on any great scale. Four of the most economically developed states in Southern Africa (Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and South Africa) are riparians on these two international river basins, and have been defined as pivotal states. Other less developed countries that share any international river basin with a pivotal state have been defined as an impacted state, because their own development aspirations have been capped through this association. Any international river basin that has at least one of the pivotal states in it has been defined an impacted basin. Finally, this research showed that regimes create a plus-sum outcome in closed international river basins because they reduce the levels of uncertainty and institutionalize the conflict potential. As such regimes are a useful instrument with which to regulate inter-state behavior, leading over time to the development of institutions consisting of rules and procedures. / Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Political Sciences / unrestricted
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Státní bezpečnost a rok 1989 / State Security in 1989Procházka, Libor January 2012 (has links)
Thesis wants to show how well the Czechoslovak secret police was informed about the activities, plans and tactics of the political opposition especially in the year 1989. The main sources for the paper are the authentic records of the State Security as regular situation reports, information on the security situation in the country, inside directives of the secret police, but also some documents of the Communist Party leadership. Text shows which were the most important activities of the independent initiatives in the viewpoint of StB and prove that the security forces of the regime seem to might have had (surprisingly) good information on the opposition initiatives. Paper is also aimed on some functional aspects of the State Security, which did not exist in a political vacuum, but was directly subordinated to the Communist Party. Finally, it describes changes in the organizational structures of StB, particularly linked to the reform in 1988. Key words: State security, year 1989, opposition in Czechoslovakia, Charta 77, Movement for Civic Freedom, Obroda, Democratic initiative
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The ‘Migration-Security Nexus’ Among Swedish Ngos : A Critical Discourse Analysis On Securitisation Narratives On RefugeesWartiainen, Michelle January 2022 (has links)
Securitisation is the process by which an issue is framed in terms of security to justify the implementation of urgent policy measures. It is often used by states to manage their territorial borders and to portray migrants as a threat to national security. However, securitisation theory also expands the concept of security to include the protection of human life and dignity, leading to the involvement of NGOs as securitising actors in their efforts to protect victims of crises and conflicts. Although NGOs are considered ‘allies’ to refugees in their mission to help refugees, recent evidence has shown how NGOs also risk contributing to the mainstream framing of refugees as a threat. This thesis takes off in this puzzle and argues that securitisation theory might help us better understand this discrepancy. This study investigates how NGOs in Sweden may reproduce securitising narratives, and whether this has changed between 2010 and 2022. Using critical discourse analysis, the study analyses 18 documents and 166 images from these organisations. The results show that the NGOs primarily reproduced a narrative of human security that portrays refugees, particularly women, children, and families as vulnerable and in need of protection. These findings align with previous research on the subject, which has suggested that human security perspectives may not be inherently beneficial for refugees. The study also shows that the NGOs to some extent reproduce state security narratives by portraying refugees as undifferentiated groups and emphasizing a perspective of security emergency rather than a humanitarian emergency. However, this study finds less evidence of state security perspectives in the Swedish context than previous research has indicated.
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Německé vyrovnávání se s komunistickou minulostí na příkladě koncepce tzv. Gauckova úřadu / The German way of putting up with the communist past in view of the Federal Authority for the Archives of the GDR State Security ServiceVávrová, Terezie January 2011 (has links)
The diploma thesis "The German way of putting up with the communist past in view of the Office for study of STASI dossiers" deals with balancing the communist past in Germany, it analyses the Office for study of STASI dossiers' (Gauck office) conception. The question of balancing the past is in German milieu oriented primarily towards the National Socialist era. In case of the Communist past Gauck office arose in 1992. This institution looks after the chancery of communist State security, simultaneously gives information from the dossiers to victims of the former regime. Balancing with totalitarian past is not a single- but a continual process and the Gauck office should reach the point by analyzing of materials it holds. Exceptionality of this institution lies in the fact that it serves as a model for other middle European countries. This project will focus on an analysis of historical preconditions for genesis of this institute. Also, it won't avoid the political debates influencing the final shape of Gauck office, including the future of its incorporating into the National Chancery.
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Materialistischer Historismus?Thomas, Alexander 09 August 2019 (has links)
Die Ausgangsüberlegung der Dissertationsschrift: Wenn sich die HU-Geschichtswissenschaft nach 1945 als "materialistischer Historismus" beschreiben ließe, dann widerspräche dies den beiden gängigen Erklärungsmustern. Denn eine historistische Wissenschaft wäre, erstens, weder eine reine "Legitimationswissenschaft" (Kowalczuk), da die historistische Methodizität insbesondere der Quellenarbeit sowie das typische Selbstverständnis als 'Forschung' (Offenheit, Arbeitsteilung, kumulativer Prozess) der politischen Instrumentalisierung der Historiographie entgegen stünden.
Zweitens widerspräche der Idealtypus eines 'materialistischen Historismus' dem Konzept der DDR-Geschichtswissenschaft als grundsätzlich anderem, nämlich sozialistischen Typ Geschichtswissenschaft: der von Martin Sabrow sog. "historischen Normalwissenschaft" mit eigener Fachlichkeit. Denn die Elemente des "Historismus", die die DDR-Geschichtswissenschaft bewahrte, würden große Ähnlichkeiten mit der traditionellen sowie der westdeutschen Geschichtswissenschaft erzeugen.
Die Ergebnisse zeigen die „konstitutive Widersprüchlichkeit“ der DDR-Gesellschaft. Einige Vertreter der HU-Geschichtswissenschaft bewahrten bewusst Elemente des Historismus, was insbesondere anhand der mediävistischen Forschungen Eckhardt Müller-Mertens offenkundig wird. Dagegen suchte z. B. Joachim Streisand die DDR historisch zu legitimieren und arbeitete darüber hinaus intensiv dem Ministerium für Staatssicherheit zu. Jedenfalls scheinen die Resulate der Arbeit der These einer in sich geschlossenen, sozialistischen Normalwissenschaft zu widersprechen. / The thesis invesitgates the question, if the historians of the socialist GDR may be seen as successors of the traditional german „Historismus“ of the pre-war era. I focused on the „Fachrichtung Geschichte“ of the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin and portraied the work of historians such as Alfred Meusel, Joachim Streisand, Eckhard Müller-Mertens and Kurt Pätzold.
The extend to that Joachim Streisand used german national history to legitimise SED-dictatorship of his present was surprising. He used history as a means for political ideology and – as suprising files in BsTU-archives show – used his position at the university to spy for the ‚Stasi‘ (Minsterium für Staatssicherheit).
In contrast to this story a number of historians emphasised research founded on sources and tried to keep some independece from SED-politics. A longer portrait of the thesis deals with medievalist Eckhard Müller-Mertens, who explored new methods in the analysis of the medieval ideas of the „Reich“. Müller-Mertens used the label „materialistischer Historismus“ to characterise the scientific tradition, in that he wanted to be seen.
After all, the history of this part of the GDR proves the „Widersprüchlichkeit“ (being contradictory), that constituted this dictatorship.
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Völkerfreundschaft nach Bedarf : Ausländische Arbeitskräfte in der Wahrnehmung von Staat und Bevölkerung der DDR / Peoples' Friendship as Required : Foreign Workers in the Perception of GDR State and PeopleRabenschlag, Ann-Judith January 2014 (has links)
The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was dealt with and how it was exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life. This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.
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Exército brasileiro: estrutura militar e ordenamento político 1984-2007 / The Brazilian Army: military structure and policy planning 1984 - 2007Kuhlmann, Paulo Roberto Loyolla 10 December 2007 (has links)
Ocorreram amplas transformações nos sistemas militares de diversos países no período pós- Guerra Fria. No Brasil, o Exército replanejou sua força militar terrestre após a guerra das Malvinas mediante a implantação de um sistema de planejamento estruturado. Atualizações constantes foram feitas, mas as suas linhas principais podem ainda serem encontradas na remodelagem das unidades, missões e estrutura. Mesmo com a criação do Ministério da Defesa, o elemento político de direção nacional pouco interferiu. Essa reestruturação não tem correspondência direta com o modelo do pós-modernismo militar estruturado por Charles Moskos e que sugeria a transformação de grandes exércitos de conscritos em pequenos exércitos tecnologizados, cumprindo missões diferentes das tradicionais guerras inter-estatais. O desafio dos estruturadores da força terrestre foi de administrar poucos recursos com muita criatividade, especializando número crescente de profissionais de guerra terrestre, alargando o escopo das missões sem abrir mão das tradicionais, tornando algumas organizações militares mais operacionais, produzindo um salto de qualidade, ainda que tudo isso se desse sem interesse e sem direcionamento político. A ausência de clara direção política das forças armadas produz imprecisões na formulação de estratégias e de missões criando, por exemplo, sobreposição de missões auto-atribuídas com as de outros órgãos de segurança do Estado. / Broad transformations occurred in the military systems of many countries after the Cold War period. In Brazil , the Army re-dimensioned its military land forces after the Malvinas War when a planning system was structured and implemented. Despite of the continual changes the main lines can be found in the units remodeling, missions and structures. Even with the creation of the Ministry of Defense, the political elements interfered minimally. This restructuring has no direct connection with the post-modernist military model structured by Charles Moskos, which indicates the transformation of the big armies of recruited into the small technological armies with missions different from the traditional inter-state wars. The challenge for those involved in structuring the land forces was to creatively administrate the scarce resources to specialize land warfare professionals, broaden the number of missions without abandoning traditional missions and make military organizational even more operational attaining one leap of quality regardless of any political interest or guidance. The absence of clear political guidance of the armed forces can produce failures in the strategies and missions designs and this can produce, for example, overlaps of their own missions with those of other security organs of the State.
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