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Dès l’Antiquité japonaise, le référentiel dans lequel s’inscrivent les rapports avec l’étranger est concentrique ; autour d’une arborescence centrale d’où rayonne la civilisation gravitent des périphéries incultes dont le degré de barbarie est proportionnel à la distance les séparant de celle-Ci. Cette vision antagoniste, inspirée de la Chine, évolue pour devenir, à la fin du 15ème siècle, un « paradigme dichotomique du civilisé et du barbare à la japonaise » (nihon gata ka.i chitsujo). Une étude approfondie des rapports de domination dans le septentrion japonais nous révèle que, par la suite, malgré les deux siècles et demi d’ouverture sélective qui valent au Japon d’être qualifié de « pays verrouillé » (sakoku), cette figure du barbare effectue un glissement temporel, technique et géographique. Le barbare n’est plus un être à peine humain, souillé et arriéré, peuplant des marges périphériques contigües et qu’il faut soumettre, ni même un « barbare apprivoisé » dont l’altérité est mise en scène à des fins de domination. Au tournant du 19ème siècle, du fait de la présence grandissante des Russes à la frontière septentrionale, le barbare est devenu un adversaire potentiel dangereux, possédant une avance technologique à imiter, qui doit être maintenu à distance (jô.i). Le statut d’Ezo n’est plus celui d’antimonde, ou de terres incultes et vides, mais celui d’un territoire qu’il faut développer et protéger. Incarnée par ces métamorphoses et illustrée par les traités des lettrés prônant une défense maritime adéquate (kaibô-Ron), un développement agricole (kaitaku-Ron), une ouverture commerciale (kaikoku-Ron) ou un « pays prospère et une armée forte » à la fin du 18ème siècle, la première étape de transition entre fermeture et ouverture du Japon a pour origine l’influence de ces derniers dans les décisions concernant les relations avec l’étranger, accompagnée d’une transvaluation éthique qui transfère progressivement la vertu du sakoku (protection de la population contre le prosélytisme chrétien et protectionnisme commercial) au kaikoku (protection du peuple contre les agressions extérieures et contre la famine). / After the 5th century, Japanese relations with foreign entities fit in a multi-Layered concentric distinction between a central arborescence radiating civilization and uncultivated outer fringes gravitating around it, whose barbaric quality increases according to their distance from it. This oppositional vision, inspired by the antique Chinese world-Order, gradually evolves into a dichotomous paradigm, often referred to as "Japanese middle kingdom ideology" (nihon gata ka.i chitsujo) at the end of the 15th century. A thorough study of the power struggles in the Japanese north reveals that despite two and a half centuries of selective foreign relations which earn Japan its reputation as a "locked-Up country" (sakoku), the barbaric figure shifts in terms of time, space and technical abilities. The barbarian is no longer viewed as a barely human entity, impure and underdeveloped, inhabiting peripheral contiguous fringes, who must be subdued, or even a "tamed barbarian" whose otherness is staged to legitimate domination over him. At the turn of the 19th century, due to an increasing Russian presence at its northern border, the barbarian has become a potentially dangerous yet worthy adversary, technologically advanced, who needs to be kept at bay (jô.i). Ezo's status is no longer that of a netherworld, or of a vast and empty wasteland, but that of a territory worth developing and protecting. Embodied by such shifts and treaties written by scholars advocating an adequate maritime defense (kaibô-Ron), agricultural development (kaitaku-Ron), the opening of foreign commercial relations (kaikoku-Ron) or "a prosperous country and a powerful army" at the end of the 18th century, the first stage in the transition from a closed to an open Japan stems from their influence on the decisions regarding foreign relations, as well as an ethical transvaluation which gradually transfers virtue from sakoku (protecting the population against Christian proselytism and commercial protectionism) to kaikoku (protecting the people from foreign harm and famine).

Student Number : 0419886N - MA research report - School of Politics - Faculty of Arts / “The longing for a better world will need to arise at the imagined meeting place of many movements of resistance, as many as there are sites of enclosure and exclusion. The resistance will be as transnational as capital. Because enclosure takes myriad forms, so shall resistance to it.” - Iain A Boal, First World, Ha Ha Ha!, City Lights, 1995 Boal’s description captures the exuberance, hope and confidence of today’s social movements. That there is something irresistible about autonomous, grassroots and subaltern movements in their anti-systemic alternatives to capitalism has become a notion which has gained considerable currency in recent years.1 Formations of these groups (the Zapatistas being the oft cited example) are seen to mirror theories of the most utopian and radical forms of democracy. In Part 1 we seek to examine a range of critical historiography in exploring the features of what is ‘new’ in today’s social movements, using Zapatista style organization and discourse as the prototype. This definition will be moulded with the elements of critical theory which have at their core a radical transformative function of social movements. For example Castells’ work on urban movements pictures: “collective conscious action aimed at the transformation of the institutionalized urban meaning against the logic, interest and values of the dominant class.”2 We will draw from Murray’s assumption that such movements “actively contest the prevailing forms of political representation and the legitimacy of political rule.”3 New social movements (NSM) will be seen within the context of anti-normative approaches to democracy. An alternative pole of reference will emerge in contrast to what we will term low intensity, liberal, parliamentary or bourgeois forms of democracy. All this will be lodged in an understanding of old social movements. We hold these to be single issue movements that fail to forge links to other sites of oppression and exploitation, or movements which take on a narrow class composition and understanding of change. Implicit in moving on from narrow, and or,Marxist-Leninist positions over class, is the multiplicity of relations humans have within the social body. This refutes crude economism conceptions regarding the make-up of the working class.4 However, capitalism and our relations to production, still remain central in understanding the relationship of the subject to the social body. We suggest recent crisis points and weaknesses in capitalism (detected as neo-liberal trends) provide plenty of scope for weaving an historical dialectic back in. Evidence for this comes from critical theory which claims, perhaps falsely, to be founded on anti-essentialism.5 We argue that it is commodification which breeds this resistance against the totalizing effect of capitalism at every level of the structure. Thus neo-liberalism embodies for much of this critical thought the subject of a “Fourth World War” fought by the multitude. 6 The mobile nature of contemporary capital and the immaterial essence of its production to define the multitude – essentially disenfranchised and disaffected subjects – has led to an expanded definition of the old working class.7 The multitude is the reinvention of some social subject invested in an historical project. This multitude has taken on a particular guise, moving away from traditional conceptions of a revolutionary class. As Negri and Hardt note: “The closer we look at the lives and activity of the poor, the more we see how enormously creative and powerful they are”.8 The poor embody the ontological condition not only of resistance but also of productive life itself.9 However, we will also attempt to locate moments within the subject that go beyond the indeterminacies and moments of rupture within the structure. Careful attention will be paid to Zizek’s subject of lack, in assessing the carnivalesque and irrational moments of today’s movements and the role of what we will view as a renewed sense of voluntarism. We remain conscious that we are forging a vision of new social movements which forges an at times uneasy alliance across a variety of groups who challenge dominant structures at different times, spaces and ways. It is sometimes tempting to lump various “anti-globalisation” groups together, without grasping the intricacies and nuances that bind as well as divide them. Ultimately, we accept some of the essentialist critique that can be levelled at NSM theory, recognizing a trope of romanticism around struggle is deliberately and necessarily invented. This will be fully discussed in the controversial claim that some movements and elements of civil society have more validity than others. It will be considered in claiming that moments of oppression, subordination and exploitation require articulation and don’t erupt into historical trajectories of struggle. This requires the development and expression of relative rather than fixed universals (e.g. around democracy, right to water, right to land). It is commodification and neo-liberalism that provides the stimulus for such relative universals. We shall see that they revolve around issues that are real to subjects in the narratives of their struggles and lives.11 Finding some fixity of meaning and experience ensures our analysis is not post-structuralist. Post-structuralism has fostered awkward relationships with truths which have, as Mamdani has noted, not always led to a basis of a “healthy humanism”.12 It leads to a universalized aestheticization whereby truth, reduced to merely a style effect of discursive articulation, forges an endless spectrum of interpretation/re-interpretation. 13 Moreover, it can be utilized to create legitimacy for fascist, colonialist and imperialist discourses. Part 1 attempts to provide the basis for the rest of the work by developing an understanding of the historicity of new social movements and what makes them different to other forms of political and social organisation. This is critical for later discussion which will draw upon the experiences of South Africa. In Part 2 we seek to build from the radical civil society theory and tease out features and characteristics of it within anti-apartheid social movements. This will involve an exploration around township civics which were and are often bundled under the umbrella of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Many of these were built around notions of People’s Power, economic transformation and social justice. We will consider the ideology present in these movements and how it played out in realities, acknowledging the highly repressive scenario of the apartheid state. Within these movements we will flesh out radical spaces and visions which appeared to have dissipated in the ANC hegemony over the decolonisation process and subsequent “transformation” project. We will not shy away from advocating that there were features within such radical spaces, such as Charterist, and or, unity projects, which emerged at various times to create implicitly anti-democratic politics. 14 Such problems as we will see went to the core of the UDF and also into the geo-polities of South Africa which became “ungovernable” in the 1980s. Depoliticization was not just a performative effect of ANC strength or “Stalinism” as often narrated by the left, but a weakness in the structure and formation of civil society. 15 We explore whether it was not just the ANC that “demobilized” the grassroots, but that the form and functioning of civil society that contributed to the conditions in which movements’ own radical notions of People’s Power and direct democracy dissipated. Part 3 will look at this demobilization within the context of the transition to democracy during the negotiated settlement.16 We scrutinize the nature of the period from apartheid to liberal democracy, noting trajectories of struggle which mark both eras. We argue that elements and goals in the struggle that sought a very different democracy to that gained at the CODESA talks have re-emerged in the deepening disillusionment of the ANC project after ten years of governance. This has within some discourse included the ability of the nation-state generally, within neo-liberalism, to bring about social justice. Yet, the suggestion that this is the period of “economic” rather than “racial” apartheid will need to be carefully explored in the context of Fanon’s characterization of national liberation elites.17 While noting the benefit an economic approach has in distinguishing the role of dominant classes, we suggest it can overshadow explicit structures of racism that penetrate to the core of South African society. They are brought out for example by grassroots movements such as the Landless People’s Movement (LPM), in their campaign that equated landlessness with racism. Finally Part 4 examines the extent characteristics we ascribe to the new social movements of South Africa correspond with the features of anti-apartheid struggles of the 1980s. Moreover, it requires us to assess the critical theory developed in Part 1 in terms of realities in post-Apartheid South Africa. We note the apprehension in considering parallels between anti-apartheid struggles and current rights based struggles. While there have been a few attempts to make links within a continuation of struggle from apartheid to neo-liberalism18, all too often, the anti-apartheid struggles that invoked notions of People’s Power have been dismissed as undemocratic, authoritarian and reactionary.19 While an attempt to wipe the slate clean might be useful in carving out a fresh and dynamic image for contemporary social movements, it perhaps ignores that there are similar issues, rhetoric and ideologies being played out today. We will explore whether the historiography simply seeks to justify and re-create contemporary social movements to create ammunition for particular strands of political theory judged to be liberationist and correct within the current historical juncture. Are we carving out a fictional historicity within the identity of struggle that doesn’t exist? Are narratives created more for attachments to a belief in certain “historical” processes than less sharply defined realities? Is the multitude, merely Marx’s 19th century industrial working class, vested with an imaginary historical project? Noting the background of many individuals involved within the APF (trade union, SACP), we need to discuss how they have been placed on a new trajectory of thought given the features which define today’s subjects in NSM compared to orthodox Marxist-Leninist thought around the revolutionary subject. We hope a sketch of the past and an analysis of the present may contribute in the current debates within the social movements during a critical time for anti-capitalist struggles in South Africa. This work is not concerned with producing exhaustive lists of repressive acts conducted by the state, the brutality of private security firms, or broken election promises, but in uncovering the structure of the post-apartheid state and how social movements respond and re-create themselves. Despite their youth, they represent the first serious contestation of ANC hegemony in terms of an alternative discourse around democracy, social justice and transformation. This work has been made possible through regular contact with social movements in Gauteng. Informal participatory discussions with various activists and communities within these struggles have been invaluable and enlightening. Such first hand experience has provided an insight into the operative nature and democratic functioning of a variety of movements including the role of vanguards and leadership. My attendance at various forums and discussions, such as the Social Movements Indaba (SMI), has also been vital. Fundamentally, the work hinges upon a critical exploration from three areas. Firstly, in the discussion necessary to establish a historicity of new social movements which will point to their methodological and epistemic construction. Secondly, upon an understanding of the South African experience that can cover an immense ground from apartheid into liberal-democracy which is aware and responsive to a wide range of historiography. Thirdly, a series of interviews and personal reflections from discussions with various activists across South Africa. Some are well known leaders. Others form part of the collective multitudes beginning to emerge and speak through the fissures of South African society. Relationships that I have made, as well as recent political events, culminated in the choices of the Khayelitsha township of Cape Town, Alexandra in Johannesburg and Harrismith in the Free State as the sites for this part of the research.21 The methodology hinges upon an accurate reflection and assessment of contemporary social movements from the people who participate and function within them, together with an historiographical account of social movements in the South African experience. Limitations here are perhaps obvious. Interviewees may have the tendency to be modest or emphasize their own personal role in struggles. Attendance of community meetings and forums is hoped to counter-balance this together with the use of contemporary subject work. However, there can be no objective yardstick by which to judge the contributions found in this paper. Furthermore, the lack of rigour within the methodology would alarm the majority of modernist and positivist historians and commentators. Yet, it is with this aim that the work attempts to accept the criticisms of romanticism, myth, euphoria and narratives in seeking to forge the very conditions outlined by Boal in which we might find the same “imagined meeting place” and discussion of freedom.

A problemática urbana a qual nos debruçamos na presente pesquisa refere-se as estratégias de sobrevivência desenvolvida pelos homens lentos em uma metrópole repleta de escassez nos lugares. Temos como objetivo compreender o papel dos movimentos de bairro de resistência no espaço urbano. Atualmente a atuação desses grupos comunitários indicam novas possibilidades de formas-conteudos de organização popular a partir de experiências fundamentadas no espaço vivido. Nesse sentido, realizaremos um estudo sobre o bairro Cidade de Deus como recorte espacial integrante do espaço urbano Carioca, tentaremos compreender como a Cidade de Deus que é um bairro originário de um processo de exclusão, segregação ocorrido em meados da década de 1960 conseguiu constituir-se em um dos principais lugares de resistência da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Considerando que os bairros são concebidos como espaços em que as vivências e práticas se conciliam na trama da vida dos indivíduos, optamos por estudar o bairro Cidade de Deus por compreendermos que grupos de pessoas em desvantagem social, que compartilham de um mesmo lugar na metrópole, elaboram estratégias de sobrevivência bem como de melhoria das suas condições concretas de existência. / The urban problem analysed in this research refers to the survival strategies developed by slow men in a metropolis full of scarcity. The objective is to understand the role of neighborhood movements of resistance in the urban space. Nowadays, the performance of these community groups indicates new possibilities of popular organization based on experiences achieved in the lived space. With this in mind, we will carry out a study about the neighborhood Cidade de Deus, as an area that integrates the urban space Carioca, trying to understand how this neighborhood, originated from a process of exclusion and segregation, presented around 1960, could grow up in one of the main places of resistance in the city of Rio de Janeiro. Considering that neighborhoods are designed as spaces in which experiences and practices influence the individuals lifes, we chose to study the neighborhood Cidade de Deus, because we understand that groups of people in socially disadvantaged, who share the same place in the metropolis, develop strategies of survival, as well as the improvement of their conditions of existence.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-21T11:30:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe de Queiroz Braga.pdf: 2469727 bytes, checksum: 013852082dc508efe89ea8ff6b02ea18 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-21T11:30:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe de Queiroz Braga.pdf: 2469727 bytes, checksum: 013852082dc508efe89ea8ff6b02ea18 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-26 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis aims to analyze the events that occurred during the month of June 2013 in Brazil after the adjustment of the fares for public transportation in several cities. The analysis will be concentrated in the city of São Paulo, epicenter of the movement, seeking to understand how and why a subject that historically raises protests and demonstrations, the readjustment of the fare of public transport, in this particular context has managed to generate mobilizations in hundreds of cities around the country. We also seek to interpret the causes that led various social groups to the streets broadening the scope of claims and ultimately turning it into a movement both social and ideologically different from the start. Considering that this phenomenon involves issues that go beyond the guidelines related to public transportation - although they are central to understanding the movement - as its consequences are linked to the historical contradictions arising out of a underdeveloped and dependent capitalist economy, we search to interpret it from a socio-historical perspective, emphasizing our conditions of sociability. In this way, we can understand the social, economic and political ambiguities and contradictions that shape a contemporary Brazil and that became more evident as from the rending of the veil that took place in June 2013 / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar as manifestações que ocorreram durante o mês de junho de 2013 no Brasil, após o reajuste das tarifas de transporte público em diversas cidades. A análise terá como recorte espacial a cidade São Paulo, epicentro do movimento, buscando compreender como e por que uma pauta que, historicamente, suscita protestos, o reajuste do preço do transporte público, neste determinado contexto conseguiu gerar mobilizações em centenas de cidades do país. Buscaremos também interpretar as causas que conduziram diversos grupos sociais às ruas, ampliando o leque de reivindicações e tornando, em última instância, um movimento social e ideologicamente diferente do iniciado. Considerando-se que esse fenômeno abarca questões que transcendem as pautas relacionadas ao transporte público – apesar de serem centrais ao entendimento do movimento –, à medida que seus desdobramentos remetem às contradições históricas decorrentes de uma economia capitalista subdesenvolvida e dependente, buscaremos interpretá-lo a partir da perspectiva sócio-histórica, ressaltado nossas raízes de sociabilidade. Desse modo, poderemos compreender as ambiguidades e contradições sociais, econômicas e políticas que dão forma ao Brasil contemporâneo e que se tornaram mais evidentes a partir do rasgar do véu que se deu em junho de 2013

Esta tese versa sobre a reconfiguração das lutas trabalhistas frente aos desafios lançados pela terceirização – um fenômeno emblemático do atual cenário político-econômico –, com o objetivo de atualizar o conteúdo histórico da relação imanente entre trabalho e justiça social. As reconfigurações das lutas trabalhistas foram identificadas por meio da análise do conteúdo normativo da crítica do trabalho – entendido como um ator moral coletivo – à terceirização, tomando como fonte uma audiência pública sobre o tema, promovida pelo Tribunal Superior do Trabalho em 2011. A audiência pública foi tratada como um documento público que dá forma estável à crítica multifacetada do trabalho. Seu exame seguiu os princípios da análise de conteúdo categorial (BARDIN, 2008) e foi divido em dois momentos: o descritivo e o interpretativo. O momento descritivo, pautado por uma epistemologia continuísta, analisou a crítica à terceirização em três eixos temáticos: economia, direitos e moral, a partir dos quais foi demonstrado o caráter passadista das propostas de reforma do presente aportadas pelo trabalho. Por sua vez, o momento interpretativo, que buscou identificar o princípio de justiça imanente a esta crítica, demonstrou que há uma atualização da concepção de igualdade mobilizada nas lutas trabalhistas em termos de paridade participativa (FRASER, 2008), bem como uma ampliação do seu escopo normativo, por meio da articulação da noção de dignidade. Concluiu-se que, frente à terceirização, as lutas do trabalho se aproximam da lógica das lutas minoritárias por articular às suas exigências de justiça a dimensão moral do respeito à dignidade do trabalhador terceirizado. Em termos morais, essa aproximação não significa automaticamente um retrocesso, mas sim uma expansão do conteúdo de justiça das lutas trabalhistas, que ultrapassam as demandas redistributivas e representativas, tradicionalmente atribuídas a elas, trazendo a questão de classes para o domínio simbólico da moral. / This dissertation investigates the reconfiguration undergone by labor struggles when facing the challenges posed by outsourcing – an emblematic phenomenon of the current political and economical environment – in order to update the historical content of the immanent relationship between labor and social justice. Labor struggles’ reconfigurations were identified by analyzing labor’s critique of outsourcing, using as source a public hearing on the subject, promoted by the Brazilian Superior Labor Court in 2011. This hearing was methodologically treated as a public document that stabilizes the critique’s multifaceted content. Its examination followed the guidelines of categorical content analysis (BARDIN, 2008) and was divided into two parts: the descriptive and the interpretative moments. The first part, guided by a continuist epistemology, analyzed the critique of outsourcing in three themes: economy, rights and morality, which showed the past-oriented nature of labor’s reform proposals. The second part, the interpretative moment, that sought to identify the principle of justice immanent to labor’s criticism, demonstrated that there’s an update in the conception of equality mobilized in labor struggles in terms of participatory parity (FRASER, 2008), as well as an expansion of its normative scope, through the articulation of the notion of dignity. It was concluded that, when facing the challenges of outsourcing, labor struggles become closer to the logic of minority struggles, because they articulate the demands of respect for the dignity of outsourced workers to their usual demands. In moral terms, this rapprochement does not automatically mean a setback, but rather an expansion of the justice content of labor struggles, which goes beyond the redistributive and representative demands traditionally assigned to them. Thus, class questions are brought to the field of morality.

A partir dos atuais desdobramentos das práticas dos movimentos de moradia no centro da cidade de São Paulo, este trabalho pretende discutir as formas de espacialização dessas lutas, no que concerne à ampliação do entendimento das conquistas efetivadas por esses movimentos. Para tanto, trabalhou-se em sentido oposto à tese da perda de vitalidade da região central, que em meio aos recentes processos de intervenção urbana demonstrou, na detecção de ambiguidades e encruzilhadas urbanas, sociais e políticas, o surgimento de um novo ciclo de conflituosidades. Para além das questões relativas aos grandes eixos de gentrificação e expulsão das camadas mais empobrecidas do Centro, o contexto estudado revelou situações funcionais de visibilidade e invisibilidade da problemática urbana central. A pesquisa empírica se deparou com processos de resistência e novas formas de relação e negociação entre os atores, em um contexto de esvaziamento da política e das possibilidades de experiência. A relação entre todos os atores na constituição do espaço urbano revela mudanças e disputas repletas de contradições e indistinções - não paradoxais - o que denota relações estruturantes e ao mesmo tempo de resistência. / Based on the current developments in the practice of housing movements in the city center of São Paulo, this research intends to discuss the ways of spatialization of these struggles, with regard to increasing the understanding of the achievements effected by these movements. For that, this work took the opposite direction to the thesis of the central region loss of vitality, which amid the recent urban intervention processes, demonstrated in the detection of ambiguities and urban crossroads, social and policies, the emergence of a new cycle of conflicts. Beyond from the issues related to the major axes of gentrification and eviction of the poorest layers of the city center, the context studied revealed functional situations of visibility and invisibility of the central urban problems. The empirical research has met resistance processes and new relationship and negotiation ways between the actors, in a context of the political emptying and of the possibilities of experience. The relation among all the actors in the constitution of the urban space reveals changes and disputes fraught with contradictions and lack of distinction - not paradoxical - which shows structuring relations and, at the same time of resistance.

Os conflitos e debates sobre usos, propriedade e gestão da água ganharam evidência nos processos de privatização de serviços de abastecimento nos anos 1990 e, atualmente, aparecem em outros espaços de luta social. Os distintos temas relacionados à água, no entanto, são usualmente trabalhados desarticuladamente, o que contribui para a disseminação de imprecisões teórico-conceituais que refletem as lutas sociais as concepções emergentes: o bem comum é um conceito vivo cujas imprecisões contribuem para sua cooptação pela hegemonia organizada por oligopólios que concentram as tecnologias de apropriação da água. Esse trabalho propõe uma análise dos diferentes temas da água a partir da articulação dos conceitos de metabolismo social, valor e luta de classes, em Marx; e das concepções emergentes nas lutas contra privações no acesso à água. Realiza, pela abstração, uma crítica ontológica da apropriação capitalista da água, que indica suas contradições e as esclarece desde sua gênese. A crítica ontológica é um movimento que mexe com todas as dimensões do conhecimento (epistemológicas, teóricas e metodológicas) e que reproduz o concreto, a sociedade capitalista em suas múltiplas determinações, pela abstração. Recria, dessa forma, essa realidade a partir de seu núcleo fundamental, o valor. As formas de apropriação da água na sociedade capitalista são organizadas pela produção de mais valor em uma dinâmica de luta de classes: a água é natureza incorporada na criação de mais valor. A análise do tema da água, nesse sentido, deve identificar os interesses de classe em disputa e os reflexos dessa disputa nos usos da água e nas formas de vida. Nessa perspectiva, se percebe que as formulações sobre a água como bem econômico, ao desconectar o valor-de-uso da água do valor atribuído pelo dinheiro, engendram uma relação fetichizada, na qual os mecanismos de gestão são separados das práticas de apropriação e integrados aos valores legitimados pelo capital. Ocultam, nesse processo, os aspectos desiguais e destrutivos das práticas de apropriação da água. O consenso ativo conquistado por essa hegemonia se manifesta na estratégia de ONGs, iniciativas políticas e análises acadêmicas enredadas em armadilhas teóricas e políticas, que aparece na confusão conceitual entre a água como bem público e bem comum. Inspirado em lutas sociais que alcançam a necessária crítica ontológica das relações capitalistas, defendo que uma concepção da água como bem comum está na afirmação éticoprática de que os frutos da natureza pertencem à humanidade. Pertencem, portanto, a todos os que deles necessitam para viver. O trabalho propõe, de forma conclusiva, uma compreensão universalizante da organização: a apropriação da natureza e da água é também a organização do metabolismo social que, na sociedade capitalista, se fundamenta na extração de mais valor pela classe capitalista em todos os momentos da vida. As concepções que emergem nas lutas sociais esboçam novas formas de organizar o metabolismo social, nas quais o critério para a apropriação da água e da natureza é o bem comum, um princípio ético e universal: a reprodução da vida humana. / Conflicts and debates surrounding water uses, properties and management became evident with the privatization processes in the nineties. Nowadays, these issues have appeared in further social struggles. Even though, the various issues related to water are usually approached in a non-articulated way, and that contributes to the dissemination of theoretical and conceptual imprecisions and contradictions, with consequences in social struggles that oppose capitalist appropriation of water and the concepts that emerge on it, like the common good. The common good is a living concept, but its theoretical and conceptual imprecisions contribute to its cooptation by a hegemonic bloc organized by transnational corporations which concentrate the technologies of water appropriation. This dissertation proposes an analysis of different issues related to water through the articulation of the concepts of social metabolism, value and class struggles in Marx; and conceptions that emerge in social struggles. It makes, through abstraction, an ontological critique of capitalist appropriation of water that indicates its contradictions and clarifies its genesis. The ontological critique moves every dimensions of knowledge (epistemological, theoretical and methodological) and reproduces the concrete, capitalist society in its multiple determinations. It recreates this reality through its fundamental nucleus, value. The different forms of water appropriation in a capitalist society are organized for the production of surplus value in a class struggle dynamic: water is nature incorporated in the creation of surplus value. The analysis of water issues, in this sense, must identify the class interests in dispute and also the reflection of this dispute in water uses and ways of life. In this perspective, it becomes evident that the formulations of water as an economic good, by disconnecting use-value from value attributed by money, engender a fetishized relation in which management mechanisms are separated from appropriation practices and integrated to values legitimated by capital. They conceal, in this process, unequal and destructive aspects of water appropriation. The active consensus conquered by this hegemony is manifested in the strategy of NGOs, political initiatives and academic analysis limited by concepts like governance and civil society as opposed to the State, and in the conceptual confusion between water as a public good and as a common good. Inspired in social struggles that reach the necessary ontological critique of capitalist relations, I argue that a conception of water as a common good is the ethical and practical affirmation that the gifts of nature belong to humanity: they belong to all who need it for living. This dissertation proposes, as a conclusion, a universalizing comprehension of organization: the appropriation of nature and water is also the organization of social metabolism which is founded, in capitalist society, in the extraction of surplus value by the capitalist class in every moment of life. Water as a common good is a conception that emerge in social struggles that aim at new ways of organizing social metabolism in which the criteria to appropriate water and nature is an ethical and universal principle: the reproduction of human life.

La recherche proposée mène une analyse des processus de mondialisation qui intéressent la ville de Tanger et des conséquentes luttes de femmes des quartiers populaires contre les effets du développement néo-libéral sur le territoire. À partir d'une dimension internationale, liée spécifiquement aux discours sur la constitution de la macro-région méditerranéenne, j’insiste sur la manière dont les politiques de privatisation et d'accaparement des IDE Investissements Directs Étrangers ont produit des conséquences importantes surtout dans la région du Nord. Au nom de la politique de régionalisation et à la lumière du rôle central reconnu désormais à la géographie méditerranéenne, la région nord est le territoire où les plans méditerranéens se mettent en place: des nombreuses zones franches et industrielles ont vu le jour et par conséquent une forte migration des campagnes vers les villes a créé une urbanisation toujours croissante. La recherche ethnographique a été développée à Tanja, le principal centre urbain de la région nord, où une série de luttes populaires à grande participation féminine a eu lieu. Je les analyse en les contextualisant avec les projets de développement qui intéressent la zone. A l’aide d’une observation participante et d’une série d’interviews individuelles et de groupes, j’indique des parcours de réflexion autour de certains axes thématiques, tels que l'autorité, la protestation, la façon de traverser l’espace. La dernière partie consiste dans l’application de la méthode déconstructionniste sur un signifiant spécifique qui ressort, même si situé différemment, des récits des femmes interviewées: la maison. / Here proposed un analysis of the development projects concerning the city of Tangier and the struggles of the women living in the popular zones.Starting from an international dimension, which is particularly related to the construction of the Mediterranean region, I underline how the privatization processes and the FDI Foreign Direct Investments grabbing, produced deep consequences especially in the Northern region of Morocco. Connecting to the regionalization process and the central role of the Mediterranean geography, the region is the territory for the implementation of Mediterranean projects: installation of industrial and free zones that produces the increase of the internal migration (from countryside to city) with the consequent progressive urbanization of the region.The ethnographic research took place in Tanja, the main urban centre of the North where different popular fights, with a predominant women’s participation, occur. The narration of these struggles is in a constant dialogue with insights on some specific development projects Some lines of thought around thematic aces like authority, protest and space crossing are identified through a methodology of participant observation and several semi-structured interviews with the women implicated in the struggles.The last part of the work consist in applying the deconstructionist method to a specific signifier: the home.

This study aims at understanding the 15-year long hegemonic struggle of the Bergama movement. In the pursuit of this aim, it first seeks to develop a conceptual framework through the articulation of the insights of Social Movement approaches within the discourse-theoretical framework of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Analyzing the Bergama movement within this conceptual framework, it then argues that in spite of its emergence in the local Bergama context as a particular response to the operation of a goldmine, the Bergama movement has gone beyond a local protest campaign. It constituted an anti-gold mining discourse that, tying the issue of the operation of the goldmine in Bergama to some wider issues, such as protection of environment, operation of gold mines, operation of foreign companies, rule of law, human rights, and democracy, posed challenges both to the neo-liberal economic structure and to the authoritarian state structure in the Turkish context. The study also argues that despite its initial success in providing a discursive space for the articulation of a number of unfulfilled social demands and thereby mobilizing a number of social groups, the Bergama movement gradually weakened mainly because the challenges that it posed to the hegemonic structures impelled the several forces of the status-quo to the struggle, who did not only win the popular consent to the necessity of the operation of goldmines by means of constructing a pro-mining discourse on the basis of speculations but also antagonized and repressed the protesters on the basis of inevident allegations.