This paper proposes a situated reflection on the political potential of the concept of those environmentally affected, in a framework of fight for rights, in order to promote a dense conceptualization, according to the situations of suffering and violations suffered by victims of environmental pollution. First we describe an experience rich in examples, highlighting the institutional set of the injustices andthose devices of mis-recognition. Also we describe the communities formed by and for the victims. Secondly, we make a review of some contexts of use of the notion of environmental affected that can contribute to strength —in the particular case analyzed and by extension, to others— for a public and political self-understanding towards effective recognition. / Este trabajo propone una reflexión situada sobre la potencialidad política de la noción de afectados ambientales en un marco de lucha por los derechos, para promover una conceptualización densa y acorde con la situaciones de padecimiento y vulneración de derechos que padecen las víctimas de la contaminación ambiental. Primero, describimos una experiencia fecunda en ejemplos, destacando la trama institucional de la injusticia recorrida por los afectados y los dispositivos de denegación de reconocimiento, así como las comunidades formadas por y para las víctimas. Segundo, realizamos un repaso de algunos contextos de uso de la noción de afectados ambientales que pueden contribuir a fortalecer —en el caso particular analizado y, por extensión, en otros— una autocomprensión público- política para el efectivo reconocimiento.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Esta pesquisa busca compreender significaÃÃes de pobreza e lugar(es) ensejadas pelas margens urbanas de Fortaleza-Ce nestes anos 2000, sob o ponto de vista de moradores de territÃrios estigmatizados da regiÃo do Grande Bom Jardim.Optei, assim, pela pesquisa qualitativa, com a adoÃÃo da observaÃÃo participante em complementaridade com as entrevistas. Trata-se de um estudo sÃcio-antropolÃgico, circunstanciado no Mela Mela e no Marrocos, sobre os quais recaem estigmatizaÃÃes sÃcio territoriais e de desqualificaÃÃo social de seus residentes em condiÃÃo de pobreza. Nos esquemas classificatÃrios locais, as estigmatizaÃÃes associadas à pobreza, aos âpobresâ e aos seus locais de moradia sÃo ora recusadas/dissimuladas, ora transferidas/reproduzidas pelos agentes, travando lutas de classificaÃÃo em distintos espaÃos e nÃveis. Esta tese buscou apreender as lutas simbÃlicas cotidianas e intra territoriais,urdidas nos Ãmbitos individual/grupal pelos moradores em torno das re-semantizaÃÃes de pobreza/âser pobreâ e da construÃÃo social de lugar(es) reconhecidos como expressÃes doâvixe do vixeâ desta regiÃo. Em suas micro tÃticas de distinÃÃo social, os narradores-residentes fabricaram (re)classificaÃÃes, traduzidas em suas percepÃÃes de um ânÃs idealâ, bem como (des)classificaÃÃes hierarquizadas dos âpobresâ locais, demarcatÃrias de fronteiras simbÃlicas entre (des)iguais geograficamente prÃximos, tornados socialmente distantes. Elaboraram seus conceitos nativos de pobreza, delineando duas principais versÃes: uma individualizada e privatista, que distingue âpobreza-precisÃoâ deâpobreza de espÃritoâ; e a outra, que associa pobreza ao local de moradia, configurado em espaÃo de abandono e inseguranÃa sÃcio-econÃmica e civil. Compreender as (re)significaÃÃes da pobreza urbana em tempos contemporÃneos exigiu apreender seus enraizamentos nos lugares praticados pelos narradores, importante parÃmetro nas produÃÃes relacionais de seus esquemas classificatÃrios intra territoriais e de classificaÃÃes estigmatizantes projetadas sobre a regiÃo e seus residentes. A outra dimensÃo destas lutas simbÃlicas apreendida nesta tese diz respeito aos sentidos de lugar(es) em duas perspectivas: a de valorizaÃÃo do territÃrio vivido como lugar de memÃria, reconhecimento e pertenÃa sÃcio territorial, embora considerando-o abandonado pelo poder pÃblico; e a de espacialidade(s) de medo e inseguranÃa(s), sintonizada com prÃticas topofÃbicas de habitÃ-las e sociofÃbicas de evitaÃÃo social, enunciando tendÃncias de um viver acuadoâ nestas margens da cidade. Esta tese enseja uma interpretaÃÃo crÃtica dos conceitos nativos de âpobrezaâ/âpobreâ e seus lugares vividos, adensando reflexÃes multivocais e polissÃmicas sobre o viver nas margens das margens urbanas em tempos contemporÃneos. / This research aims at understanding the meanings entailed by poverty and places on unprivileged urban areas in the city of Fortaleza, state of Ceara in the 2000 years, according to the evaluation of dwellers of stigmatized territories, in this case, the Grande Bom Jardim region. In view of this configuration, a qualitative research was chosen with adoption of participative observation to complement the interviews. It is a social and anthropological study encompassing the Mela Mela and Marrocos communities that are heavily burdened by social and territorial stigmatization and social disavowal commonly associated with residents in a poverty condition. In local classification patterns, stigmatization associated with poverty, âthe poorâ and their dwelling places is at one time refused/dissimulated and at another time transferred/reproduced by agents who battle in different spaces and levels. This thesis tries to apprehend the daily symbolic struggles within the territory that are weaved by individual and group environments related to dwellers dealing with new linguistic meanings of poverty/âbeing poorâ and the social buildup of place or places considered âthe pitsâ in the region. According to their micro-tactics of social empowerment, the narrators/dwellers engendered new classifications that were transformed into perceptions that they have of an âideal usâ as well as hierarchy-based refusal of the local âpoorâ demarcating symbolic frontiers between unequal people who are on the other hand geographically close, but who became socially distant. They elaborated their native concept of poverty delineating two main versions: the first, an individual and private configuration that distinguishes âsurviving povertyâ from âspiritual povertyâ; and the other that associates poverty with dwelling place, meaning neglected space plagued by social-economic and civil insecurity. In order to understand the re-significations of urban poverty in the present required from the researcher to delve into the ârootsâ of places indicated by narrators, being this instance an important parameter seen in relational production and its territorial classifying patterns as well as in stigmatizing classifications that are projected on the region and its residents. The other dimension of those symbolic struggles as evaluated by this thesis refers to the meaning of locus according to two perspectives: the increased value of dwelling territory, caused by an increased social-cultural sense of memory, appreciation and belonging, in spite of a feeling of being abandoned by the city administration; and spreading of fear and insecurity encompassing topophobic practices that inhibit dwelling and sociophobic practices that enhance social avoidance revealing trends of living under siege within those areas of the city. Therefore, this thesis offers a critical evaluation of native concepts of âpovertyâ/âpoorâ and the related lociassociated with them in their characterization as dwelling places that engross multivocal and polissemic reflections on living beyond urban limits at the present time.

Submitted by (lucia.rodrigues@ufrpe.br) on 2016-06-16T14:00:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio Romerito da Silva Arcoverde.pdf: 3122594 bytes, checksum: d8983d6f079d6d08bfce890c601ebfbf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-16T14:00:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio Romerito da Silva Arcoverde.pdf: 3122594 bytes, checksum: d8983d6f079d6d08bfce890c601ebfbf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This thesis aims to investigate the migration , labor relations , the sociability , the domination forms, social conflicts in Societe Belge Cotonière Bresilienne S. A. and the performance of the local working class in the 1946-1964 democratic context . This study takes into consideration the peculiar case of the tissues factory in the state of Pernambuco and in Moreno city, which constitute the ideals of capitalist work in that environment . Place that passed between urban and rural areas . Bring to historical research study of this working class , which had the classic patterns of industrialization , create , recreate , interact and represent their cultural , social and economic relations in the " company town " of Moreno . Our work is based on analysis of a working class that stands out for having unique characteristics , so we insert the various methods of observation of subjects in historical context marked by distinctions and class struggles. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo investigar a migração, as relações de trabalho, as sociabilidades, as formas de dominação, os conflitos sociais na Societé Cotonière Belge Bresilienne S. A. e a atuação da classe operária local no contexto democrático de 1946-1964. Este estudo leva em consideração o peculiar caso da fábrica de tecidos encravada no interior do estado de Pernambuco, cidade de Moreno, constituidora dos ideais do trabalho capitalista naquele ambiente. Espaço que transitou entre o mundo urbano e o rural. Trazemos para a pesquisa histórica o estudo desta classe operária, que fora dos padrões clássicos de industrialização, criam, recriam, interagem e significam suas relações culturais, sociais e econômicas na “cidade-empresa” de Moreno. Nosso trabalho se baseia na análise de uma classe operária que se destaca por ter características peculiares, assim, inserimos as diversas formas de observação dos sujeitos no contexto histórico marcado por diferenciações e lutas de classes.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:13:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Roberto Resende Ferreira.pdf: 484554 bytes, checksum: 100446d07d8058e7d3e57b521f648d05 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-07-14 / FERREIRA, João Roberto Resende. Expansion of basic education and the relationship capital, labor and education on the 70 s in Brazil. 2011. 125 pages. Thesis (Graduate Education Program) Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal de Goiás, Goiânia, 2011. This study is a bibliographical research which belongs to the research field of Education, Labor and Social Movements. It sets out to understand the expansion of basic education in Brazil in the context of its close relationship with capital, labor and education. The study tries to understand the logic underlying the action of capital, workers and State in relation to the school and the principles and values which inspired educational reform in the late twentieth century. It is based on the Gramscian theoretical framework in what refers to Americanism and Fordism, according to which all historical particularities require people to acquire specific formation and it is up to the different schools and intellectuals to exercise this formative function in a society of classes. In Brazil, the process of industrial expansion and unplanned urbanization generated urban contradictions and put access to education at center stage in popular struggles. / FERREIRA, João Roberto Resende. Expansão da escola básica e a relação capital, trabalho e educação no Brasil dos anos 1970. 2011. 125 páginas. Tese (Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação) Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), Goiânia, 2011. Trata-se de uma pesquisa bibliográfica vinculada à Linha de Pesquisa Educação, Trabalho e Movimentos Sociais. Tem como objeto de estudo apreender a expansão da educação básica no Brasil em sua estreita relação com o capital, o trabalho e a educação. Busca-se entender a lógica que fundamenta as ações do capital, dos trabalhadores e do Estado relativas à escola e os princípios e valores que orientaram as reformas educacionais no final do século XX. Fundamenta-se no referencial teórico gramsciano referente ao americanismo e fordismo, segundo o qual toda particularidade histórica exige uma formação específica dos indivíduos, cabendo às diferentes escolas e aos diferentes intelectuais exercer essa função em uma sociedade de classes. A realização desta pesquisa permite afirmar que, no Brasil, o processo de expansão industrial e de urbanização desordenada gestou as contradições urbanas e, nas lutas populares, o acesso à escola ganhou centralidade.

A presente pesquisa busca examinar o movimento pela preservação do quarteirão do Itaim Bibi, o qual, no contexto atual da reprodução da metrópole, configura-se como uma luta pelo uso do espaço. Partimos, primeiramente, dos pressupostos mais gerais sobre a produção do espaço, que, sob a influência da mundialização, momento específico do capitalismo, determina-o como condição da reprodução do capital. Também considerando que a metrópole se torna um dos momentos necessários da acumulação, buscamos compreender os processos contraditórios que emergem da reprodução do urbano, tomando como referência a Operação Urbana Faria Lima e o bairro do Itaim Bibi. Assim, nosso trabalho é desenvolvido no sentido de compreender tanto o significado do quarteirão do Itaim no contexto da metrópole e do próprio bairro quanto da luta que se formou em defesa de sua preservação. Nesse percurso, nossa análise procurou desvendar de que maneira o quarteirão do Itaim nos revela em sua própria produção a contradição entre o valor de uso (apropriação) e o valor de troca (dominação) do espaço, mais precisamente a contradição, materializada inclusive na paisagem urbana atual do bairro, entre o uso público do espaço e a reprodução da cidade como negócio. Procuramos analisar o papel do Movimento SOS Quarteirão do Itaim como expressão das mobilizações sociais em defesa do patrimônio cultural, inclusive apontando seus aspectos ambivalentes, isto é, ora com potencial político de questionar os processos hegemônicos em curso, ora reafirmando seus discursos conservadores. Nesse sentido, levando em consideração o ponto de vista social e não somente do poder da classe capitalista que domina o processo urbano, discutimos ainda o significado das lutas pelo espaço, que evidenciam as contradições do processo da reprodução da metrópole e podem ter o potencial de produzir uma sociedade mais democrática e espaços socialmente mais justos. / The present research seeks to examine the movement for the preservation of the Itaim Bibi block, which, in the current context of reproduction of the metropolis, appears as a struggle for space. We start, first, from the most general assumptions on the production of space, which, under the influence of globalization, a specific moment of capitalism, determine it as the condition to the reproduction of capital. Also considering that the metropolis becomes one of the necessary stages of accumulation, we try to understand the contradictory processes that emerge from the reproduction of the city, with reference to the Urban Operation Faria Lima and the Itaim Bibi neighborhood. Our work is developed in order to understand both the meaning of the Itaim block in the context of the metropolis and the neighborhood itself, and the struggle that was formed in defense of their preservation. Along this route, our analysis sought to unveil how the Itaim block reveals in its own production the contradiction between use value (appropriation) and exchange value (domination) of space, more precisely the contradiction, embodied even in the current urban landscape of the district, between the public use of space and the reproduction of the city as a business. We seek to analyze the role of SOS Itaim Movement as an expression of social mobilizations in defense of cultural heritage, pointing also their ambivalent aspects, that is, sometimes with political potential to challenge hegemonic processes, sometimes reaffirming their conservative discourses. In that sense, taking into account the social point of view, and not only the power of the capitalist class that dominates the urban process, we also discussed the significance of the struggles for space, which show that the contradictions of the metropolis reproduction process and could have the potential to produce a more democratic society and spaces that are more socially just.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-02T13:24:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 naiaradelimaguimaraes.pdf: 1239627 bytes, checksum: a1301b73dbe33aa9383e23b51d685181 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T11:53:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 naiaradelimaguimaraes.pdf: 1239627 bytes, checksum: a1301b73dbe33aa9383e23b51d685181 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T11:53:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 naiaradelimaguimaraes.pdf: 1239627 bytes, checksum: a1301b73dbe33aa9383e23b51d685181 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-21 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / CNPq - Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A presente dissertação de mestrado - motivada pela busca pela compreensão dos elementos determinantes das lutas sociais - tem como objetivo elucidar e apreender alguns determinantes das categorias alienação, ideologia e consciência de classe. Para tal, foi realizado um estudo teórico a partir de pensadores da tradição marxista clássicos e contemporâneos. Esse trabalho procurou identificar o processo das lutas sociais no Brasil no contexto da ditadura militar, passando pelo ressurgimento do movimento de massas ao longo dos anos de 1980. Situa, a partir de recorrências à literatura especializada, traços gerais das transformações societárias do capitalismo contemporâneo em que se destacam os processos de reestruturação produtiva, neoliberalismo, financeirização e ideologia pós-moderna. Conclui explicitando alguns elementos acerca das implicações e desafios para a organização dos trabalhadores, orientada pelas referências de análise das categorias teóricas referidas. / This dissertation - motivated by the quest for understanding of the determinants of social struggles - aims to elucidate and capture some determinants of categories alienation, ideology and class consciousness. To this end, a study was conducted from theoretical thinkers of the Marxist tradition and contemporary classics. This study sought to identify the process of social struggles in Brazil in the context of the military dictatorship through the resurgence of mass movement during the 1980s. Lies from the recurrences literature, broadly societal transformations of contemporary capitalism in highlighting the productive restructuring process, neoliberalism, financialization and postmodern ideology. Concludes explaining some elements of the implications and challenges for the organization of workers, guided by references theoretical analysis of the categories listed.

La thèse tente de démontrer et d’expliquer le problème des grandes confrontations entre les propriétaires traditionnels amérindiens, dépossédés de la « Pacha Mama » comme les oubliés de l’ « Ivy Imarãa », et les grands propriétaires terriens. Ces indigènes aymaras, quechuas et tupis guaranis ont oeuvré en tant que groupes de pression dans le but d’obtenir la propriété de la terre, d’abord en tant que classe sociale, puis en tant que groupe ethnique. Dans leur détermination d’être reconnus politiquement et économiquement, ils se sont soulevés lors des mouvements indigènes contre les propriétaires terriens. S’organisant ainsi en groupes de pression afin d’obtenir l’accès à la terre et plus généralement à l’ensemble des ressources naturelles.Le début de la thèse s’intéresse aux recherches historiques sur toutes les pénuries que les indigènes des hautes terres et des basses terres de la Bolivie subirent, et qui mirent en péril leur survie.Ensuite, nous nous introduirons dans l’évolution précoloniale, coloniale et surtout dans la république, où se sont déroulés des luttes de pouvoir pour l’appropriation des terres et de leur richesse, allant jusqu’à déclencher des conflits internationaux. A ces guerres s’ajoutent les guerres civiles intérieures pour la conquête et la possession des mines, comme celles s’opposant aux barons de l’étain Patiño, Hochschild et Aramayo. En conséquence, nous assisterons à la naissance et à l’évolution des gouvernements libéraux et de divers partis politiques mus par la soif du pouvoir.Par ailleurs, la thèse tente de démontrer le problème que suscita la culture de la feuille de coca dans les années soixante dix à cause du narcotrafic et de la position forte des Etats Unis dans la politique interne bolivienne.Puis, il s’agira d’aborder le problème du financement économique dans lequel se trouvent certains territoires autonomes à cause de la répartition inégale des richesses de certains départements et régions.Nous nous attacherons par la suite au rôle important qu’exerce la femme dans la vie politique, économique et sociale, notamment dans la lutte pour l’obtention des terres et dans le processus visant à l’égalité des genres.Enfin, nous démontrerons qu’en dépit du gouvernement populiste et indigéniste d’Evo Morales, le problème de la répartition des terres n’a pas encore trouvé de solution adéquate. / This thesis tries to explain the problem of the great confrontations between the traditional native Indians who was spoiled of their lands known as the « Pacha Mama » like the forgotten of the « Ivy Imaraa » and the big landowners.These native Aymaras, Quechuas and Tupis Guaranis worked as a pressure group in order to obtain the property of lands first as a social class then as an ethnic group. In their will to be recognised politically and economically they rise up during the natives movements against landowners of national lands and multinational companies. That’s why they organised themselves in pressure groups to get the access to land as well as the whole natural resources.At the beginning we will see the historical research about all the shortages that indigenous highlands and lowlands of Bolivia suffered, threatening their survival.Then we are going to look at the pre-colonial, colonial and especially republic evolution where took place the struggle for power and for the appropriation of lands and the wealth they contain and that can produce internationals wars like the war of Chaco for the oil. To these wars were added civil wars for the conquest and possession of mines such as the ones opposing the tin barons like Patiño, Hochschild and Aramayo.Therefore, we assist to the born and evolution of liberal governments and political party which craving for power. Besides that, the thesis attempts to demonstrate the problem aroused the coca leaf in the seventies because of the drug trade and the strong position of the US in Bolivian internal policy.Then we will address the problem of economic financing in which there are some autonomous territories because of the unequal distribution of wealth of some departments and regions.Thereafter we will focus in the important role exercised by women in the political, economic and social life, especially in the struggle for land and in the process of gender equality.Finally, we will demonstrate that despite the populist and nativist government of Evo Morales, the problem of land distribution has not yet found an adequate solution.

Denna studie analyserar uppkomsten, konsekvenserna och bemötandet av territoriellt stigma som konceptualiserat av Loïc Wacquant (2008b) hos invånare bosatta på Hertsön, ett bostadsområde som ibland omnämns genom stigmatiserande termer som ”ghetto” eller ”problemområde”. Syftet är att använda Hertsön som fall i undersökningen av territoriellt stigma och hur det tar sig uttryck i ett bostadsområde som i en svensk kontext kännetecknas av en viss grad av marginalisering. Studien består av två delar. Genom en inledande historisk undersökning analyseras först framställningar av Hertsön som i sin tur stämplade bostadsområdet som avvikande och marginaliserat. Därefter görs en beskrivning och analys av områdets materiella och symboliska utveckling i relation till Luleå kommun som helhet under 2000-talet. Studiens andra del är baserad på data från 9 semistrukturerade intervjuer genomförda med invånare från Hertsön. Först undersöks stigmats eventuella konsekvenser för invånarnas relation till bostadsområdet och andra invånare i kommunen. Därefter undersöks vilka strategier invånarna använder i sitt bemötande av territoriellt stigma. Studien visar att invånarna, till följd av Hertsöns jämförelsevis milda grad av social och ekonomisk marginalisering, utvecklat en rad strategier som används i syfte att neutralisera och bekämpa de stigmatiserande förhållningssätt som riktas mot dem och deras bostadsområde. Detta har sannolikt medfört att man hos intervjupersonerna inte finner starka uttryck för det territoriella stigmats konsekvenser, som förakt mot sitt bostadsområde och dess invånare. Snarare ser man bevis för starka band mellan intervjupersonerna till Hertsön som bostadsområde och till områdets invånare. Avslutningsvis diskuterar studien huruvida det territoriella stigmat riskerar att intensifieras i framtiden om Hertsöns materiella och symboliska utveckling fortsätter i samma spår som under 2000-talets inledande 20 år. / This study analyzes the emergence, consequences and response to territorial stigma as conceptualized by Loïc Wacquant (2008b) by residents of Hertsön, a residential area sometimes referred to by stigmatizing terms as "ghetto" or "problem area". The purpose is to use Hertsön as a case in the study of territorial stigmatization and how it manifests itself in a residential area that in a Swedish context is characterized by a certain degree of marginalization. The study consists of two parts. By means of an initial historical survey, stigmatizing representations of Hertsön which are thought to have labeled the residential area as deviant and marginalized are analyzed. Subsequently, a description and analysis of the area's material and symbolic development in relation to Luleå municipality as a whole is made during the 2000s. The second part of the study is based on data from 9 semi-structured interviews conducted with residents of Hertsön. First, possible consequences of stigma for the residents' relationship with the housing area and other residents in the municipality are examined. Second, strategies used by residents in addressing territorial stigma are examined. The study shows that, as a result of Hertsön's comparatively mild degree of social and economic marginalization have enabled the inhabitants to develop a number of strategies that are used to neutralize and combat the stigmatizing approaches directed at them and their housing area. This has probably been the cause behind the interviewees not expressing strong consequences of territorial stigma, such as contempt for their residential area and its inhabitants. Rather, one finds evidence of strong links between the interviewees to Hertsön as a residential area and its inhabitants. Finally, the study discusses whether the territorial stigma may be intensified in the future if Hertsön's material and symbolic development continues in the same vein as during the early 20s of the 21st century.

abstract: This dissertation examines the San Diego border region to understand migrant construction worker’s mobility, autonomy, and labor power. San Diego County is enclosed by a network of internal immigration checkpoints and roving patrol operations that constrain migrant worker’s labor power to the territorial boundaries of the county. The project uses ‘differential mobility’ as a strategic concept to highlight the ways in which borders differentiate, sort, and rank among noncitizen migrant construction workers to meet local labor demands. The project reveals worker’s collective struggle to evade and cross border enforcement operations to maintain consistent employment across a border region that is marked by internal immigration checkpoints, roving patrol stops, and state surveillance measures. In addition, the project examines migrant men’s emerging workplace narratives about the body and penetration that symbolize workers’ understanding of social domination in a global economy. These expressions open up a critical space from which migrant men begin to critique a global economy that drives men northbound for employment and southbound for retirement—inhibiting a future that is neither entirely in the United States or Mexico. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Justice Studies 2020

Syftet med uppsatsen är att skapa förståelse för de svårigheter som unga vuxna upplever när de försöker begränsa sin användning av sociala medier och hur dessa svårigheter kan förstås utifrån ett maktperspektiv. Studien bygger på åtta kvalitativa intervjuer. Resultatet visar att unga vuxna använder olika strategier för att minska sin användning av sociala medier. Samtidigt befinner de sig i en dragkamp mellan att vilja begränsa sin användning ytterligare och en rädsla för att hamna utanför. När unga vuxna begränsar sociala medier uppstår svårigheter och konsekvenser såsom förlorad kontakt med vänner, förlorad tillgång till information och minskad kommunikation. I analysen används Habermas teori om systemets kolonisering av livsvärlden för att analysera hur sociala medier tränger in i den personliga sfären och påverkar det sociala livet. Detta fenomen understryker ett maktförhållande mellan individen och de sociala medieföretagen. Här används Foucaults perspektiv på makt och motstånd för att analysera de maktförhållanden som påverkar unga vuxnas användning och de strategier som tillämpas för att stå emot detta inflytande. Även i livsvärlden förekommer maktkamper av olika slag; eftersom den höga användningen har blivit norm i samhället skapas ett grupptryck från vänner, familj, arbetsgivare och klasskamrater, som också påverkar unga vuxnas användning. / The purpose of this thesis is to better understand the difficulties experienced by young adults when they try to limit their use of social media, and how these difficulties can be understood from a power perspective. We have conducted eight qualitative interviews. The results show that young adults use different strategies to limit their use of social media. Still, they are caught in a struggle between wanting to limit their use further and a fear of missing out. Leaving social media means that they face a variety of consequences, such as loss of friends, communication, and access to information. In the analysis, Habermas’ theory colonization of the lifeworld is used to analyze how social media penetrate the personal sphere and affect social life. This phenomenon indicates a power relationship between the individual and the social media companies. Foucault’s perspectives on power and counter-power are here used to analyze how this exercise of power affect young adults’ use and the strategies used to resist this influence. There are also power struggles taking place in the lifeworld; due to social norms within the group, friends, family, employers, and classmates create a pressure on young adults to use social media.