Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Raimundo Campos Castro Junior.pdf: 546330 bytes, checksum: a61f9ab0e8d3b230e5940059e6c9076f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-02 / This dissertation discusses the social struggles in Bolivia, during the Water War and the Gas War, in a context of widespread social unrest. We seek to understand the social context of the country, from the neoliberal economic restructuring. We present a socio-historical approach to reveal the social actors involved: their desires, their contradictions; the development of the struggle of the exploited class organizations and the process of struggle and resistance that invigorates an anti-imperialist nationalism imprint. Include the emergence and political-ideological structure of the main organizations who participated in the overthrow of two presidents in the timeline pertaining to this work, especially the proletariat of El Alto and the coca growers, who developed a fight to defend their ethnic-cultural values attached to their demands classist. The study is based on a historical-materialist approach, which inserts Bolivia in a context of global imperialist domination and how the struggle for nationalization of natural resources of the country, led by the exploited classes, could open a new cycle of social struggles, resulting in profound socio-political changes, from this process. / Discussão sobre as lutas sociais na Bolívia, durante a Guerra da Água e Guerra do Gás, em um contexto de revolta social generalizada. Buscamos compreender a conjuntura social do país, a partir da reestruturação econômica sob as diretrizes neoliberais. Apresenta-se uma abordagem histórico-social a fim de revelar os atores sociais envolvidos: seus anseios, suas contradições; o desenvolvimento das organizações de luta das classes exploradas e o processo de luta e resistência que revigora um nacionalismo de cunho anti-imperialista. Destaca-se o surgimento e estrutura político-ideológica das principais organizações que foram protagonistas na deposição de dois presidentes no espaço temporal pertencente a este trabalho, em especial o proletariado de El Alto e os cocaleros, que desenvolveram uma luta pela defesa dos seus valores étnico-culturais unido às suas demandas classistas. O estudo fundamenta-se numa abordagem materialista-histórica, que insere a Bolívia em um contexto de dominação imperialista mundial e como a luta pela nacionalização dos recursos naturais do país, protagonizada pelas classes exploradas, pôde abrir um novo ciclo de lutas sociais, resultando em profundas mudanças sociopolíticas, a partir deste processo.

Este estudo da figura de Horace Manley Lane leva em consideração as lutas de representações e a formação de rede de Escolas Americanas no Brasil entre os anos de 1885 e 1912. O objetivo é lançar luz sobre essa figura, cuja atuação foi marcada por disputas de poder no campo educacional protestante, e suas práticas educacionais e missionárias. Tradicionalmente, ele é conhecido como consultor da reforma do ensino público paulista, mas como veremos, sua atuação vai além das representações construídas na historiografia e no campo educacional brasileiro. Como educador, foi defensor do modelo educacional norte-americano, fazendo circular no Brasil elementos de uma pedagogia então moderna. Além disso, o trabalho discute o fato de que uma de suas propostas para disseminar a cultura e os valores do presbiterianismo norte-americano foi a criação de uma rede de escolas americanas. Nossa hipótese é que entre suas práticas como educador estava a organização de escolas, principalmente em cidades que contavam com o apoio de maçons, presbiterianos, republicanos e de pessoas ligadas a sua rede de relacionamentos, o que configura sua relação de poder com agentes sociais ligados à Maçonaria, à educação e ao presbiterianismo. Como educador organizou o Mackenzie College, primeira instituição particular de ensino superior no Brasil. Como missionário, não estava ligado ao campo presbiteriano brasileiro e nem frequentava uma igreja. Nessa condição, não atuava como os primeiros missionários norte-americanos de confissão de fé presbiteriana, através da evangelização direta, e sim, através da educação como forma de evangelização indireta. Como missionário e educador, construiu representações acerca do Brasil, da educação, da política e da catequese indígena que nos ajudam a compreender representações e práticas pouco conhecidas e pouco trabalhadas na historiografia e na perspectiva da história da educação. Como fundamentação teórica, utilizamos o conceito de representação em Roger Chartier, a categoria de lugar social, estratégia e tática de Michel de Certeau, o conceito de campo em Bourdieu, de sociedade de ideias de Bastian, de paradigma indiciário de Ginzburg, entre outros. A pesquisa faz uso de fontes primárias, tais como: relatórios educacionais produzidos por Horace Lane, Relatórios da Igreja Presbiteriana norte-americana, prospectos educacionais, relatórios de missionários, jornais, cartas e outros. / This study about the figure of Horace Manley Lane takes into account the struggles of representations and the formation of the American Schools network in Brazil in the years 1885 to 1912. Our objective is to shed light to this person whose actions were marked by power disputes, and to his educational and missionary practices. Lane is traditionally known as a consultant for the public education in São Paulo, but as we shall see, his actions go further than that which is presented in the constructed representations in historiography and in the Brazilian educational field. As an educator, he was a defender of the American Presbyterian educational model. In Brazil, he prompted the circulation of some elements of what was then known as modern pedagogy. Moreover, this paper discusses the fact that one of his propositions to disseminate the American Presbyterianism culture and values was the creation of a American schools network. Our hypothesis is that among his practices as an educator there was the organization of schools, especially in cities where he could find the support of Masons, Presbyterians, Republicans; people who were linked to his personal network, thus configuring his power relations with social agents connected with the Masonry, the education and the Presbyterianism. As an educator organized the Mackenzie College, the first private institution of higher education in Brazil. As a missionary, he presented no connection with the Brazilian Presbyterian field, nor did he attend religious services here. Therefore, he did not work as the first American Presbyterians, through direct evangelization, but rather through education as a way of indirect evangelization. As a missionary and an educator, he built representations about Brazil, the local education, politics, and the catechism of the indigenous people. Those representations allow us to understand the representations and practices which are little known or worked on in historiography and on the perspective of history of education. To a theoretical foundation we bring representation concepts developed by Roger Chartier, the social place category, strategy and tactics in Michel de Certeau, the field concept in Bordieu, the society of ideas in Bastian, and the evidential paradigm in Ginzburg, among others. The research uses primary sources, such as, educational reports produced by Horace Lane, American Presbyterian Church reports, educational prospects, missionaries reports, newspapers and others.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-15T11:04:04Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 9 bytes, checksum: 42dd12a06de379d3ffa39b67dc9c7aff (MD5) felipeperdigaobarbosa.pdf: 2974342 bytes, checksum: 205e51c585d09e6dd0ef008179761c29 (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: on 2017-08-15T11:40:30Z (GMT) / Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-15T11:42:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 felipeperdigaobarbosa.pdf: 2974342 bytes, checksum: 205e51c585d09e6dd0ef008179761c29 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-15T12:03:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 felipeperdigaobarbosa.pdf: 2974342 bytes, checksum: 205e51c585d09e6dd0ef008179761c29 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-15T12:03:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 felipeperdigaobarbosa.pdf: 2974342 bytes, checksum: 205e51c585d09e6dd0ef008179761c29 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-29 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O trabalho em questão tomou como objeto de análise o projeto social de cunho habitacional Pró-Moradia, localizado em uma área de ocupação popular da cidade de Muriaé, Minas Gerais, que apresenta contradições inerentes ao processo de produção capitalista do espaço. O projeto, que possui ainda cunho paroquial, foi idealizado por um padre holandês erradicado no município, conhecido como padre Tiago Prins. Originalmente, o projeto Pró-moradia aparenta personificar os ideais daquilo que Henri Lefebvre chamou de “direito à cidade”, expresso na primazia do “uso” da habitação. Contudo, ao longo de sua história esses ideais se perderam frente às contradições inerentes ao próprio capitalismo, que se desenvolveram justamente pela falta de organização social do projeto em questão. O fato de grande parte dos imóveis não possuir escritura, sendo estes terrenos vinculados a um grupo de investidores externos, tidos como “doadores”, contribuiu para um caminho de exclusão e não de acesso ao uso da cidade. / The work in question took as an object of analysis the social project of a housing project Pró-Moradia, located in an area of popular occupation of the city of Muriaé, Minas Gerais, which presents contradictions inherent in the process of capitalist production of space. The project, which still has a parish, was conceived by a dutch priest eradicated in the municipality, know as father Tiago Prins. Originally, the Pro-dwelling project seems to epitomize the ideals of what Henri Lefebvre called the “right to the city”, expressed in the primacy of the “use” of housing. Throughout their history, however, these ideals have been lost in the face of the contradictions inherent in capitalism itself, which have developed precisely because of the lack of social organization of the project in question. The fact that most of the properties do not have a deed, and these lands are linked to a group of external investors, considered as “donors”, controbuted to a path of exclusion and not access to the use of the city.

Submitted by Joel de Lima Pereira Castro Junior (joelpcastro@uol.com.br) on 2017-06-05T21:40:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Lucas Pacheco Campos.pdf: 1843534 bytes, checksum: bf583bc68ba62d77a0dd20d355edfdc4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Biblioteca de Administração e Ciências Contábeis (bac@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-06-06T21:31:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Lucas Pacheco Campos.pdf: 1843534 bytes, checksum: bf583bc68ba62d77a0dd20d355edfdc4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-06T21:31:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Lucas Pacheco Campos.pdf: 1843534 bytes, checksum: bf583bc68ba62d77a0dd20d355edfdc4 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro, RJ / Este trabalho se localiza no campo de disputas e de construção de narrativas sobre o mais recente período ditatorial brasileiro, fincado entre os anos de 1964 e 1985. Elegeu-se um locus específico de pesquisa: a relação entre a gestão “oficial” realizada pelo Estado sobre o material memorialístico nacional e os espaços subterrâneos da memória. De um lado, foram estudados os resultados produzidos pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV), enquanto política “pública” de memória. De outro, investigaram-se as memórias de operários navais sobre o período do golpe e da ditadura, assim como suas percepções sobre as políticas de memória empreendidas ao longo dos governos pós-85. Com o objetivo de contribuir para a avaliação das atuais formas de gestão estatal sobre as memórias de grupos atingidos pelo terrorismo de Estado, o trabalho pretendeu responder uma pergunta central: como as memórias subterrâneas da ditadura foram tratadas no relatório final da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV)? Para responder essa pergunta, buscou-se estabelecer o decisivo nexo entre memórias específicas e totalidade histórica, entre particularidade e universalidade. Assim, foi possível construir uma interpretação histórica sobre esse passado a partir tanto de dados bibliográficos consolidados quanto das lembranças dos entrevistados. Percebeu-se que a combinação entre o modus operandi de terror – operacionalizada, principalmente, mas não exclusivamente pelas forças militares – e os interesses do capital – evidenciados pelo aprofundamento de um projeto dependente-associado fundado na superexploração da força de trabalho – materializaram o que chamamos aqui de ditadura empresarial-militar. Ao mesmo tempo, foi necessário estabelecer uma conexão teórica entre memória, esquecimento e gestão, a qual sintetizamos na definição de administração política da memória. Nessa etapa, refletimos mais apropriadamente sobre as funções histórico-sociais do Estado, da democracia liberal e das próprias políticas “públicas”. Realizadas tais necessárias digressões, pôde-se avaliar os resultados produzidos pela CNV, enquanto materialização de uma administração política de memórias (e também de esquecimentos). Foi possível inferir que o relatório final intensificou, intencionalmente ou não, uma espécie de apaziguamento das memórias de grupos que foram atingidos pelo terror do Estado durante a ditadura. Ao que parece, a CNV contribuiu assim para a valorização das perspectivas do consenso, da conciliação, dos acordos, as quais já vinham sendo colocadas. / This research is located in the dispute field and narratives construction about the latest Brazilian dictatorial period, between 1964 and 1985. A specific research locus has been elected: the relationship between State “official” management on the national memorial material and the subterranean spaces of memory. On one hand, the results produced by the National Truth Commission were studied as a “public” policy of memory. On the other hand, it was investigated the naval workers memories during the coup and the dictatorship, as well as their perceptions about memory policies launched during the post-85 governments. Therefore, aiming to contribute to an evaluation of the current forms of state management about memories of groups hit by State terrorism, the present work intended to answer a central question: how did the National Truth Commission final report deal with the subterranean memories of the dictatorship? To answer this question, we tried to establish a crucial link between specific memories and historical totality, between particularity and universality. It had allowed us to build a historical interpretation of that past, using consolidated bibliographic data and the memories of the workers interviewed here. The combination of the modus operandi of terror – operationalized mainly but not exclusively by the military forces - and the capital's interests – evidenced by the deepening of a dependent-associated project based on the super exploitation of labor force – materialized what we call as corporate-military dictatorship. At the same time, it was necessary to establish a connection between theoretical memory, oblivion and management, which was synthetized by the definition of political administration of memories. At this stage, it was possible to think appropriately on the historical and social functions of the state, liberal democracy and the "public" policies. Made these necessary digressions, it was possible to evaluate the results produced by the CNV, as materialization of memory and oblivion policy administration. It is possible to infer that the final report intensified, intentionally or not, a type of appeasement memory narrative of groups that were affected by state terrorism during the dictatorship. Apparently, the CNV contributed to the appreciation of perspectives of consensus, conciliation, agreements, which have already been practiced by different post- 85 civil governments. However, we suggest something else. On our view, the CNV has advanced these "official" forms of management memories and forgetfulness, featured by a sophisticated strategy to silence while remembering.

La finance islamique connaît depuis trois décennies une croissance soutenue. La problématique de recherche consiste à vérifier si l’existence de normes de comptabilité financière spécifiques aux institutions financières islamiques peut être un obstacle à l’objectif d’harmonisation comptable internationale entrepris depuis une quarantaine d’années avec la création de l’IASC. Une première phase de recherche normative suggère que les valeurs comptables issues d’une morale « islamique » seraient incompatibles avec les valeurs comptables portées par les normes internationales d’information financière (IAS/IFRS). Cependant, une deuxième phase descriptive et comparative confirme la convergence des normes comptables islamiques (IFAS) vers les IAS/IFRS illustrant un comportement « schizophrénique » du normalisateur comptable islamique (AAOIFI). En effet, cet organisme érige des normes conformes à la jurisprudence islamique pour les règles comptables de présentation mais qui convergent vers les IAS/IFRS pour les règles d’évaluation, mettant, alors, en relief la fonction « communication relationnelle » des données comptables. Afin d’étudier les facteurs de cette convergence, nous adoptons, dans une troisième phase explicative, une double approche théorique (Sociologie néo-institutionnelle et théorie de la dichotomie sacré-profane) et nous réalisons des entretiens avec les membres de deux comités opérationnels de l’AAOIFI : le comité Charia et le comité comptable (AASB). Ainsi, la convergence comptable s’expliquerait par le mimétisme des banques islamiques et de l’AAOIFI qui adoptent les mêmes réflexions et comportements que les banques classiques et le normalisateur comptable international (IASB). De même, des « luttes professionnelles » entre les deux comités opérationnels de l’AAOIFI aboutissent à la domination des membres du comité comptable plus influencés par une « culture IFRS » orientant, alors, certains choix de normalisation vers un renforcement de la convergence des IFAS vers les IAS-IFRS. De ce fait, des conflits entre « juridictions » professionnelles aux frontières mal définies permettent l’établissement d’une échelle de pouvoir et facilitent l’agissement d’effets mimétiques, coercitifs et normatifs. / Islamic finance has grown steadily for three decades now. The research question consists inchecking whether the existence of specific standards of financial accounting for Islamicfinancial institutions can be a hindrance to the goal of international accounting harmonization undertaken over the last forty years with the creation of the IASC. A first normative phase of research suggests that accounting values resulting from Islamic moral are incompatible with the accounting values of International Financial Reporting Standards (IAS / IFRS). However, a second descriptive and comparative phase confirms the convergence of Islamic Financial Accounting Standards (IFAS) to IAS / IFRS illustrating a "schizophrenic" behavior of the Islamic accounting standard-setting body (AAOIFI). Indeed, this organization sets up standards in compliance with Islamic jurisprudence for accounting presentation rules but that are converged with IAS / IFRS for valuation rules, while highlighting the "relational communication" of accounting data. To study the factors of this convergence, we take in a third explanatory phase, a dual theoretical approach (neo-institutional sociology and theory of sacred-profane dichotomy) and perform some interviews with members of two operational committees of AAOIFI: the Shariah Board and the Accounting Board (AASB). Thus, the accounting convergence is explained by the mimicry of Islamic banks and Islamic accounting standard-setting body that adopt the same thoughts and behaviors than conventional banks and the International Financial Accounting Standards Board (IASB). Similarly, "professional struggles" between the two operational committees of AAOIFI lead to the domination of the accounting committee members that are more influenced by an "IFRS culture" while directing some decisions of standard-setting process towards greater convergence of IFAS to the IASIFRS.Thus, conflicts between professional jurisdictions with ill-defined borders allow theestablishment of a scale of power and facilitate the conduct of mimetic, coercive andnormative isomorphism.

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Cette recherche interroge, dans une perspective pragmatique, la teneur des disputes entre pairs dans les cours de récréation à l'école élémentaire. Le régime de dispute en violence (Boltanski, 1990), caractérisé par des épreuves de force engageant exclusivement la force des personnes constitue le pivot de notre recherche. Comment et sous quelles conditions les interactions enfantines basculent-elles dans le régime de dispute en violence ou inversement sortent-elles de ce régime ? A l'aide d'une méthodologie fondée sur une approche ethnographique (observations et entretiens semi-scénarisés) et des questionnaires soumis aux écoliers, nous avons été en mesure de caractériser les formes émergentes de ce régime de dispute en violence, révélant ainsi une violence protéiforme ne se limitant pas au seul phénomène du harcèlement. Nous avons démontré que les écoliers recourent à des normes corporelles spécifiques et à des principes issus du monde domestique et du monde civique en vue de stabiliser l'ordre social en récréation et peuvent, sous certaines conditions, employer la violence comme un dispositif visant à contrecarrer les menaces pesant sur ces normes et principes. La compétence à s'extraire du régime de violence est apparue fortement corrélée aux dispositifs pédagogiques en place dans les écoles et à la grandeur que les élèves accordent aux enseignants ainsi qu'aux justifications et dispositifs que ces derniers emploient. La grandeur accordée à ces dispositifs et à la figure enseignante s'est enfin révélée, au fil de l'analyse comme étant étroitement imbriquée à la grandeur politique et civique que les enseignants accordent à l'écolier. / This sociological research deals with arguments among children in the school playground at primary school and follows a pragmatic sociological approach. The violent argument regime (Boltanski, 1990), is characterised by power struggles, that exclusively involves people strenght, without any principles. This violent argument regime is the centre of this research. How, and under which conditions peer interactions can get out of that regime? Using a methodology built on an ethnographic approach (observations and interviews based on scenarios) and on questionnaries to pupils, we've been able to characterise the emerging forms of the violent regime, and we showed the existence of a multifaceted violence at elementary school that can't be reduced merely to schoolbullying : this analysis's questionning the psychological approach of schoolbullying at school and discards the portraits of pupils who are either a persecutor or a victim : they can be both of them. Furthermore, pupils use physical norms and principles of justice that come from the domestic and the civic spheres in order to regulate the social order in the school playground and to get out of the violent regime. However, they can also, in the name of those principles, use violence as a device which enable them to stem the threats to those same principles. Moreover, the pupils ability to get out of the violence regime is linked to the teaching devices in the schools and to pupils perception of the teachers and the regulations that teachers use – or don't use. Some teaching devices could help pupils to get out of the violent argument regime and could restructure pupils principles and norms of justice.

Ce travail se penche sur le conflit de mémoires, les usages et les projets autour de l’immeuble de l’ancien Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS), dans le cadre du processus de ce qu’on appelle la justice transitionnelle au Brésil. Le centre de l’étude est la dynamique de la dispute pour ce lieu de mémoire, dans le contexte des luttes sociales menées par des ex-prisonniers politiques et des parents des morts et des disparus de la dictature militaire (1964-1985). La confrontation entre les projets “Espaço Cultural Memória e Direitos Humanos” et “Museu da Polícia Civil” en révèle les enjeux symboliques, idéologiques et pédagogiques. En outre, le travail expose et questionne les fonctions imparties à la police politique dans la structure de l’appareil répressif de la dictature, et à la police civile dans la sécurité publique en situation démocratique au Brésil. / This work approaches the dispute of memories, uses and projects surrounding the building of the former Departamento de Ordem Política e Social – DOPS (Department of Political and Social Order) within the framework of the process of so-called transitional justice in Brazil. The focus of the work is the dynamics of the conflict for the site of memory in the context of social struggles carried out by ex-political prisoners and relatives of the dead and disappeared of the military dictatorship (1964-1985). The confrontation between the projects "Espaço Cultural Memória e Direitos Humanos” (Memory and Human Rights Cultural Space) and “Museu da Polícia Civil" (Museum of Civil Police) reveals what is at stake in symbolic, ideological and pedagogical terms. It is presented and problematized the place occupied by the political police in the structure of the repressive apparatus of the dictatorship, as well as by the Civil Police in the public security of democracy situation in Brazil. / Este trabalho aborda a disputa de memórias, usos e projetos entorno do edifício do antigo Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS) no quadro do processo da chamada justiça transicional no Brasil. O foco do trabalho é a dinâmica do conflito pelo lugar de memória no contexto das lutas sociais protagonizadas por ex-presos políticos e familiares de mortos e desaparecidos da ditadura militar (1964-1985). O confronto entre os projetos “Espaço Cultural Memória e Direitos Humanos” e “Museu da Polícia Civil” revela o que está em jogo em termos simbólicos, ideológicos e pedagógicos. É apresentado e problematizado o lugar ocupado pela polícia política na estrutura do aparato repressivo da ditadura, assim como pela Polícia Civil na segurança pública em situação de democracia no Brasil.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Fassoni Arruda.pdf: 1395787 bytes, checksum: 18dac893462132ce4334df95dfca8244 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-17 / At the end of XIX century and beginning of XX century, important transformations had occurred in the economy, in society and in Brazilian politics. The agromercantile economy, focused on the export of primary products, had in coffee its main source of foreign exchange. The development of coffee economy, that was constituted as axle of the capitalist accumulation of the period, also demanded the improvement of the transport systems and the infrastructure of services and communications, placing the problem of the concentration and the centralization of capitals. Estimating a certain international division of the work, the imperialism penetrated in Brazil and abroached the most dynamic sectors, exporting capitals and goods and contributing, to a certain extent, for the development of the local industry. Internally, it was verified the political hegemony of coffee bourgeoisie, when farmers constituted the partner-minors of the financial oligarchy and of the high commercial bourgeoisie. The legal political system was adjusted to the modus operandi of the agroexport economy, in which the development of the productive forces was quite unsatisfactory. Despite the bourgeois institucional frame (representative government, separation of powers, economic freedom, guarantee of the private property, free work etc.), there was a weak development of the capitalism in terms of production. The excludent liberalism of the First Republic, that had excluded most of the population of the political partcipation in strict sense, it was a consequence of an extremely closed system, that practically prevented any alteration in the balance of power within the established rules, formally or tacitly. The ideology of a essentially agriculturist country was one of founded way to confer legitimacy to a politicaleconomic model which condemned the country to the delay and to the subordination front of the great imperialist powers / No final do século XIX e começo do século XX, importantes transformações ocorreram na economia, na sociedade e na política brasileiras. A economia agromercantil, voltada para a exportação de produtos primários, tinha no café a sua principal fonte de divisas. O desenvolvimento da economia cafeeira, que se constituiu como eixo da acumulação capitalista do período, exigia também o aparelhamento dos sistemas de transporte e da infraestrutura de serviços e comunicações, colocando o problema da concentração e da centralização dos capitais. Pressupondo uma certa divisão internacional do trabalho, o imperialismo penetrava no Brasil e açambarcava os setores mais dinâmicos, exportando capitais e mercadorias e contribuindo, até certo ponto, para o desenvolvimento da indústria local. Internamente, verificava-se a hegemonia política da burguesia cafeeira, sendo que os fazendeiros eram os sócios-menores da oligarquia financeira e da alta burguesia comercial. O sistema jurídico-político ajustava-se ao modus operandi da economia agroexportadora, em que o desenvolvimento das forças produtivas era bastante acanhado. Apesar da moldura institucional burguesa (governo representativo, separação de poderes, liberdade econômica, garantia da propriedade privada, trabalho livre etc.), havia um fraco desenvolvimento do capitalismo ao nível da produção. O liberalismo excludente da Primeira República, que alijava a maior parte da população do jogo político em sentido estrito, era uma consequência de um sistema extremamente fechado, que praticamente impedia qualquer alteração do equilíbrio de poder dentro das regras estabelecidas, formal ou tacitamente. A ideologia do país essencialmente agrícola era uma das fórmulas encontradas para conferir legitimidade a um modelo político-econômico que condenava o país ao atraso e à subordinação diante das grandes potências imperialistas