Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:26:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Luis Baldan.pdf: 1502881 bytes, checksum: a54bb3d5086e37773b9be619521c18a6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-03-11 / The scope of this paper is the proposal of a theoretical-conceptual model of penal inter-typicity, understood as the product of a competition, convergence, overlapping and the conflict between the normativity of multiple positive ordinations, as seen within the same political space, hypertextually related to each other and that, by featuring intertextually a global system limited by the context, reproduce the sense of the positive speech of unfair, where the penal type is taken from in its normative existential integrality. In this sense, the penal intertype corresponds to the antijuridicity typified as the discursive product of an intrinsically fair global normative. The theory of negative elements of the penal type is adopted as basilary conceptual assumptions for such, with the neoconstitutionalism, the theory of jusnatural values, the semioticity of the normative speech and the juridical realist theory. Upon the use of said scientific references, the thesis re-discusses the concept of penal norm, intends to redefine the phenomenon crime and questions the usual hermeneutic methods. The outcome of Semiotic and Linguistic advances is claimed in this paper, mainly for a criticism on the language of penal norms, granting semiotic value to popular expressions provided with juridical-normative sense; recognizing the direct expressive force of principles; defending the idea of a discursive community for the construction of the sense for the penal unfairness. The thesis further concerns on the study in perspective of the reflections that the growing establishment and sedimentation of a supranational juridical order by taking the relativity of the sovereignty concept would have on the internal application of the Penal Law, implying to know which are the effects to operate in respect to the positive elaboration and the doctrinary formulations for a fitness of such a size. Without refuting the penal typicity, its redimension is proposed; without denying the positivism, a discussion on the concept of sources and penal norms is made; without forgetting the State´s sovereignty, the supremacy of the individual´s rights before the same is defended; without disregarding the local culture, it warns as to the universal aspect of human practices. It encompasses a search of ontologic comprehension of crime and, at the same time, the (deonto)logics of the norms expressing it / Escopo deste trabalho é a proposta de um modelo teórico-conceitual de intertipicidade penal, entendida como produto da concorrência, convergência, justaposição e conflito entre a normatividade de múltiplos ordenamentos positivos, no mesmo espaço político incidentes, hipertextualmente relacionados entre si, os quais, configurando, intertextualmente, um sistema global, limitado pelo contexto, reproduzem o sentido do discurso positivo do injusto, donde se extrai o tipo penal na sua integralidade existencial normativa. Nesse sentido, o intertipo penal corresponde à antijuridicidade tipificada como produto discursivo de uma normativa global intrinsecamente justa. Para tanto, são adotados, como pressupostos conceituais basilares, a teoria dos elementos negativos do tipo penal, o neoconstitucionalismo, a teoria dos valores jusnaturais, a semioticidade do discurso normativo e a teoria realista jurídica. Empregando esses referentes científicos, a tese rediscute o conceito de norma penal, intenta a redefinição do fenômeno crime e questiona os métodos hermenêuticos usuais. Reclama-se, neste trabalho, a vinda dos avanços da Semiótica e da Lingüística para uma crítica da linguagem das normas penais, sobretudo: afastando-se da clássica idéia do legislador como emissor exclusivo da norma; conferindo valor semiótico às expressões populares dotadas de sentido jurídico-normativo; reconhecendo a força expressiva direta dos princípios; defendendo a idéia de uma comunidade discursiva de construção de sentido do injusto penal. Trata a tese, ainda, do estudo, em perspectiva, dos reflexos que o estabelecimento e sedimentação crescentes de uma ordem jurídica supranacional ao relativizar o conceito de soberania teriam sobre a aplicação interna do Direito Penal, implicando em saber quais os efeitos operáveis em relação à elaboração positiva e às formulações doutrinárias para uma adaptação de tal grandeza. Sem refutar a tipicidade penal, propõe sua redimensão; sem negar o positivismo, sugere uma discussão do conceito de fontes e de normas penais; sem olvidar da soberania do Estado, defende a supremacia dos direitos do indivíduo frente a ela; sem desmerecer a cultura local, adverte para a universalização das práticas humanas. É uma busca de compreensão ontológica do crime e, simultaneamente, (deonto)lógica das normas que o exprimem

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:28:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marina Locci Furtado.pdf: 690774 bytes, checksum: e0609ad065693526868efe0671bae1fc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-24 / This study analyses two paradigms of regional integration, the European Union, as the most advanced model and the Mercosul. The purposes of this study is to analyze the possibility of promoting of development in the member-states within the regional integration and the regional integration too, breaking the paradigms, showing the possibility of becoming true the integration through different models as the Mercosul, and not only through the supranational European model. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate which would be the necessary development to the States, as for the regional integration, independently of the model adopted and developed taking into account the dynamics in the economy and human development of each country. During this study, firstly, it will be analysed the fundamental elements to the fruition thereof, as the State. Then, we took into consideration the notion of sovereignty, as in the different standards and levels of integration and then the origin thereof based on the development achieved by the States. Using the European Union, as the supranational model of integration and Mercosul as the intergovernmental model, compare the development of the Statemembers, to demonstrate the existence or not of an ideal model of integration / O trabalho analisa dois paradigmas de integração regional, a União Européia, modelo mais avançado de integração, e o Mercosul. Objetiva vislumbrar a possibilidade de desenvolvimento dos países-membros de uma integração regional e do próprio processo de integração regional quebrar padrões, ou seja, demonstrar a possibilidade de haver uma integração real, com desenvolvimento crescente dos Estados-membros, através de um modelo intergovernamental como o do Mercosul, e não somente do europeu supranacional. A preocupação é verificar o que seria necessário para que os Estados, com a integração regional, possam se desenvolver em termos de riqueza econômica e desenvolvimento humano. Assim, o trabalho primeiramente analisa os elementos fundamentais para a consecução do estudo, como o Estado. Após, passa ao estudo da soberania - pois, nos modelos diferentes de integração, há um maior ou menor compartilhamento da soberania -, a seguir, da integração, suas origens e fases, do desenvolvimento, nas suas concepções variadas, da globalização, que aproximou a integração econômica, política e social e, por último, do desenvolvimento dos Estados. Usando a União Européia como modelo supranacional de integração e o Mercosul como exemplo do intergovernamental, compara o desenvolvimento dos seus Estados-membros, para assim demonstrar a existência, ou não, de um padrão ideal de integração

Partant des interrogations légitimes soulevées par l'émergence d'un concept novateur, ce travail de recherche entend analyser plusieurs variables révélatrices d'un Etat en action. Ainsi, penser l'action publique internationale du co-développement sous le prisme des trajectoires franco-malienne et franco-sénégalaise, implique de relever ce qui en constitue son essence (mise en sens) et ses conditions d'existence (mise en action). Il en résulte que cette Policy comme processus a des conséquences intellectuelles et pratiques majeures qui induisent un autre modèle d'action publique. Cet objet de recherche, se pose en s'opposant aux trajectoires habituelles du développement et de la migration et permet de saisir le codéveloppement, non comme une vue de l'esprit réductible à une rhétorique instrumentale qui émerge lors des échéances électorales, mais comme le produit d'acteurs et d'institutions spécifiques sur le double espace France-Afrique (sahélienne). Cette analyse interroge l'imbrication d'acteurs multiples aux registres différents (local, régional, national, transnational, supranational, international, décentralisé, public et privé) qui participent au processus décisionnel et à la mise en œuvre du codéveloppement. Il nous reviendra ainsi d'analyser tour à tour la construction du codéveloppement comme action publique impliquant les questions migratoires et la gouvernementalité dynamique de cette nouvelle rationalité politique constituée d'acteurs multi-niveaux et asymétriques.

In this article, the author tells us about the precedent along with its characteristics, as well as its role in the law. He tells us, also, about the situation of a precedent ruled by an International Court and its implications in the domestic law of each country. Likewise, he defines what is not a precedent and points us how effective is in the Law. Finally, he points us about the particularity and the universalism in the precedents, then he gave us his final thought of this theme. / En el presente artículo, el autor nos habla acerca del precedente y sus características, así como de su papel en el Derecho. Asimismo, profundiza la situación de un precedente emitido por una Corte Internacional y sus implicancias en el derecho interno de cada país. Asimismo, define qué no es un precedente y nos señala cuál es su eficacia en el Derecho. Finalmente, nos menciona acerca de la particularidad y el universalismo en los precedentes, para luego dar su reflexión final sobre el tema.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-09-13T14:56:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1648259 bytes, checksum: 2403d1b9a4f232a7369dc923c5da2e28 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-13T14:56:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1648259 bytes, checksum: 2403d1b9a4f232a7369dc923c5da2e28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Western Modernity that marks the passage from subject to citizen, in replacement Absolutists States by Liberal begins the era of the subjectivity of the rights expressed in the doctrine of human rights. The sec. XX marks the crisis of Western modernity, evidenced by the experience of Totalitarianism, the limitations of a concept of citizenship exclusively state-owned. The need to prevent totalitarian experiences recur, led the International Society in the post-World War II, building an ethic of international relations based on human rights. The asymmetry between these international actors bare the limitations of human rights internationalization. Without the political democratization of these relations, the human rights discourse loses effectiveness and rising voices that denounce the imperialism of Western modernity disguised in humanistic rhetoric of human rights. In a complex international context, where natural law and liberal ideology of human rights is obscured by negative skepticism of political realism, the supranational citizenship appears as a possibility under construction. The study of Brazilian cases in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights is an epistemological framework that aims to collate the viability of the concept of democratic supranational citizenship, a concept that still lives its conceptual childhood and politics in an era marked by crises and transformations without a clear horizon. / A modernidade ocidental que marca a passagem do súdito ao cidadão, na substituição de Estados Absolutistas por Estados Liberais, inicia a era da subjetivação dos direitos expressa na doutrina dos Direitos Humanos. O sec. XX que marca a crise da modernidade ocidental, evidencia, através da experiência do Totalitarismo, as limitações de um conceito de cidadania exclusivamente estatal. A necessidade de se evitar que experiências totalitárias se repitam, levou a Sociedade Internacional, no pós-Segunda Guerra, a construir uma ética das relações internacionais baseadas nos direitos humanos. A assimetria entre esses atores internacionais desnuda as limitações da internacionalização dos direitos humanos. Sem a democratização política dessas relações o discurso dos direitos humanos perde efetividade e levantam-se vozes que denunciam o imperialismo da modernidade ocidental travestida na retórica humanista dos direitos humanos. Em um quadro internacional complexo, onde a ideologia jusnaturalista e liberal dos direitos humanos é obscurecida pelo ceticismo negativo do realismo político, a cidadania supraestatal se apresenta como uma possibilidade em construção. O estudo dos casos brasileiros na Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos é um recorte epistemológico que visa a cotejar a viabilidade do conceito de cidadania supraestatal democrática, conceito que ainda vive a sua infância conceitual e política em uma era marcada por crises e transformações sem um horizonte nítido.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The informal economy accounts for a large part of the global economic movement, and according to some studies such as Schneider and Williams (2013) and Williams (2015), could account for about 40% of the global economic movement. Considering the current and historical context of the informal economy, its multiple causalities and manifestations, factors that impact and increase informality, the research problematic lies in the perspective of unveiling the discourses that circumscribe the field of study defined by the informal economy. In this study, it is important to unveil the conceptions of supranational and global discursive structures (the World Trade Organization / WTO, International Labor Organization / ILO and the World Bank) on the informal economy and how they articulate, contradict, converge and diverge to the issue of informality. To do so, the critical discourse approach will be used in an attempt to unravel contradictions and distortions that the discourse of these organizations carry on the theme. The research will be based on the methodological tools provided by the Critical Discourse Analysis – CDA, of English matrix, proposed by Fairclough (2001). This study is qualitative in nature, based on documentary research in publications, specific reports and manifestations of supranational organizations WTO, ILO and World Bank. Data analysis will follow the Fairclough CDA strategy (2001) from the dimensions and categories of analysis proposed by the method CDA. The results of the research point to a situation of complementarity and articulation between discourses that converge in relation to the phenomenon of informality in the world, as well as indicates discursive constructions under the same ideological basis for all organizations. / A economia informal representa grande parte do movimento econômico mundial sendo que, segundo alguns estudos como o de Schneider e Williams (2013) e Williams (2015), poderia atingir cerca de 40% de todo o movimento econômico mundial. Considerando o contexto atual e histórico da economia informal, suas múltiplas causalidades e manifestações, fatores que impactam e incrementam a informalidade, a problemática da pesquisa se situa na perspectiva de desvendar os discursos que circunscrevem o campo de estudo definido pela economia informal. Nesse estudo, interessa desvendar as concepções de estruturas discursivas supranacionais e globais (a Organização Mundial do Comércio/OMC, Organização Internacional do Trabalho/OIT e o Banco Mundial) sobre economia informal e como essas se articulam, se complementam e convergem em relação ao tema da informalidade. Para tanto, foi utilizada a abordagem crítica do discurso na tentativa de desvendar contradições, similaridades e diferenciações que o discurso dessas organizações carregam sobre o tema. A investigação será baseada no instrumental metodológico proporcionado pela Análise Crítica do Discurso - ACD, de matriz inglesa, proposta por Norman Fairclough (2001). Este estudo é de natureza qualitativa, baseado em pesquisa documental sobre publicações, relatórios e manifestos das organizações supranacionais OMC, OIT e Banco Mundial. A análise de dados seguiu a estratégia da ACD de Fairclough (2001) partindo das dimensões e categorias de análise propostas pelo método de ACD. Os resultados da pesquisa sinalizam para uma situação complementaridade e articulação entre discursos que convergem em relação ao fenômeno da informalidade no mundo, bem como indica construções discursivas sob uma mesma base ideológica para todas as organizações. / São Cristóvão, SE

Partant des interrogations légitimes soulevées par l'émergence d'un concept novateur, ce travail de recherche entend analyser plusieurs variables révélatrices d'un Etat en action. Ainsi, penser l'action publique internationale du co-développement sous le prisme des trajectoires franco-malienne et franco-sénégalaise, implique de relever ce qui en constitue son essence (mise en sens) et ses conditions d'existence (mise en action). Il en résulte que cette Policy comme processus a des conséquences intellectuelles et pratiques majeures qui induisent un autre modèle d'action publique. Cet objet de recherche, se pose en s'opposant aux trajectoires habituelles du développement et de la migration et permet de saisir le codéveloppement, non comme une vue de l'esprit réductible à une rhétorique instrumentale qui émerge lors des échéances électorales, mais comme le produit d'acteurs et d'institutions spécifiques sur le double espace France-Afrique (sahélienne). Cette analyse interroge l'imbrication d'acteurs multiples aux registres différents (local, régional, national, transnational, supranational, international, décentralisé, public et privé) qui participent au processus décisionnel et à la mise en œuvre du codéveloppement. Il nous reviendra ainsi d'analyser tour à tour la construction du codéveloppement comme action publique impliquant les questions migratoires et la gouvernementalité dynamique de cette nouvelle rationalité politique constituée d'acteurs multi-niveaux et asymétriques. / On the basis of the legitimate interrogations raised by the emergence of an innovative concept, this research intends to analyze several revealing variables of a State in action. In this study, we aim at re-thinking international policy-making, with references to "co-development" under the prism of the French-Malian and French Senegalese trajectories. The study seeks to explore "co-development" by looking into its essence (meaning setting) and its conditions of existence (action setting). The findings of this study show that this policy as a process has major intellectuel and practical challenges; therby displaying "co-development", not as an instrumental rhetoric, but as a product of specific institutions on the France-Africa (Sahel) "double space". This analysis examines the interaction of several actors at different levels (local, regional, national, transnational, supranational, international) and public and private sectors which jointly participate in the decision-making process and in the implementation of co-development policy. Specifically, we analyze the construction process of the concept of "co-development" as an international public policy, and the dynamic governmentality of this new political rationality made up of multilevel factors.

Debt crisis is seen as a spiral which has been launched by failure of American financial market and which final stage is global economic depression. But we can not speak only about financial market crisis. Current world crisis is at the same time political crisis and social crisis; it is a multi-sector crisis. Actors which try to manage the crisis, their abilities, possibilities to act and their strategies in each sector will be identified and described in the thesis. Complexity of current crisis demands global solutions involving cooperation of different actors throughout all three mentioned sectors.

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LLD

"Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit (LL.D) et à l'Université Jean Moulin en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit" / Les États européens n'ont, jusque dans les années 90, envisagé leur défense que dans le cadre d'alliances militaires et restaient maîtres de leur défense nationale. La mise en place d'une politique européenne de défense a toujours connu des obstacles, reflets des problèmes de souveraineté. Dans l'Union européenne, l'intégration politique, et en particulier celle de la défense, reste le domaine le plus incertain. Cette thèse de nature essentiellement empirico-descriptive aborde le thème de la défense européenne sous une approche réaliste, en plaçant les États au centre de la construction européenne et en en faisant les acteurs principaux. Depuis 1992, les États tentent de définir une politique européenne de défense mais rencontrent différentes difficultés. En effet, la politique européenne de défense souffre d'un double déficit. Le premier est un déficit institutionnel puisque la P.E.D. est loin d'être une politique commune et se limite à un mécanisme de coopération. Le second est un déficit matériel puisque l'Union européenne n'a pas la puissance militaire pour mettre en oeuvre une éventuelle décision commune. Afin d'évaluer les perspectives d'évolution d'une politique européenne de défense, nous devons étudier les différents défis que les États et les institutions communautaires doivent relever pour combler ces deux déficits. Les défis d'ordre institutionnel concernent les multiples acteurs, États et institutions, qui interviennent dans la définition de la P.E.S.D. Il s'agit de déterminer quelle instance est la mieux à même d'assurer la représentation internationale de l'Union européenne afin de donner l'impulsion politique nécessaire de la P.E.S.D. Les défis d'ordre militaire concernent les moyens que les différents acteurs souhaitent engager afin de concrétiser la politique définie. Toutes ces discussions montrent la justification d'un système européen de défense mais la question est de savoir si les États, acteurs centraux de la construction européenne, sont prêts à relever ces défis. / Up until the 1990's, the European States have solely thought of their security forces inside military alliances as they kept control of their national defense. The putting in place of a European defense policy has always met obstacles, which reflect the problems linked to the preservation of sovereignty. The political integration in Europe remains uncertain, mostly when it comes to common defense. With an empirical and descriptive manner, this thesis depicts the European defense theme in a realistic approach, by placing the States in the middle of the European construction and by giving them the main role. Since 1992, the States tried to lay down a European policy of defense, but they encountered various difficulties. Indeed, the European policy of defense suffers from a double deficit. The first is institutional since the European Defense Policy is far from being part of a common policy and is strictly a cooperation mechanism. The second is a material deficit since the European Union doesn't have a military force to implement a common decision. In order to evaluate the possible evolution of a European defense policy, we had to study the various challenges that the States and institutions must face in order to address those two deficits. The institutional challenge concerns the multiple actors, States and institutions, which intervene in the definition of E.P.S.D. This part will try to identify which institution would be best capable of ensuring the international representation of the European Union and to give the political impetus necessary to the putting into place of the E.P.S.D. The military challenge concern the means that the different actors would engage in order to concretize the policy. Ali these discussions show the justification of a European system of defense, but the question remains as to whether the States, central figures of the European construction, are ready to take up these challenges.