Syftet med den här masteruppsatsen är att förstå nyhetsdiskurser i public service och invandringskritiska alternativmedier i Sverige. Uppsatsen fokuserar på hur de fyra största politiska partierna behandlar invandringsfrågan månaden före det riksdagsvalet 2018. Uppsatsen syftar mot att förstå skillnader och likheter i diskursiva praktiker om invandringsfrågan i två public service medier (Sveriges Television och Sveriges Radio) samt två invandringskritiska alternativmedier (Fria Tider och Nyheter Idag), och för att undersöka hur detta kan kopplas till minskat förtroende i traditionella medier.Uppsatsen grundar analysen på diskursteori av Fairclough i sammanhanhet av minskat förtroende för traditionella nyhetsmedier. För analys av resultaten används gestaltningteorin och dagordningsteorin, tillsammans med teorier om kommersialiserad journalistik.Metoderna som används är en kritisk diskursanalys baserad på Faircloughs tredimensionella modell, tillsammans med en retorisk analys som appliceras på Faircloughs textnivå. Dessa metoder användes på tolv medietexter som handlade om samma nyhet under augusti 2018.Resultaten visade en Överlägsenhetsdiskurs, där de invandringskritiska medierna intar en roll som överlägnsa de andra deltagarna i det politiska "spelet". Jag presebterar också en erkännandediskurs för att förklara en tredimensionell modell som innehåller politiker i botten, traditionella medier på andra nivån och invandringskritiska medier på toppen. Den sista diskursen är en "Vänskaps"-diskurs där de invandringskritiska medierna intar en "vänskaplig" roll mot andra aktörer i det politiska spelet, vilket ytterligare expanderar på teorier om politisk nyhetsjournalistik som ett spel.Framtida forskning kan riktas mot att bredda analysen och inkludera flera sorters alternativa medier, utföras i andra länder eller utveckla den model jag presenterar. / The aim of this master’s thesis is to understand news discursive practices in public service and the immigration critical alternative media of Sweden. The thesis focus on how the four largest political parties addresses the topic of immigration the month before the Swedish election in 2018. The thesis aims at identifying and understanding similarities and differences in the discursive construction of immigration as a political topic in two public service media (Sveriges Television and Sveriges Radio) and two immigration critical alternative media (Fria Tider and Nyheter Idag), and to examine how this connects to the diminished trust in mainstream media.The thesis bases the analysis on discourse theory by Fairclough, and the context of distrust in traditional news media. To analyze the result, framing and agenda setting theories are used along with the theory of commercialized journalism.The methods used are a Critical Discourse Analysis based on Fairclough’s model supported by a rhetorical analysis which is applied on the text layer in Fairclough’s model. These methods are applied to a total of twelve media texts that covered the same stories during August of 2018.The results showed a superiority discourse where the immigration critical media enters a role of superior to other actors in the political “game”. I also present an acknowledgement discourse to support a three-level model, which consists of politics at the bottom, the mainstream media on the second level, and the alternative media on the top. The final discourse is the “Friendship” discourse where immigration critical media takes on a “friendship” role towards other actors in the political game, to further expand upon political journalism as a game.Future research could be aimed at widening the analysis to cover other forms of alternative media, be placed in other countries, or develop the model I propose.

Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 of February 2022, Swedish media have covered the war daily. Alongside the traditional media coverage a blog named Cornucopia, written by the author Lars Wilderäng, has gained popularity for its post about the ongoing war. In this study the blog Cornucopia and Sveriges Television’s, the Swedish public service television company, written live reporting are subject to textual- and quantitative analysis. The research question in this paper is what differs the two in framing, use of sources and interaction between writer and reader and amongst readers. The theoretical framework consists of framing, Digital Media Logic, Social News Logic and Social witnessing. The result shows that Sveriges Television, SVT, mostly use news agencies and statements made by Ukrainian politicians as source of information. Wilderäng mostly collects information from Twitter/X and the linked Twitter-accounts are often run by anonymous users. While the reporting on Cornucopia describes the harsh everyday reality of war SVT focuses more on economic support and sanctions against Russia. SVT has outsourced the interaction to social media platforms. Cornucopia on the other hand, has kept the interaction on the website and its comment field is frequently used.

Uppsatsen syftar till att belysa rekryteringsprocessen och kanalernas, Sveriges Radio, Sveriges Tele-vision, Mix Megapol och TV4, kriterier samt att få en bild över programledarens yrkesroll, utmärkande drag och erfarenhet av rekryteringen. Problemformuleringen består utav hur programledare väljs, utefter vilka kriterier, hur programledaren upplever sin yrkesroll och erfarenheter av rekrytering, samt vad som utmärker en programledare för underhållningsprogram inom radio och TV, public service och kommersiella medier. Vi har undersökt hur rekryteringsprocessen av programledare inom underhållning för rikstäckande radio och TV går till, och jämfört processen mellan public service och kommersiella medier. Detta såg vi som intressant, då det är en outforskad yrkesroll, som har en unik rekryteringsprocess och vi ansåg det vara tänkvärt att göra en jämförelse mellan kanalerna, public service och kommersiella medier. Under-sökningen består utav kvalitativa intervjuer med elva utvalda rekryterare och programledare i branschen. Uppsatsen bygger på tre teoretiska modeller; rekryteringsvägar enligt Lars-Åke Engblom, rekryteringsprocessen med bedömning av Lars Prien och även hans teori kring urvalet. Till uppsatsen kan vi också koppla Bourdieus teori kring det kulturella kapitalet. I slutdiskussionen har vi sammanfattat nuvarande rekrytering i punktform. Resultatet kan sammanfattas i en uppdaterad modell av rekryteringssätt, som vi presenterar. Sammanfattningsvis visar undersökningen skillnaderna mellan public service och kommersiella kanaler, både vad det gäller process och kriterier vid anställning av programledare, samt programledares syn på detta.

The purpose of this study is to see how five different local radio stations, P4, within the public service organization Sveriges Radio communicate with their listeners through Facebook and how they differ from each other. We have also studied how the radio stations follow Sveriges Radios’ policies for socialmedia usage and how the communication through Facebook can benefit thetraditional radio. Our study contains a combination of quantitative content analysis with qualitative interviews. We studied the five stations’ Facebook pages from for the quantitative content analysis and interviewed those who were responsible for the social media pages, such as web editors and channel managers. Our conclusions are that the P4-stations communicate through Facebook to create a dialogue with the listeners and to reach two-way communication; the stations published mostly written updates that encouraged interactivity. The P4-stations work coherently with their Facebook pages although some differences have been detected. The stations strategies match overall the guidelines for social media usage in the handbook published by Sveriges Radio. Facebook can be used to reach new target groups for the traditionalradio channel, as well as immerse the relationship between the existing loyal listeners and the radio station.

<p>Uppsatsen syftar till att belysa rekryteringsprocessen och kanalernas, <em>Sveriges Radio, Sveriges Tele-vision, Mix Megapol och TV4, </em>kriterier samt att få en bild över programledarens yrkesroll, utmärkande drag och erfarenhet av rekryteringen. Problemformuleringen består utav hur programledare väljs, utefter vilka kriterier, hur programledaren upplever sin yrkesroll och erfarenheter av rekrytering, samt vad som utmärker en programledare för underhållningsprogram inom radio och TV, public service och kommersiella medier. Vi har undersökt hur rekryteringsprocessen av programledare inom underhållning för rikstäckande radio och TV går till, och jämfört processen mellan public service och kommersiella medier. Detta såg vi som intressant, då det är en outforskad yrkesroll, som har en unik rekryteringsprocess och vi ansåg det vara tänkvärt att göra en jämförelse mellan kanalerna, public service och kommersiella medier. Under-sökningen består utav kvalitativa intervjuer med elva utvalda rekryterare och programledare i branschen. Uppsatsen bygger på tre teoretiska modeller; rekryteringsvägar enligt Lars-Åke Engblom, rekryteringsprocessen med bedömning av Lars Prien och även hans teori kring urvalet. Till uppsatsen kan vi också koppla Bourdieus teori kring det kulturella kapitalet. I slutdiskussionen har vi sammanfattat nuvarande rekrytering i punktform. Resultatet kan sammanfattas i en uppdaterad modell av rekryteringssätt, som vi presenterar. Sammanfattningsvis visar undersökningen skillnaderna mellan public service och kommersiella kanaler, både vad det gäller process och kriterier vid anställning av programledare, samt programledares syn på detta.</p>

Utgångspunkten för studien var att forskning om deltagande i kvalitetsutmärkelser och utmärkelsemodeller inom privat sektor, har visat på potentiella fördelar för deltagande organisationer. Forskning har samtidigt pekat på utmaningar och viktiga förutsättningar för att deltagandet ska bli fruktsamt och positivt. I en svensk kontext är effekterna för organisationer i offentlig sektor av att delta i en utmärkelseprocess, relativt outforskade. Studien ämnade fylla en del av den kunskapsluckan. Syftet med denna studie var därför att förstå vilken betydelse utmärkelsen Sveriges Kvalitetskommun har haft för kommuner som har tilldelats den. Frågeställningarna fokuserade på vilka motiv de fyra senaste vinnarna av Sveriges Kvalitetskommun har haft med sitt deltagande, hur arbetet inom ramen för utmärkelsen har organiserats, vilken betydelse granskningsverktyget Kommunkompassen har haft för kommunerna samt vilka effekter utmärkelseprocess och vinst har genererat.   Studien genomfördes genom en kvalitativ enfallsstudie med flera analysenheter. Datainsamlingen skedde genom dokumentstudier och fokuserade intervjuer av öppen karaktär med kommunrepresentanter samt representanter rörande själva utmärkelsen. Intervjudatan analyserades med Creswell och Creswells (2018) fem steg för analys av kvalitativ data samt mönsterjämförelser utifrån Yin (2018).   Studien visar att utmärkelsen Sveriges Kvalitetskommun har haft betydelse för kommunerna ur fem  aspekter. Den har haft en enande påverkan, en pådrivande påverkan, en bekräftande påverkan, en lärande påverkan och en mättnadspåverkan. / The starting point for this study was that studies on participation in quality awards and award models  within the private sector have shown potential benefits for participating organisations. At the same time, research has pointed to challenges and important conditions for participation to be fruitful and positive. In a Swedish context, the effects of participating in an award process within the public sector is an area that is relatively unexplored. The study intended to fill part of that knowledge gap. The purpose of this study was therefore to understand what Sveriges Kvalitetskommun has meant for municipalities that have won the award. The research questions focused on the last four winners and their motives for participation, how the work within the framework of the award has been organized, the role that the measurement tool Kommunkompassen has played for the municipalities and what effects the award process and the win itself have generated.   The study was conducted through a qualitative single-case study with several analysis units. The data  collection was carried out through document studies and focused interviews of an open nature with municipal representatives and representatives regarding the award itself. The interview data were analyzed using Creswell and Creswell's (2018) five steps for analyzing qualitative data as well as pattern matching according to Yin (2018).   Based on the results the conclusion shows that the award Sveriges Kvalitetskommun has had an impact on municipalities that have won in five aspects. It has had a unifying impact, a propulsive  impact, a confirmatory impact, a learning impact and finally a saturative impact. / <p>2021-06-06</p>

Public service broadcasting is a longstanding broadcasting institution in Sweden. Being the most consumed and highly trusted media broadcasting institution on the market, it suffers both challenges and acclaim. It has become a highly politized matter. For the first time since its founding, trust and attitudes towards the public service broadcasting companies are starting to slowly dwindle and are being questioned. Representatives from parliament parties are calling for abolishment and restructuring, and the consumers are abandoning the public service broadcasting channels for commercial competitors. This is especially noticeable amongst youth. The aim of the study is to identify and analyse what factors can be relevant for understanding attitudes towards public service broadcasting. With a theoretical background in Markus Prior’s post-broadcast democracy, James G. Webster and Thomas B. Ksiazek’s audience fragmentation theory, and Strömbäck’s definition of media trust, a theoretical framework regarding consumption and factors concerning attitudes was constructed. Through this, the value of a public service broadcasting system could be charted, and consumer attitudes be understood.   The study consists of data from a nationwide survey. The data was analysed with binary logistic regression analysis, performed on two samples, one representing the Swedish population at large, and one representing youth. This to observe whether or not there were any differences between what factors constitute trust and positive attitudes towards public service broadcasting. Main findings include that youth is much less politically polarised than the population at large. Factors such as education, gender, and regularly consuming public service broadcasting content were also shown to be significant for attitude formation. From this, I could derive that the Swedish population, despite increased polarisation, still has very high levels of trust in, and positive sentiments towards the public service broadcasting company SVT.

The purpose of this master thesis is to study and compare conservative, fascist and nationalist youth movements active in Sweden during the 1930s and 40s. The political youth movements at the centre of this study are the Young Swedes (Ungsvenskarna), Swedish Rural Youth League (Svenska Landsbygdens Ungdomsförbund), Nordic Youth (Nordisk Ungdom) and National Youth League of Sweden/National League of Sweden (Sveriges nationella ungdomsförbund/Sveriges nationella förbund). During the early 1900s, youth was often described as both the reviver of society and the future of the nation. Regardless of different ideological and political alignments, the youth movements were all invested in shaping and educating young people to prepare them for the future. In this study, the focal point has been the question why these youth movements wanted the role as educators of young people, as well as what was expected of the young after this education. The main task of the political youth movements seems to have been to give young people ideals to fight for through physical and spiritual education. Through this education the young would realize what was expected of them and finally transform into an ideal youth that could inherit the responsibility as caretakers of the nation as well as the future. The view on the ideal youth varied between the studied youth movements. The Young Swedes wanted to create a conservative youth, actively engaged with the main political party of the movement, the Right (Högern). The ideal youth of the Swedish Rural Youth League were aware of their responsibilities towards the rights of the rural areas and agriculture. The ideal youth of Nordic Youth and National Youth League would have very similar personalities and would be ready to fight and sacrifice for the future rebirth of the nation into similar, yet different, fascistic utopias.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the hypothesis that states during crisis acts more influences by realism than liberalism. The essay will focus on the ongoing refugee crisis in Sweden and mainly on the insertion of ID-controls and how politicians motivate there decision. The arguments will be analyzed if they are motivated by realism or liberalism. The arguments that are positive for an insertion of ID-controls are motived by realism and therefore support the hypothesis. The objections raised by the opposition are often motived by liberalism but even the opposition is arguing the realism is superior to the liberalism. When the question is raised in the Swedish parliament there are no party that refuse the law instead most of the politicians are positive to the law of ID-controls, in the debate there are a few objections but these are not against the law, just minor interpretations about the effects of this law, for example if the ID-controls should apply to children accompanied by their parents. After this studied the conclusion is that stats in crisis are often motived by realism

The purpose of this dissertation is to describe and analyze how the Soviet Union attempted to win the sympathies of the Swedish population during the period 1945-1958 through the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) and the Sweden-Soviet Union Societies. The dissertation includes the central Soviet decision-making apparatus’ general formulation of strategy and what means were to be used to win the sympathies of populations in other countries. Concerning VOKS’s work targeting Sweden, this dissertation examines the general strategies and means used in practice. This dissertation links these activities with realism which serves as an analytical framework. Realism focuses states seeking their security in the international system. Security is considered achievable through strategies for using different means of force, in this case, diplomacy and its sub-instruments in the form of soft power and public diplomacy. Immediately after World War II, VOKS was seen by the Soviets as a tool for countering American and British propaganda. VOKS’s reorganization in the early 1950s led to more country-specific activities. Increasingly in the 1950s VOKS sought out partners from outside organizations associated with national communist parties. This strategy aimed to optimally convey the message and to popularize the Soviet Union. This also led to a decline in VOKS’s importance. VOKS during the period 1945-1958 can be viewed as a collaborative project between the state and the party.  The Soviet Union, through VOKS, used the Sweden-USSR Society to popularize the country among the Swedish public. VOKS took increasingly greater control over the societies’ activities, which were reviewed and approved by the Soviet Embassy in Stockholm and VOKS in Moscow. To develop these societies, VOKS increased its efforts to influence the Communist Party of Sweden (SKP) to take part in the societies’ activities. At the suggestion of VOKS in Moscow, the local Sweden-USSR societies formed a national organization in the autumn of 1950 called the Sweden-Soviet Union Federation. After 1953, VOKS’s interest intensified in implementing and developing cultural collaborations with other actors in addition to the societies. Near the end of VOKS’s existence, representatives from the Soviet Embassy and VOKS tried to establish an intergovernmental cultural agreement with Sweden. However, no such agreement was ever signed. The Soviet Union continued to channel most of its public diplomacy toward Sweden through the societies.