No description available.

À travers cette recherche, nous explorons la logique au fondement de la genèse et de lřévolution du travail social en Haïti. En effet, lřanalyse des résultats de cette étude qui pose la question des conditions sociales dřémergence du travail social en Haïti ainsi que de son évolution, en mobilisant un ensemble de données documentaires et de données dřentrevues (n = 9), suggère que le développement comme principe de vision du monde incarné à la fois sous forme dřinstitution et sous forme de structures mentales constitue lřopus operantum au fondement de la genèse du travail social en Haïti ainsi que de son évolution. / Through this research, we explore the logic to the basis of the genesis and the evolution of the social work in Haiti. Indeed, the analysis of the results of this study, which raises the question of the social conditions of the emergence of social work in Haiti as well as its evolution, by mobilizing a set of documentary data and interviews data (n = 9), suggests that development, as a worldview incarnated both as an institution and in the form of mental structures, is the opus operantum at the foundation of the genesis of the social work in Haiti as well as its evolution.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:33:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana Soares da Silva.pdf: 44021672 bytes, checksum: d2dd8cb48a6fce183b30ba156ee22fa7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research discusses the relation among discourse, gender identity and violence in contemporary Brazil by highlighting the conflicts and social hierarchies present in mainstream media discourse. On that capacity, it analyzes how women are depicted in the journalistic discourse and how such regime of representation is based on a gendered symbolic violence that desqualify them in Brazilian society. The departure point of the analysis is that the ways women are represented in press discourses reveals not only acts but also a less graspable state of violence against them. The work drawns on Analysis of Discourse Theory - mainly the semiolinguistic work of Patrick Charaudeau and on an interdisciplinar analysis of gender, social representations, and violence. The basis for this analysis is newspaper Folha de S. Paulo´s coverage of the 2010 election and the first turn of Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff. The words stereotypes, ethos and metaphors are used as conceptual categories to map and classify Folha´s coverage pertaining gender and symbolic violence. The analysis sugests that the conflict between private and public space informs the ways women are portrayed by the press. Even when ocupying high rank in the social hierarchy for example being the President of Brazil women are depicted in media s discourse through hegemonic stereotypes that associate them to the private sphere (domestic work, mother, wife), and the public sphere (sexual objects). Ultimately, the work argues that symbolic violence against women is a political tool through which media dominant discourse reproduces stereotyped gender relations and reinforces patriarchal domination / Esta pesquisa aborda a relação entre discurso, gênero e violência, procurando mostrar os conflitos e desigualdade social presentes na linguagem. Por essa razão, objetivamos discutir de que modo a mulher política é representada no discurso jornalístico e como essa representação revela a violência simbólica contra a mulher. Tais objetivos foram motivados pela observação de que há uma forma sutil de tratar a mulher no jornal que suscita, além do ato, um estado de violência contra as mulheres. Para alcançar nossos propósitos, fundamentamos nosso trabalho nos estudos da Análise do Discurso, na abordagem semiolinguística de Patrick Charaudeau, em paralelo à discussão interdisciplinar de gênero, de representação social e de violência. Procedemos, em seguida, à análise do corpus, constituído por textos recolhidos do jornal Folha de S. Paulo, no período eleitoral de 2010 e no primeiro ano de mandato presidencial de Dilma Rousseff, a partir das categorias de estereótipo, ethos e metáfora. Nessa investigação, verificamos que a violência baseia-se, principalmente, no conflito entre o espaço privado e o espaço público, em que a herança patriarcal é transferida. A mulher, mesmo ocupando o espaço político de poder, é representada pelas funções sociais que lhe são atribuídas no interior da casa (dona de casa e mãe) e pela imagem de objeto sexual de desejo que lhe é atribuída no exterior da casa (musa). Assim, constatamos que a violência simbólica está presente na forma de representação da mulher pelo discurso jornalístico, por meio da reprodução estereotipada das relações de gênero

<p>Denna uppsats belyser könsstrukturer på universitetsfältet, med syfte att undersöka om och varför detspråkliga begreppet forskare tillskrivs manligt kön av studenter som läser forskningsreferat i kurslitteraturen.Metoden som använts är experimentell och består av en könsneutral provtext, där en refererad forskare enbartnämns vid efternamnet Björk, och ett frågeformulär där 92 studenter har fått tillskriva denna forskare ett kön.Resultatet visar att 71 procent av de studenter som besvarat frågan tror att den refererade forskaren är enman. Det finns även en tendens till att de äldre studenterna har en större benägenhet att tillskriva forskarenmanligt kön än vad de yngre studenterna har.</p><p>Resultatet har utifrån Simone de Beauvoir tolkats som att kvinnan fortfarande betraktas som det Andra iförhållande till mannen, som utgör normen inom akademien. Att begreppet forskare tillskrivs ett visst könhar, utifrån Pierre Bourdieu, tolkats som att studenterna besvarat frågan utifrån föreställningar som finnsinternaliserade i deras habitus, som i sin tur står under stark påverkan från de inre strukturer påuniversitetsfältet som framhäver mannen som det dominerande könet.</p> / <p>This bachelor thesis examines gender structures in the university field. The aim is to study whether, and if sowhy, students attribute male gender to a researcher referred to in the course literature. The researcher is onlymentioned by the last name Björk, in order to be regarded as gender neutral.</p><p>An experimental method was used to test the hypothesis that the conception of “researcher” is male-biased. A gender neutral sample text and a survey were handed out to 92 university students. Therespondents were asked to attribute gender to the researcher Björk. The results confirmed the hypothesis andshowed that 71 percent of the students attributed male gender to the researcher. There was also a tendencythat the older students attributed male gender more often than the younger students did.</p><p>The analysis of the results shows that male gender is viewed as normative in the academy. Thisinterpretation is based on Simone de Beauvoir's theory about women as the Other in relation to men. Thegender specific attribution to a researcher is interpreted, in the words of Pierre Bourdieu, as internalizedconceptions in the student's habitus. The students answer the question about Björk's gender according to theirhabitus, which is based on the internal structures of the university field, where the male gender is seen as thedominant sex.</p>

<p>Intresset av att studera den institutionaliserade diskrimineringen, det symboliska våldet och de mekanismer som skapar inne- och utestängningsmekanismer på grundskolan härstammar från erfarenheter under mina år som student och lärare i Sverige. Forskning inom ämnet visar på att skolan är en sorteringsarena där symboliskt våld upptar en stor plats. Skolan som den är idag är långtifrån att vara en arena ”för alla” utan vissa personer lider av exkluderande praktiker medan andra njuter av inkluderande praktiker. Jag har använt mig av self-reportmetoden för att undersöka förekomsten av det symboliska våldet ur ett elevperspektiv, samt för att undersöka vad skolchefer gör för att hantera problemet och på så sätt återge alla samma möjligheter i ett medvetande av ”en skola för alla”. Studiens aktionsradie är grundskolan. Elevernas berättelser pekar på brister i lärarnas yrkesetik och visar att det symboliska våldet tar sig uttryck i förhållningssättet hos vissa lärare. Eleverna berättar om olika former av diskriminering såsom i betygssättning, bemötande i klassen i samband med sent ankomst och användandet av mobiltelefoner. Eleverna vittnar om bestraffning av olika typer. Detta sker vid bråk mellan dem och elever av annat etniskt ursprung eller vid betygssättning. Eleverna gör en tydlig koppling mellan bemötandet de möter hos lärarna och deras kultur och/eller etniska bakgrunder. Främlingsfientlighet och fördomar menar eleverna är stark hos några lärare. Dessa elever känner sig maktlösa och stigmatiserade. Utanförskapet hanteras genom att söka stöd hos de kamrater de har i skolan. Det eleverna berättar matchar teorierna om skolan som en arena för symboliskt våld, och i detta fall gentemot elever med annan bakgrund än den svenska. Skolcheferna medverkar i studien med hjälp av samma undersökningsmetod som för eleverna. De berättar hur de hanterar situationen samt redogör för sina erfarenheter som syftar till en dekonstruktion av den institutionella diskrimineringen. Skolcheferna satsar på värdegrundsarbete, utbildning av både personal och elever, integrering av modersmålundervisning i reguljära undervisningar och arbete med likabehandlingsplaner bland annat. Skolcheferna gör det de kan inom ramen för vad staten har bestämt men för att hantera problemet krävs lite mera: en Lex Sarah eller en inblandning av fackföreningen är några punkter jag föreslår. Denna studie kan uppfattas som en ögonöppnare för lärarstudenter, lärare och skolpersonal på alla nivåer, skolchefer, rektorer och statstjänstemän som arbetar med diverse skolfrågor. För lärarutbildare som beslutar om innehållet i en lärarutbildning, är studien också något att reflektera över.</p> / <p>My interest to study institutionalized discrimination, symbolic violence and themechanisms that create pull-in and push-out mechanisms in primary schools arose fromlived experiences both as a student and as a teacher in Sweden. Research on this subjectshows that school is a sieve, a place where symbolic violence is alive. School as it istoday is far from being an arena “for equal opportunities” since some pupils suffer theeffects of push-out mechanisms while others enjoy those of pull-in mechanisms. I haveused self-report as an investigative method to probe into the occurrence of symbolicviolence as experienced by pupils. School directors efforts to curb such practices andfoster equal opportunities within the context of “equal opportunities for everyone” havebeen looked into. Pupils’ experiences as narrated in this study by the pupils themselves,is indicative of weaknesses in portraying the code of ethics teachers are expected toadhere to. This symbolic violence is shown in the way these kids are treated in schoolby some teachers. These pupils tell about different forms of discrimination such as inawarding scores, teachers reaction with respect to late coming and the use of mobilephones in class. They relate stories of varying forms of punishment. Punishment isunleashed in case there is a squabble between them and ethnic Swedes or when scoresare to be awarded. These kids make a clear connection between the way they are treatedand their cultural background as well as their ethnic origins. Xenophobia and prejudiceare believed to be part of the reasons for such treatment in school. These kids feelpowerless and stigmatized. Alienation is struggled with by seeking solace amongst thefriends they have in school. What they recount to me creates a synchrony with thetheories of school as an arena for symbolic violence afore mentioned, and in this case,pupils of non-Swedish heritage. School directors have also been interviewed using thesame self-report method as for the pupils. They give an account of their experiences inconnection to deconstructing institutionalized discrimination. Such efforts by theseschool directors are geared towards working with fundamental values, educating bothpupils and teachers in interaction techniques, incorporating mother tongue teaching intoregular classroom teaching as well as working with equal treatment directive amongstother things. A Lex Sarah option or an involvement of the workers union has beenadvanced as possible solutions. This study can be seen as an eye-opener for students ofpedagogy, teachers and school employees at all levels, school directors, principals andgovernment officials dealing with school issues of all sorts. For those who plan coursesin teacher education, much can be learnt from this thesis.</p>

Intresset av att studera den institutionaliserade diskrimineringen, det symboliska våldet och de mekanismer som skapar inne- och utestängningsmekanismer på grundskolan härstammar från erfarenheter under mina år som student och lärare i Sverige. Forskning inom ämnet visar på att skolan är en sorteringsarena där symboliskt våld upptar en stor plats. Skolan som den är idag är långtifrån att vara en arena ”för alla” utan vissa personer lider av exkluderande praktiker medan andra njuter av inkluderande praktiker. Jag har använt mig av self-reportmetoden för att undersöka förekomsten av det symboliska våldet ur ett elevperspektiv, samt för att undersöka vad skolchefer gör för att hantera problemet och på så sätt återge alla samma möjligheter i ett medvetande av ”en skola för alla”. Studiens aktionsradie är grundskolan. Elevernas berättelser pekar på brister i lärarnas yrkesetik och visar att det symboliska våldet tar sig uttryck i förhållningssättet hos vissa lärare. Eleverna berättar om olika former av diskriminering såsom i betygssättning, bemötande i klassen i samband med sent ankomst och användandet av mobiltelefoner. Eleverna vittnar om bestraffning av olika typer. Detta sker vid bråk mellan dem och elever av annat etniskt ursprung eller vid betygssättning. Eleverna gör en tydlig koppling mellan bemötandet de möter hos lärarna och deras kultur och/eller etniska bakgrunder. Främlingsfientlighet och fördomar menar eleverna är stark hos några lärare. Dessa elever känner sig maktlösa och stigmatiserade. Utanförskapet hanteras genom att söka stöd hos de kamrater de har i skolan. Det eleverna berättar matchar teorierna om skolan som en arena för symboliskt våld, och i detta fall gentemot elever med annan bakgrund än den svenska. Skolcheferna medverkar i studien med hjälp av samma undersökningsmetod som för eleverna. De berättar hur de hanterar situationen samt redogör för sina erfarenheter som syftar till en dekonstruktion av den institutionella diskrimineringen. Skolcheferna satsar på värdegrundsarbete, utbildning av både personal och elever, integrering av modersmålundervisning i reguljära undervisningar och arbete med likabehandlingsplaner bland annat. Skolcheferna gör det de kan inom ramen för vad staten har bestämt men för att hantera problemet krävs lite mera: en Lex Sarah eller en inblandning av fackföreningen är några punkter jag föreslår. Denna studie kan uppfattas som en ögonöppnare för lärarstudenter, lärare och skolpersonal på alla nivåer, skolchefer, rektorer och statstjänstemän som arbetar med diverse skolfrågor. För lärarutbildare som beslutar om innehållet i en lärarutbildning, är studien också något att reflektera över. / My interest to study institutionalized discrimination, symbolic violence and themechanisms that create pull-in and push-out mechanisms in primary schools arose fromlived experiences both as a student and as a teacher in Sweden. Research on this subjectshows that school is a sieve, a place where symbolic violence is alive. School as it istoday is far from being an arena “for equal opportunities” since some pupils suffer theeffects of push-out mechanisms while others enjoy those of pull-in mechanisms. I haveused self-report as an investigative method to probe into the occurrence of symbolicviolence as experienced by pupils. School directors efforts to curb such practices andfoster equal opportunities within the context of “equal opportunities for everyone” havebeen looked into. Pupils’ experiences as narrated in this study by the pupils themselves,is indicative of weaknesses in portraying the code of ethics teachers are expected toadhere to. This symbolic violence is shown in the way these kids are treated in schoolby some teachers. These pupils tell about different forms of discrimination such as inawarding scores, teachers reaction with respect to late coming and the use of mobilephones in class. They relate stories of varying forms of punishment. Punishment isunleashed in case there is a squabble between them and ethnic Swedes or when scoresare to be awarded. These kids make a clear connection between the way they are treatedand their cultural background as well as their ethnic origins. Xenophobia and prejudiceare believed to be part of the reasons for such treatment in school. These kids feelpowerless and stigmatized. Alienation is struggled with by seeking solace amongst thefriends they have in school. What they recount to me creates a synchrony with thetheories of school as an arena for symbolic violence afore mentioned, and in this case,pupils of non-Swedish heritage. School directors have also been interviewed using thesame self-report method as for the pupils. They give an account of their experiences inconnection to deconstructing institutionalized discrimination. Such efforts by theseschool directors are geared towards working with fundamental values, educating bothpupils and teachers in interaction techniques, incorporating mother tongue teaching intoregular classroom teaching as well as working with equal treatment directive amongstother things. A Lex Sarah option or an involvement of the workers union has beenadvanced as possible solutions. This study can be seen as an eye-opener for students ofpedagogy, teachers and school employees at all levels, school directors, principals andgovernment officials dealing with school issues of all sorts. For those who plan coursesin teacher education, much can be learnt from this thesis.

Στην παρούσα μελέτη επιχειρείται η εξέταση των απόψεων των γυναικών μελών ΔΕΠ του πανεπιστημίου Πατρών σχετικά με τους παράγοντες που τις ώθησαν να ακολουθήσουν το ακαδημαϊκό επάγγελμα, όπως και των δυσκολιών που αυτές αντιμετωπίζουν στο εν λόγω πανεπιστημιακό πεδίο κατά την άσκηση του επαγγέλματός τους. Είναι μια ποιοτική προσέγγιση. Τα ερευνητικά υποκείμενα είναι είκοσι γυναίκες μέλη ΔΕΠ του Πανεπιστήμιου της Πάτρας, στις βαθμίδες της επίκουρης, αναπληρώτριας και καθηγήτριας. Η ερευνητική μέθοδος της συλλογής των δεδομένων είναι η ημιδομημένη συνέντευξη, η δε μέθοδος ανάλυσης, η ποιοτική ανάλυση περιεχομένου. Η επιλογή των θεωρητικών εννοιών του Bourdieu στις οποίες στηρίζεται η παρούσα μελέτη, είναι αυτές του habitus, του έμφυλου habitus, του πεδίου, του επιστημονικού πεδίου, του Κεφαλαίου, του πολιτισμικού κεφαλαίου, της συμβολικής βίας και τέλος της συμβολικής κυριαρχίας. Βασικά ευρήματα της παρούσας μελέτης αποτελούν τα εξής: α) παράγοντες που συμβάλλουν στην είσοδο των γυναικών στο επιστημονικό πεδίο του Πανεπιστημίου Πατρών, αποτελούν το ισχυρό πολιτισμικό κεφάλαιο που διαθέτουν, η παρώθηση από το οικογενειακό τους περιβάλλον, το ανδρικό πρότυπο ενός καθηγητή μέντορα, οι ευεργετικές διατάξεις του νόμου 1268/82 και τέλος η αγάπη τους για το ακαδημαϊκό επάγγελμα και το γνωστικό τους αντικείμενο, ιδιαίτερα δε για την έρευνα και β) οι δυσκολίες που αντιμετωπίζουν οι γυναίκες μέλη Δ.Ε.Π. του Πανεπιστημίου Πατρών συνδέονται με: τις απαιτήσεις του ακαδημαϊκού επαγγέλματος σε σχέση με τις υποχρεώσεις της γυναίκας ως συζύγου και μητέρας, τις έμφυλες αντιλήψεις και προκαταλήψεις για το γυναικείο φύλο στο ακαδημαϊκό επάγγελμα και την ελλειμματική κατοχή επιστημονικού κεφαλαίου σε σχέση με τους άνδρες ομότεχνούς τους. / This study attempted to examine the views of women faculty members at the University of Patras on the factors that led them to pursue the academic profession, and the difficulties they face in this scientific field during the exercise of their university profession. The research has the form of qualitative case study in which the research subjects are twenty women faculty members at the University of Patras, in the ranks of Assistant Professor, Associate Professor and Professor. The research method of collecting data is the semi structured interview, and the method of analysis is the qualitative content analysis. The selection of Bourdieu's theoretical concepts underlying this study are those of habitus, gendered habitus, field, scientific field, capital, cultural capital, symbolic violence and symbolic dominance. Key findings of this study are the following: a) factors that contribute to women entering the scientific field of the University of Patras are their strong cultural capital, the strong impulse from their familial environment, the male model of a professor as a mentor, the beneficial provisions of the law 1268/82 and their love for the academic profession and their discipline of the subject, especially for research and b) the difficulties faced by women faculty members of the University of Patras associated with: the requirements of the academic profession in relation to the woman’s obligations as a wife and mother, gendered perceptions and prejudices about the female gender in the academic profession and the lack of scientific capital.

This thesis explores the everyday experiences with unemployment and job searching practices in a so-called work club in Northern England. A work club is a place, often a community initiative, where jobseekers who are finding it difficult to look for work independently can go to for support and assistance. These initiatives are encouraged to be set up by volunteers by the UK Department for Work and Pensions and its Jobcentre Plus and are aimed at reducing unemployment levels by helping people apply for jobs. Specifically, the thesis focuses on contemporary job searching practices and asks what Banterby SC work club, the fictional name of the field work location, can tell us about how neoliberal ideologies influence both these job searching practices as well as the way we think about the relationship between employment and citizenship. Work clubs have only received scant academic attention, and this study shows how more in-depth explorations can provide us with some valuable insights. Specifically, because doing so helps us to look beyond policy formulations, framings and imperatives to the implications of neoliberal ideologies in peoples everyday lives. The study uses an iterative inductive ethnographic approach, focusing on one single site field work location, encompassing two hundred hours of field work, during which at least 96 jobseekers have visited the premises of the work club. The study s approach to doing ethnographic fieldwork was based on viewing participant observation as hanging out ; that is, more than merely being somewhere, but rather as engaging and being active in an informal fashion, something that the flexible and unstructured nature of the field work location suited very well. Through this ethnographic, in-depth exploration, then, I do not only explore the observations and findings as offered by some of the previous scholars exploring work clubs, but also seek to connect the findings to Bourdieu s theories of symbolic power/violence as a theoretical framework, which allows us to explore the wider implications of neoliberal governmentalities imposed on jobseekers that influence their everyday practices. This study extends not only our knowledge of the lived experiences of unemployment, but also provides a contemporary insight into work clubs, and how Banterby SC work club has proven to be a valuable site of knowledge about everyday experiences with neoliberal governmentalities toward unemployment and job searching practices. It also extends the application of a symbolic power/violence lens by bringing it together with Foucault s neoliberal governmentalities. Specifically, the study argues that neoliberal governmentalities influencing job searching and unemployment practices are a form of symbolic violence. This approach helps us to problematise job searching practices at work clubs in order to argue for increased critical attention on these sites. Furthermore, the study uncovers the extent to which a welfare system gearing towards a digital by default administration disadvantages many jobseekers who are finding it difficult to work with computers and navigate the internet. The study also addresses and explores to what extent compliance with symbolic power/violence is also shared by staff and volunteers of third sector organisations whose main goal it is to alleviate the burden of unemployment by assisting jobseekers to fulfil their job searching obligations as asked of them by the Department for Work and Pensions and the Jobcentre Plus. Finally, the study calls for more beneficiary-centred voluntary sector research, and proposes a new methodological model for exploring voluntary action and organizations, arguing for a more integrated analysis of the experiences of various actors.

SILVA, Eliana Carlos da. Atualizações e Ressignificações do Mito da Donzela Guerreira: Uma análise Comparada dos romances Papisa Joana (Donna Wolfolk Cross) e Memorial de Maria Moura (Rachel de Queiroz). 2013. 156f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Letras, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-10-21T16:34:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_ecsilva.pdf: 503693 bytes, checksum: 17e34cb3479de66b4edbd664768b6aaf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-10-22T13:15:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_ecsilva.pdf: 503693 bytes, checksum: 17e34cb3479de66b4edbd664768b6aaf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-22T13:15:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_ecsilva.pdf: 503693 bytes, checksum: 17e34cb3479de66b4edbd664768b6aaf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Este trabalho tem como objetivo central analisar os pontos de contato e distanciamento entre as representações do Mito Tradicional da Donzela Guerreira nos romances Papisa Joana, de Donna Woolfolk Cross, e Memorial de Maria Moura, de Rachel de Queiroz. A seleção dos romances citados como corpus desta pesquisa deveu-se às várias semelhanças entre as duas narrativas, mesmo levando em conta o fato de seus enredos estarem inseridos em contextos sócio-históricos bastante diferentes. Partindo dessas premissas, o presente trabalho verifica como as características do Mito da Donzela Guerreira Tradicional se apresentam nas obras Papisa Joana e Memorial de Maria Moura, detectando-se até que ponto elas conseguem contemplar as marcas do referido mito. Para a consecução dos resultados desta pesquisa, alguns construtos teóricos importantes tiveram que ser discutidos e transformados em ferramentas analíticas que permitissem uma melhor apreciação dos romances em foco. Além, logicamente, do Mito da Donzela Guerreira Tradicional, merecem destaque, entre as ideias consideradas como chave para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, os conceitos de violência simbólica, corpo disciplinado e/ou dócil e empoderamento. Após a análise das duas obras, confirmou-se a hipótese inicial que norteou o trabalho, ou seja, que as diferenças na forma como o Mito da Donzela Guerreira é representado em Papisa Joana e Memorial de Maria Moura estampam, na verdade, apenas etapas distintas de um mesmo processo: a trajetória das mulheres com vistas ao seu empoderamento.

O direito possui uma relação intrínseca com o conceito de poder e autoridade, que, no mais das vezes, é percebido como poder ungente, autorizado, uma força física coercitiva e irresistível. No entanto, objetivou-se, com o presente trabalho, desnudar o aspecto simbólico do poder proveniente do direito, consoante desenvolvido pela teoria do poder simbólico de Pierre Bourdieu. Com efeito, segundo a teoria de Bourdieu, o poder simbólico em disputa no campo jurídico consiste no poder de enunciar autorizadamente o que é direito, a partir de certas estratégias de dominação com vistas à manutenção do monopólio sobre a interpretação legitima do direito. A partir dessa perspectiva, o trabalho analisou as possíveis estratégias de poder utilizadas pelos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), na condição de corte hierarquicamente superior, no controle de constitucionalidade abstrato das leis. Ao desenvolver este tema, buscou-se investigar o potencial exercício da violência simbólica por parte dos ministros do STF, tomando-se como caso paradigmático, o julgamento da ADPF 54. Então, a partir de pesquisa realizada no sítio eletrônico do STF, fez-se uma análise qualitativa dos votos proferidos pelos ministros do STF no referido caso, comparando as argumentações trazidas pelos mesmos; bem como, averiguou-se a participação de outros atores sociais envolvidos na disputa pelo direito, como AGU, PGR e os terceiros admitidos na condição de amicus curiae. A pesquisa compreendeu a revisão bibliográfica das principais obras de Pierre Bourdieu, como fontes primárias, bem como a revisão de outras obras de estudiosos sobre os temas abordados na presente dissertação.