The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act (Act 92 of 1996) states that “reproductive rights must be guaranteed and reproductive health services must promote people’s rights to privacy and dignity”, but most communities seem to lack proper information about this legislative aspect. The purpose of the study was to explore the community’s perceptions regarding legal choice of termination of pregnancy in order to have a broader understanding how the community views termination of pregnancy, and whether they are able to access legal termination of pregnancy. An exploratory qualitative study was conducted. The exploratory and descriptive research assisted the researcher to have adequate time to explore and describe the community’s perceptions about termination of pregnancy. The researcher purposely selected participants who consult at a particular Tshwane hospital as most of this particular community members presents with complications of illegal abortions. Both men and women above 18 years had an opportunity to participate. Data was collected until saturation is reached. Thematic analysis was conducted. The findings reveal that the community still needs to be given more information about rights and laws surrounding termination of pregnancy. Recommendations were made to create more awareness and improve access. / Health Studies / M.A. (Health Studies)

The South African government promulgated the Choice on Termination of pregnancy Act (CTOP Act, 92 of 1996). This was a dramatic declaration of intent unprecedented in the African continent and globally. This act changed the outlook of the practice of termination of pregnancy by ensuring that services play a critical role in the delivery of the service. This study, which is qualitative in nature, explored the experiences of Termination of Pregnancy service providers working in three designated public health institutions in the Limpopo Province. Interviews were conducted with six service providers to look at how they construct their practice of providing termination of pregnancy services. The information was analyzed and interpreted by means of a thematic analysis method. Major themes that emerged from the participants’ experiences centred on their relationship with family, colleagues, management, clients, and the community reflecting a sense of alienation and lack of adequate infrastructural support. Inadequate support has been found to greatly contribute to the loss of interest in the work around abortion. / Psychology / M. A. (Clinical Psychology)

The South African government promulgated the Choice on Termination of pregnancy Act (CTOP Act, 92 of 1996). This was a dramatic declaration of intent unprecedented in the African continent and globally. This act changed the outlook of the practice of termination of pregnancy by ensuring that services play a critical role in the delivery of the service. This study, which is qualitative in nature, explored the experiences of Termination of Pregnancy service providers working in three designated public health institutions in the Limpopo Province. Interviews were conducted with six service providers to look at how they construct their practice of providing termination of pregnancy services. The information was analyzed and interpreted by means of a thematic analysis method. Major themes that emerged from the participants’ experiences centred on their relationship with family, colleagues, management, clients, and the community reflecting a sense of alienation and lack of adequate infrastructural support. Inadequate support has been found to greatly contribute to the loss of interest in the work around abortion. / Psychology / M. A. (Clinical Psychology)

Adolescent pregnancy is a worldwide problem. This study attempted to describe and explore the knowledge of female adolescents in Angola's knowledge with regard to contraception. The research results, obtained from interview schedules, revealed that the respondents lacked knowledge about themselves as adolescents as well as a lack of knowledge of their reproductive health and development. Furthermore, the results portrayed a lack of knowledge of contraceptives. The study findings may assist health care providers to identify educational programmes on contraception at schools, markets and in the community. / Health Studies / Thesis (M.A. (Health Studies))

The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act (CTOP Act 92 of 1996) is perhaps the most revolutionary piece of legislation internationally ever to have been promulgated to regulate abortion and as such women’s reproductive lives. Abortion research tends to focus on the experiences of women and thus cast abortion as solely a territory that represents women’s reproductive concerns and the power to choose to procreate. While the CTOP Act safeguards women’s right of choice and a form of determination relating to what happens to their bodies, it also fails to recognise or even make pronouncements about the role that a man plays in the choice to terminate a pregnancy as well as how abortion affects a man’s life. This therefore implies that legally, men do not have a stake to influencing the decision to terminate a pregnancy. This qualitative study was undertaken to explore how young unmarried males whose partners have undergone an abortion construct abortion and the meanings that they attach to the experience of abortion. Interviews were conducted and the data was analysed using discourse analysis. Some of the young men knew about the woman’s decision to have an abortion and others did not know. Common findings include a sense of helplessness due to feeling that the decision is ultimately that of the woman, anger for those who did not know about the decision to abort and a lack of forgiveness towards their partners. / Psychology / M.A. (Clinical Psychology)

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A democratic political system grants unimpaired opportunities for all citizens to have their preferences weighted equally in the conduct of government regardless of content or source. However, governments in democratic political systems frequently disregard public preference. But all governments, not only popular governments, are dependent on the 'will of the people' if the system is to remain viable. This study investigates the relationship between public opinion and public policy in South Africa, using the 1996 Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act as case study, as it provides a practical example to illustrate this complex relationship. The study used a longitudinal approach to investigate shifts in public opinion over a period of five years, using secondary survey analysis. Attitudes towards abortion are cross-tabulated by demographic variables, religion, interest in politics and democratic norms. The study found that the most significant shifts in public opinion occurred within demographic groups previously discriminated against by the 1975 Abortion and Sterilisation Act. In 1994 South Africa emerged from a lengthy anti-apartheid struggle and human rights were of paramount importance to many South Africans. The restrictive abortion legislation of 1975 was vestige of discriminative apartheid legislation and was not in line with South Africa's exemplary 1996 Constitution. Consequently, progressive abortion legislation was ratified, amidst significant public indifference, in order to promote equal citizenship of women. It is argued that abortion constitutes a basic democratic right, in the context of reproductive health rights, and although South African citizens predominantly support a democratic political system, few made the ideological connection with abortion as a democratic right. Therefore, the study infers that the South African electorate is ill informed of the ideological norms surrounding democracy. The significance of this study is that it investigated abortion not as a legal or moral issue, but as a politicised issue in South Africa. The African National Congress (ANC) was strongly committed to advancing progressive abortion legislation in South Africa. The ANC elected to vote on a party platform on the proposed abortion bill. When a majority party, which holds 252 seats of 400 in the National Assembly, elects to vote as a block on proposed legislation, it is likely that the legislation will be passed into law. This conduct of the ANC raises fears that South Africa is a de facto one-party dominant state, where free and fair elections are held, but no rotation in office occurs. Both the 1994 and 1999 elections led to landslide victories for the ANC, and they are assured that the 2003 elections will yield the same result. It is extremely damaging to any democratic system when competition but no contestation occurs. Therefore, it becomes increasingly difficult to distinguish between state and party interests. The study concludes that in the case of progressive abortion legislation in South Africa, the people did not rule. It is the view of this study that the enactment of the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act did not represent democratic conduct. It illustrates that the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act was, by implication, "bulldozed" into law by the ANC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Demokratiese politieke stelsel vergun gelyke geleenthede aan elke burger sodat hul voorkeure gelyk opgeweeg word in die optrede van 'n regering, ongeag die bron of konteks daarvan. Nogtans minag regerings gereeld openbare voorkeur. Nie slegs populêre regerings nie, maar alle regerings is afhanklik van volkswil, as slegs dan die stelsel lewensvatbaar sal bly. Hierdie studie ondersoek die verhouding tussen openbare mening en openbare beleid in Suid-Afrika. Die Wet op Keuse oor Beëindiging van Swangerskap van 1996 word gebruik, omdat dit 'n praktiese gevallestudie bied om hierdie komplekse verhouding te illustreer. Die studie maak gebruik van 'n langsdeursnee aanslag om die verandering van openbare mening oor vyf jaar te ondersoek en maak gebruik van sekondêre meningsopname vraelys analiese. Lewenshoudings oor aborsie is kruis getabuleer met demografiese veranderlikes, geloof, intriseerdheid in politiek en demokratiese grondregte. Daar is gevind dat die mees aanduidende veranderinge in openbare menings te vinde was in demografiese groepe waarteen gediskrimineer was deur die Wet op Vrugafdrywing en Sterilisasie van 1975. Suid-Afrika het in 1994 uit 'n wydlopende anti-apartheid stryd getree en mense-regte was van oorwegende belang vir die meeste Suid-Afrikaners. Die 1975 Wet op Vrugafdrywing en Sterilisasie was 'n bewys van diskriminerende apartheid wetgewing en was nie in lyn met Suid-Afrika se nuwe Grondwet nie. Dus is progressiewe aborsie wetgewing bekragtig, om vroue in Suid-Afrika gelyke burgerskap te gee, te midde van deurslaggewende openbare ontevredenheid. Die studie veronderstel dat aborsie 'n grondreg van demokrasie vorm, binne die konteks van reproduktiewe gesondheids-regte. Alhoewel Suid-Afrikaners 'n demokratiese politieke stelsel steun, het weinig die konneksie tussen aborsie en demokratiese ideologiese grondregte gemaak. Die studie maak dus die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrikaners swak ingelig is in verband met die ideologiese grondregte van demokrasie. Die inhoudsbelang van hierdie studie is dat aborsie ondersoek word as 'n politieke vraagstuk en nie as morele of wetregtige vraagstuk nie. Die African National Congress (ANC) was sterk verbind tot die totstandbringing van progresiewe aborsie wetgewing in Suid-Afrika en het besluit om op 'n party-platform te stem in Parlement aangaande voorgestelde progressiewe aborsie wetgewing. Wanneer 'n meerderheidsparty, wat 252 setels van 400 in die parlement beslaan, besluit om as 'n blok te stem oor voorgestelde wetgewing, dit redelik seker is dat dié wetgewing bekragtig sal word. Hierdie gedrag van die ANC gee aanleiding tot vrese dat Suid Afrika 'n de facto een party dominante staat is, waar vry en regverdige verkiesings voorkom, maar geen afwisseling in ampstermyn nie. Dit is skadelik vir enige demokratiese stelsel wanneer kompetisie maar geen betwisting paasvind nie. Gevolglik word dit al hoe moeiliker om te onderskei tussen party-en staatsbelange. Die studie sluit af dat die publiek nie regeer het in hierdie geval nie. Dit is die siening van hierdie studie dat die bekragtiging van die Wet op Keuse oor die Beëindiging van Swangerskap van 1996 nie goeie demokratiese optrede weerspieël het nie en dat dit, by implikasie, deur die ANC deur middel van intimidasie bekragtig is.

公共政策是藉由重大公共議題的討論來分析政府活動的一種研究途徑，將公共政策的過程切割成議題設定、政策規劃、政策合法化、政策執行、政策評估及政策終結等階段，雖可以獲致清晰的流程架構，但此一單向的線性思考方式，不但簡化了政策問題解決的複雜性，亦會喪失政策過程的動態本質。再者，公共政策的研究領域日益蓬勃壯大，研究途徑與方法亦漸趨多元發展，理論概念與分析架構的整合自然日趨重要，如此將有助於研究者將研究議題與經驗資料作最佳的組合。是以，本研究採取非線性的政策動態概念，對政策的演變作一有系統性的探索，在融合有關政策變遷的各種觀點後，提出「政策體系」的理論概念，建立「宏觀」的分析架構作為探索政策變遷現象的基礎。 政策體系乃是以政策過程為焦點，所有與政策性質相關的要素，都可視為政策體系的構成要素。首先，政策是在開放的體系中形成、維持、接續與終結，自環境中汲取養分同時受到環境的限制，由此觀之，外在環境因素是政策體系中不可忽略的一環。其次，討論政策體系自然不能遺漏政策本身的因素，政策乃為解決社會問題而生，沒有社會問題的存在，當然就不會有政策制定的需求，另一方面，政策本身的組構方式則是攸關問題的解決與否。再者，在民主體制中，任何的政策形成與改變都必須取得正當性的依據，只有問題的存在並不保證一定會被政府所處理，必須通過政治結構的考驗才可能有政策產出。最後，政策體系是一個互動的體系，政策參與者之間就政策方案的選擇所從事的各種行為與活動，都可能影響最後的政策產出。歸納言之，一個完整的政策體系至少應該包括幾個要素：外在環境的因素、政策本身的特性、結構性因素的作用及政策行動者的互動行為，這些要素的互動作用會導致政策的變遷。 最後，政策是政府選擇目標與工具來解決社會問題的重要活動，它不是在真空中運作，而是不斷與社會進行互動的連續性過程，這也是政策走進歷史之前會出現變遷的原因，本研究雖然提出具有規範意涵的分析政策變遷的理論架構，但是基於「真實個案是檢驗理論效度的最佳途徑」的法則，本研究以民進黨首次執政時期所推動的停建核四政策個案為例，利用文本中所建立的分析架構來詮釋此一政策變遷的過程，並在結論中整合理論與個案的研究發現，就政策體系的各個面向提出幾個有關政策變遷的假設性命題，以供後續研究之參考與檢證，進而促成政策變遷知識的深化。 / Public policy is a research approach to analyze governmental activities by discussing public issues. However, in most articles, the policy process is seen as a logical succession of steps: agenda setting, policy formulation, policy legitimation, policy implementation, policy evaluation, and policy termination. Although this progression of stages provides a clear and useful framework, it often obscures the complexities of public issues. In other words, most policies are not a process of linear development, from agenda setting to policy termination. Policy change is a common phenomenon. In this way, if we want to understand the dynamics of policy, it is helpful to take a nonlinear perspective. Policy change is used by a wide range of authors in public policy and other disciplines, but there is no consensus on what the definition of policy change is. In fact, this question has not been systematically explored until now. Policy change is not simply a label, but is an important part of the policy process. It is worth drawing more attention to this phenomenon. The aim of this study is to construct an analytical framework of policy change. Within this framework, we distinguish between different types of policy change: policy succession and policy termination, firstly. And we can find some cues from policy change, including organization, statutes, budget, personnel, and media. Secondly, we use the concept of policy system to connect with policy change. This concept contains several elements: external environment, policy attributes, institutional factor, and policy networks. These elements interact with each other to produce policy change. We use this framework to analyze policy discontinuity for the fourth nuclear power plant in 2000. Finally, policy is essentially about government. The major activity of government is seen as choosing goals and instruments to solve social problems. Policy does not exist in a vacuum; it is made in a concrete environment. We should see policy as a continuing process of social action and interaction. This is why policy may be changed before it is terminated. Finally, we provide some hypotheses and suggestions for further research at the end of this study.

團體壽險是員工福利思潮下之產物，至今已成為分散、轉嫁企業人身及責任風險不可或缺之風險管理工具。而團體壽險以一張保險單承保多數被保險人，此項「團體」之特性使其在核保、保險費、部分有效性及契約條款之設計上，有別於一般之人壽保險。目前，各家保險公司之團體壽險保險單悉以主管機關制訂之「團體一年定期人壽保險單示範條款」為依據。此示範條款以團體為要保人、團體成員為被保險人，將團體壽險定位為由第三人訂立之人壽保險契約，使團體壽險契約受到欠缺保險利益而無效、有無保險法第一○五條之適用及指定、變更受益人之權利人為誰之質疑。其次，團體壽險契約條款中的保險契約構成部分條款、被保險人資格條款、保險契約終止條款、契約轉換權條款、免責條款及不可抗爭條款等亦存在諸多問題，實有檢討予以修正之必要。 因此，本文乃以探討示範條款所涉法律爭議問題為中心，參酌國內學說見解並比較美國判例及美國保險監理官協會所制訂之「團體壽險定義及標準條款模範法案」，對團體壽險契約條款之增訂及修正提出七項建議，包括重新定位團體壽險契約當事人、重視逆選擇防範及被保險人權益保障、明訂兩年不可抗爭期間及團體信用壽險不適用契約轉換權條款及受益人條款、修正個別被保險人保險契約終止之時點及保險人免責事由等，希冀本文之淺見能使示範條款更為完善。 / Group life insurance arises from the thought that employers have the responsibilities to take care of their employees. Until now, group life insurance has become an important part of industries’ risk management plans for distributing and transferring industries’ life and liability risk. Group life insurance insures more than five persons in one policy, and this “group” characteristic makes group life insurance different from general life insurance in many aspects: underwriting, premiums, partly effective and contract clauses. Presently, provisions of group life policies are based on“Model Provisions for Group Yearly Term life Policies”promulgated by competent authority. According to Article 2 of the model provisions, the policyholder is the “group”, and the members of the group are insureds. In other words, group life insurance is entered into by third party. This causes three problems needed to be solved: (1) If the policyholder has no insurable interest in the insured, shall group life insurance be void? (2) Is Article 105 of Insurance Act applicable to group life insurance? (3) Who has the right to designate or change the beneficiary? In addition, there are still some problems in other model provisions including the entire-contract provision, eligibility requirements provision, termination provision, conversion provision, exception clause and incontestability provision. It is necessary to review and revise the model provisions. Therefore, this study focuses on related legal issues of the model provisions. Referring to scholars’ opinions and comparing American verdicts and “Group Life Insurance Definition and Group Life Insurance Standard Provisions Model Act” issued by The National Association of Insurance Commissioners, this study concludes by providing several suggestions in revising the model provisions: (1) The policyholder and the insured should be referred to as members of the group, not “group”. (2) Emphasize on preventing adverse-selection and protecting the insured’s right. (3) Augment incontestable period of two years and a clause which provides that conversion provision and beneficiary provision are not applicable to credit group life insurance. (4) Revise the termination provision and exception clause. Hope these suggestions will make the model provisions more perfect.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’avortement en Allemagne depuis les vingt dernières années. La première partie s’attardera d’une part, aux différentes lois en matière d’avortement des deux États allemands avant les événements de 1989 et d’autre part, à l’analyse du discours tenu par le mouvement féministe ouest-allemand et est-allemand face à l’avortement. La deuxième partie examinera le débat qui entoura l’avortement lors du processus de la Réunification. En effet, la loi sur l’avortement de la République démocratique allemande était beaucoup plus libérale que celle de la République fédérale d’Allemagne et la majorité des citoyens et politiciens d’ex-RDA refusèrent que la loi restrictive ouest-allemande soit tout simplement étendue à l’Allemagne réunifiée. Il s’ensuivit un débat qui devint rapidement une sorte de symbole du clivage présent entre les Allemands de l’Est et ceux de l’Ouest, mais aussi entre les féministes des nouveaux et des anciens Länder. C’est finalement en 1995 qu’une nouvelle loi fut votée par le Parlement, loi qui, encore aujourd’hui, régit l’avortement. Vingt ans après la chute du Mur, le débat sur l’avortement reprit sa place dans l’actualité avec un nouveau projet de loi visant à restreindre l’accès aux avortements pratiqués après la 12e semaine de grossesse. La troisième partie portera donc sur ce débat plus actuel et examinera si le clivage Est-Ouest face à l’avortement à l’époque de la Réunification, est toujours présent aujourd’hui en Allemagne, ce qui, selon les conclusions de ce mémoire, semble bien être le cas. / This MA thesis is about abortion in Germany over the past twenty years. The first part will focus on one hand on the different laws regarding abortion in the two German states before the events of 1989 and on the other hand on the analysis of the discourse held by West and East German feminist movements regarding abortion. The second part will examine the debate surrounding abortion during the Reunification process. Indeed, the abortion law of the German Democratic Republic was much more liberal than the one of the Federal Republic of Germany and the majority of citizens and politicians of the former GDR refused that the West German restrictive law was simply to be extended to the reunified Germany. A debate followed that quickly became a kind of symbol of the division that existed between East and West Germans but also between feminists from the new and old Länder. Finally, in 1995, a new law was passed by Parliament, legislation that still governs abortion today. Twenty years after the Berlin Wall fell, the debate about abortion rose up in the headlines again with a new bill aimed at restricting abortion access after the 12th week of pregnancy. The third part will therefore focus on this more topical debate and examine whether the East-West division regarding abortion at the time of the Reunification still exists today in Germany which, according to the findings of this MA thesis, seems to be quite the case. / Diese Magisterarbeit bezieht sich auf Abtreibung in Deutschland in den letzten zwanzig Jahren. Der erste Teil beschäftigt sich einerseits mit den unterschiedlichen Gesetzen der zwei deutschen Staaten bezüglich Abtreibung vor den Ereignissen von 1989 und andererseits mit der Analyse des jeweiligen feministischen Diskurses zu Abtreibung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Der zweite Teil wird die Debatte über Abtreibung während des Wiedervereinigungsprozesses untersuchen. In der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik war das Abtreibungsgesetz liberaler als in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und die Mehrheit der Bürger und Politiker der ehemaligen DDR lehnte es ab, das restriktive westdeutsche Gesetz auf das wiedervereinigte Deutschland einfach auszudehnen. Es folgte eine Debatte, die schnell eine Art Symbol der Spaltung wurde, nicht nur zwischen den Ost- und Westdeutschen, sondern auch zwischen den Feministinnen der neuen und alten Länder. 1995 verabschiedete schlieβlich das Parlament ein neues Gesetz, das bis heute die Abtreibung regelt. Zwanzig Jahre nach dem Mauerfall ist die Debatte über die Abtreibung durch einen Gesetzentwurf wieder entflammt, der die Verschärfung der Abtreibungsbestimmungen nach der 12. Schwangerschaftswoche vorsieht. Der dritte Teil der Magisterarbeit wird sich auf diese aktuelle Debatte beziehen und untersuchen, ob die Ost-West-Spaltung bezüglich der Abtreibung zur Zeit der Wiedervereinigung noch heute vorhanden ist. Nach den Schlussfolgerungen dieser Magisterarbeit scheint das der Fall zu sein.

and key words Abstract This diploma thesis is a contribution to the mapping of the issue of involuntary employee departures from organizations with an emphasis on the aspect of dismissal organizations and the dismissal individual. Thematically, the work is divided into theoretical and empirical part. The theoretical part deals with issues related to the nature of work and the importance of work in human life. It clarifies the traditional motives that encourage a person to perform a paid work in order to better understand the consequences of its loss. It provides insight into the legislative framework of employment termination with focus on the types of termination, which in fact represent dismissals. These data are followed by text that introduces the reasons for which the employee can be dismissed, since these reasons play an important role in next phases of dismissal. Since the dismissal of workers (although it may have positive benefits for the organization) is less popular HR activity among the performers and it could be very traumatic for leaving employees, it is common to prevent it by HR planning or through incentives for voluntary departures. These potentialities are characterized more in detail in next passage. The role of the Human Resources department and senior staff during dismissals...