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Centrée sur le droit pénal face à la migration transfrontière, la présente étude prend le parti d’intégrer en son sein deux formes de migration spécifiques : la migration irrégulière et la migration pour motif terroriste. Elle choisit également de faire du droit pénal son objet central. Ce choix conduit naturellement à renverser les perspectives initiales et à envisager, non les effets du droit pénal sur la migration transfrontière, mais l’inverse : les incidences de la migration transfrontière sur le droit pénal. À cet égard, migration irrégulière et migration pour motif terroriste ont en commun d’ébranler le droit pénal. Face à la migration irrégulière, le droit pénal subit une instrumentalisation : sa mobilisation n’est effectuée que dans une finalité administrative d’éloignement de la migration présente à la frontière (particulièrement dans les zones d’attente et frontalières). Plus encore, la politique de prévention contre l’immigration irrégulière développée à l’échelle de l’Union européenne a entraîné un véritable enchevêtrement de normes pénales, agissant dans de multiples espaces géographiques, dont certaines sont détournées afin d’entraver la migration en mer, et d’autres créées pour l’empêcher de se former sur terre, au sein des États tiers de départ. À l’inverse, le droit pénal apparaît absent face à la migration pour motif terroriste. Alors qu’il pourrait se saisir de ce phénomène, il semble au contraire dépassé par la montée en puissance de mesures de police administrative. De nature à anticiper d’une manière quasiment prédictive le risque terroriste porté par la migration transfrontière, ces mesures entraînent l’obsolescence du droit pénal. Penser le droit pénal face à la migration transfrontière permet enfin de révéler que la migration irrégulière et la migration pour motif terroriste sont liées par le droit, en étant envisagées sous le prisme du risque qu’elles portent en elle. / This study focuses on the link between criminal law and crossborder migration and will address two specific forms of migration : irregular migration and migration with a terrorist purpose. The main focus of this study is criminal law. This choice has resulted in a reversal of the original focus ; that is to say the effects of crossborder migration on criminal law as opposed to the effects of criminal law on crossborder migration. Both irregular migration and migration with a terrorist purpose undermine criminal law. With respect to irregular migration, criminal law is used as an administrative instrument to repel migrants from national borders particularly those in waiting zones and crossborder zones. Prevention policies against irregular migration implemented at the EU level have resulted in an entanglement of criminal norms, in various geographic areas, some of them were diverted to prevent migration by sea and other were created to stop migrants trying to enter by land via third countries. On the contrary, criminal law seems absent with regards to migration with a terrorist purpose. While it could effectively tackle this phenomenon, it seems overwhelmed by the rise of administrative police measures. These measures are able to anticipate in a quasi-predictive manner the risk of terrorism via crossborder migration and they in fact render criminal law ineffective. Thinking criminal law in the face of crossborder migration has allowed to reveal that irregular migration and migration with a terrorist purpose are legally contected, when they are considered through the prism of the risk conveyed.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-136) / The study focuses on the impact of the Boko Haram Muslim terrorist group on the socioeconomic well‐being and livelihood of the population in the north‐east of Nigeria. To research the social, economic, religious and political impact of attacks leading to the disruption of people in the north‐east who fled their homes for the safety of southern refugee camps, the study relies on three research questions to be answered, namely: Does the Boko Haram terrorist group pose a threat to the socio‐economic well‐being of people in north‐eastern Nigeria? How have Boko Haram terrorist attacks impacted on the livelihood of the population? What is a viable solution or intervention strategy to deal with the impact of and fight against terrorism in Nigeria in particular? The study adopts an in‐depth qualitative methodology. Different related research techniques are used in data collection and analysis. Focus group discussions, in‐depth interviews and documentary sources have different complementary strengths, which are more comprehensive when used together. Questionnaires will guide the discussions with groups of internally displaced people, who are the units of analysis. Data is gathered through snowball sampling of willing, available respondents to understand and explain their personal views and experiences, creating the meanings they have constructed around their disrupted livelihoods and well‐being in refugee camps. An overarching, broad conflict perspective is chosen, related to Dahrendorf’s views on power struggles of dominant interest groups, authority, inequality and marginalisation of opponents, which also includes complementary concepts of religiously inspired fundamentalist theory focusing on indoctrination, dominance, manipulation and marginalisation of interest groups. This broad conflict perspective will investigate the social, economic, political and religious impacts of Boko Haram in Nigeria. The findings indicate that the Boko Haram attacks had a negative effect on the livelihood of citizens and displaced persons in refugee camps, as well as on the social cohesion and development of the north‐eastern Nigerian state. Conflict resolution and intervention strategies will be implemented to curb the violence. Societal transformation is recommended for infrastructural development and job creation to solve poverty and gainfully cater for educated, unemployed youths, now recruited into the ranks of the Boko Haram Muslim sect. / Sociology / M.A. (Sociology)

À l'aube du troisième millénaire, la démocratie fait face à deux défis différents. D'une part, elle est secouée par le terrorisme qui bafoue les principes et les valeurs démocratiques tout en déstabilisant les institutions et en menaçant les citoyens et même la nation. D'autre part, la démocratie peut être défiée par les dérives d'une lutte contre le terrorisme, non-proportionnelle et même excessive, menée par certains régimes « démocratiques ». Sous prétexte de contrer le terrorisme, la pratique de certains États démocratiques fragilise l'État de droit et révèle des violations des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales. Cette étude se propose de rechercher l'infrastructure légale qui répond à la lutte contre le terrorisme sans nuire aux principes et valeurs démocratiques. Elle met en exergue la contradiction entre les deux concepts : démocratie et terrorisme. Cette étude aborde deux sujets d'actualité qui revêtent une importance particulière. Le premier porte sur la création du Tribunal Spécial pour le Liban [TSL] comme étant la première juridiction internationalisée à juger les actes relevant du terrorisme. Le second présente une étude comparatiste portant sur les « révolutions » survenues dans les pays arabes tout en mettant en évidence la nécessité de l'acheminement vers la démocratie face à la montée du terrorisme dans la région. Cette étude expose de même un panorama de la lutte des États du Proche-Orient contre le terrorisme. Elle projettera les conditions pour sortir d'une démocratie « masquée », éclatée par le terrorisme, à une démocratie « authentique », éclatante par le droit. / On the dawning of the third millennium, democracy is encountering two different challenges. On the one hand, it is shaken by terrorism that flies in the face of the democratic principles and values whilst destabilizing the institutions and threatening citizens touching even the nation itself. Notwithstanding the fact that on the other hand, democracy could be challenged by non-proportional and even excessive measures taken in the context of the fight against terrorism acquitted by certain « democratic » regimes. Thus, under the pretext of countering terrorism, the behavioural pattern of some democratic states undermines the State of law and unveils violations of human rights and fundamental liberties. The current study aspires to investigate the legal infrastructure that conforms to the fight against terrorism away from compromising the principles and values of democracy. For this purpose, the following pages would highlight the dialectic contradiction between two concepts: democracy and terrorism. In fact, the current study treats two hot topics particularly significant. The first of those topics would be the establishment of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon [STL] being the first internationalized with jurisdiction over the acts of terrorism. The second of the above-mentioned topics would be a comparative study treating the current « revolutions » occurring within the Arab States, hence highlighting the need to pursue democracy versus the rise of terrorism in the region. Moreover, this study would exhibit a prospect of the fight against terrorism carried out by countries of the Near East. In addition, this study exposes some conditions by which a « disguised » democracy would be avoided, one that is struck by terrorism, towards an « authentic » democracy, striking with rights. / في فجر الالفية الثالثة٬ تواجه الديمقراطية تحديين مختلفين. التحدي الاول يكمن في الارباك الذي يحدثه الارهاب بضربه المبادئ والقيم الديمقراطية معرضا المؤسسات الى الخلل٬ مهددا المواطنين والامة ايضا. التحدي الثاني يتجلى بالانحراف في مكافحة الارهاب احيانا بطرق غير متناسبة لا بل مجحفة. فتحت ستار مكافحة الارهاب يتبين بان ممارسات بعض الدول الديمقراطية يضعف دولة القانون ويظهر انتهاكات لحقوق الانسان وللحريات الاساسية. تعالج هذه الرسالة البحث حول الاسس القانونية التي تتجاوب مع مكافحة الارهاب دون التعرض للمبادئ والقيم الديمقراطية. كما تطرح التناقض الموجود ما بين مفهومي الديمقراطية والارهاب. تتناول هذه الدراسة ايضا موضوعين حاليين ذات اهمية خاصة. يتطرق الاول الى انشاء المحكمة الخاصة بلبنان كأول محكمة ذات طابع دولي تنظر في قضايا الارهاب. فيما الثاني يشمل دراسة مقارنة حول الثورات الحاصلة في الدول العربية٬ تسلط الضوء على أهمية التحول الديمقراطي في مواجهة تصاعد الارهاب في المنطقة. كما وتعرض الرسالة دراسة حول مناهضة دول الشرق الأدنى للارهاب. اخيرا تطرح معايير للخروج من الديمقراطية « المقنعة » التي يفجرها الارهاب نحو ديمقراطية « فعلية » تزخر بالقانون.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The Iraq War and the War on Terror were pivotal issues in the presidential race for the White House in 2004. Competing frames about the meaning of September 11, 2001, terrorism, and American power were constructed by the rival candidates and established a limited debate that marginalized alternative interpretations of war and peace. It is likely that the dilemma over U.S. forces in Iraq and the War on Terror will continue to be a major issue in the upcoming 2008 Presidential Election. Therefore, the campaign speeches of the presidential candidates, President George W. Bush and Senator John Kerry, during the 2004 Election regarding terrorism were important to understanding the themes that initiated public debate in the U.S. about the conflict in Iraq and the War on Terror. In this document analysis, these candidates’ public addresses illustrated how the role of the U.S. power to combat terrorism shaped a particular perspective about the post-9/11 world. Ideas that challenged “official” debate about war and national security were excluded from mainstream media coverage of the campaign. In order to examine the narrow debate over terrorism and how alternative “ways of seeing” war have been and continue to be marginalized, this study compared how the candidates framed the war in contrast to anti-war voices. Cindy Sheehan, who is an emergent leader in the peace and social justice movement, and more “official” voices of dissent like Representative Dennis Kucinich, have criticized “official” framing of the war. Dissenting perspectives about the Iraq War and the War on Terror invite a different understanding about U.S. hegemony, terrorism, and the consequences of the War on Terror for foreign and domestic policies. The impact of the war upon domestic policy and national crises, such as the widely televised and heavily criticized federal response to Hurricane Katrina Summer 2005, were examined to explore how domestic crises undermine “official” framing of the Iraq War and the War on Terror and empower alternative understandings of war and peace.

The purpose of this study is to measure the message terror organizations hope to convey using the financial markets as a proxy of measurement to determine patterns within the marketplace and the effects on the terrorists’ ability to deliver a desired message due to the increased use of digital devices and access to instantaneous news, seen over the past decade. Using death count, geographic location, and event type, this study identified 109 attacks between 1985 and 2015 to be analyzed against 5 market indices and 5 securities. Measuring the effects within a 10-day sample window from the time of the attack (+ or - 5 days) using average abnormal returns, standard deviation, Sharpe Ratio and the initial reactions in the market place as a percentage of total attacks, the effects on average abnormal returns on the market proxies were measured on three levels; The entire sample period from 1985 to 2015; the first half of the sample period 1985-1999; and the second half of the sample period 2000-2015. Analyzing trends in abnormal returns and standard deviation, the results of the study were inconclusive.

The following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations. As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other. The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.

Money laundering involves activities which are aimed at concealing benefits that were acquired through criminal means for the purpose of making them appear legitimately acquired. Money laundering promotes criminal activities in South Africa because it allows criminals to keep the benefits that they acquired through their criminal activities. It takes place through a variety of schemes which include the use of banks. In this sense money laundering control is based on the premise that banks must be protected from providing criminals with the means to launder the benefits of their criminal activities. The Financial Intelligence Centre Act 38 of 2001 (‘FICA’) in aggregate with the Prevention of Organised Crime Act 121 of 1998 (‘POCA’) form the backbone of South Africa’s anti-money laundering regime. Like its international counterparts FICA imposes onerous duties on banks seeing that they are most often used by criminals as conduits to launder the benefits of crime. In turn, POCA criminalises activities in relation to the benefits of crime and delineates civil proceedings aimed at forfeiting the benefits of crime to the state. This study identifies the idiosyncrasies of the South African anti-money laundering regime and forwards recommendations aimed at improving its structure. To this end nine issues in relation to money laundering control and banks are investigated. The investigation fundamentally reveals that money laundering control holds unforeseen consequences for banks. In particular, a bank that receives the benefits of crimes such as fraud or theft faces prosecution if it fails to heed FICA’s money laundering control duties, for example, the filing of a suspicious transaction report. However, if the bank files a suspicious transaction report, it may be sued in civil court by the customer for breach of contract. In addition, if the bank parted with the benefits of fraud or theft whilst suspecting that the account holder may not be entitled to payment thereof, it may be sued by the victim of fraud or theft who seeks to recover loss suffered at the hand of the fraudster or thief from the bank. Ultimately, this study illustrates that amendment of some of the provisions of South Africa’s anti-money laundering legislation should enable banks to manage the aforementioned and other unforeseen consequences of money laundering control whilst at the same time contribute to the South African anti-money laundering effort. / Criminal and Procedural Law / Mercantile Law / LL.D.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Kleber Maia Marinho.pdf: 1018489 bytes, checksum: b40b9e97f51276133e093a50b2f37632 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As a whole, the present dissertation lies at the intersection between religion and politics. Religion was embedded in the political scenario of the US at the onset of the nation and, since then, religion and politics have been intertwined into a complex system of coexistence that has strongly influenced the country s destiny. Although the debate regarding the amalgam between religion and politics in the US has been ongoing among the most diverse sectors of information and research, both locally and internationally, it was after the inauguration of George W. Bush and the attacks on 9/11, that such issue gained global repercussion, at a level never before seen in history. In this regard, the present work intends to analyze the relation of historical-cultural, sociological and psychological facts on the political-religious events, particularly those related to the international political scenario, which is hereby represented by the US. Thus, the subject of this investigation focuses on analyzing the presence of religious concepts as found in the speeches of President George W. Bush, during his two terms in office. More specifically, this dissertation examines the phenomena that are deeply rooted in the culture of the United States and have played a key role in supporting Bush s political actions. In this way, it evaluates the degree to which the events on 9/11 served as a bulwark for the religious rhetoric in Bush s discourse and became a tool to legitimate the war against Iraq, his political modus operandi and, ultimately, lead him to reelection. It is therefore concluded that, the ethical, moral and religious factors, deeply set in the culture of the United States throughout its history, together with the trauma caused by the events on 9/11, contributed to the acceptance of Bush s political decisions. The theoretical basis for the work is the hermeneutic methodology, built on a theoretical and bibliographic tripartite design that is sociological, philosophical-linguistic as well as psychological. The first line of investigation is based on the concept of Civil Religion, first developed by Robert Bellah and later expanded by other theoreticians; the second one follows Chaïm Perelman s theory of the New Rhetoric, and the third rests on C. G. Jung s Archetype. / Em termos gerais, a presente dissertação localiza-se na confluência da religião com a política. A inserção da religião na esfera política dos EUA fez-se presente desde o início de sua fundação e desde então, ambas permaneceram imbricadas constituindo um complexo sistema de convívio, cuja influência foi determinante nos desígnios da nação. Embora o debate acerca do amálgama entre religião e política nos EUA nunca ter cessado entre os mais diferentes setores de informação e pesquisa na sociedade nacional e internacional, foi, todavia, a partir da posse de George W. Bush e, após os atentados de 11 de setembro, que tal assunto ganhou repercussão mundial como talvez jamais antes na história. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como propósito analisar os fatos histórico-culturais, sociológicos e psicológicos na análise de eventos político-religiosos, mais precisamente, relativos à política internacional representada aqui pelos EUA. Por essa via, o objeto de investigação em questão refere-se à análise da presença da concepção religiosa encontrada nos discursos do presidente George W. Bush durante o período de seus dois mandatos de governo. Em termos específicos, esta dissertação debruçou-se sobre o estudo de fenômenos arraigados na cultura estadunidense que foram preponderantes na sustentação da política de Bush. Assim, buscou-se avaliar até que ponto o 11 de setembro serviu de ênfase na retórica religiosa do discurso de Bush, servindo de meio instrumentário para legitimar a guerra no Iraque, seu modus operandi político e, eventualmente, ajudá-lo na reeleição. Concluímos que fatores ético-morais e religiosos profundamente incutidos na cultura estadunidense ao longo do processo histórico, aliados ao trauma do 11 de setembro, foram facilitadores para a adesão à política de Bush. Para tanto, valemo-nos, como procedimento teórico, da metodologia hermenêutica, construída em cima de uma linha teórico-bibliográfica ancorada por três frentes: sociológica, filosófico-lingüística e psicológica. A primeira embasa-se no conceito de Religião Civil inicialmente desenvolvida por Robert Bellah e, depois, ampliada por outros teóricos; a segunda pauta-se na teoria da Nova Retórica de Chaïm Perelman e a última, no conceito de Arquétipo de C. G. Jung.