Since the end of the Sino-Vietnamese War in 1979, Northeast Asia and its comprising countries have avoided international conflict as well as any regional set has done over the past few decades. The absence of nuclear weapons among Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, in particular, is striking, given their technological and scientific capabilities. Though each of those countries has come close at times to developing their own nuclear weapons, one factor or another contributed to the failure of those upstart programs. The United States has played a significant role in all of them. Still, other factors remain. The purpose of this thesis is to determine in detail what caused the lack of a nuclear arms race in northeast Asia, beyond the American angle, as far as could be done. Existential threats exist to each country involved in the study, theoretically and tactically. Additionally, what causes an outlier like North Korea, which has boldly moved forward with nuclear weapons development? An important work by Scott Sagan is utilized in the thesis to assist with developing some far-reaching conclusions, with great importance to other parts of the world, beyond northeast Asia. Other literature can assist with those conclusions, as well. The framework of this thesis will be to intermingle a somewhat amended version of Sagan's nuclear proliferation rationalizations with historical analyses to draft some region-specific conclusions about why northeast Asia has not had a nuclear arms race. Processes going on between countries, within countries, and among countries, militarily, culturally, and economically, play such important roles than none can be discarded. The economic power centered on the capitalist core of northeast Asia can show how nuclear weapons acquisition is no longer among the things necessary to gain international respect or even security.

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The overarching goal of this study is to conduct an investigation of regional perspectives on the impact of Israel's nuclear monopoly on nuclear decisions in the Middle East. This Dissertation addresses the question as to why regional actors have taken divergent nuclear paths relative to Israel's nuclear posture. The point of departure for this inquiry is whether the 'introduction' of Israel's nuclear weapons has ever played a pivotal role in the nuclear decisions and escalation dynamics in the Middle East. In so doing, this study addresses why Israel has maintained a nuclear monopoly in the Middle East. Within this context, the nuclear decisions are analyzed while employing three specific Independent Variables, namely: conventional balance; alliance reliance; and the perception of the utility of nuclear weapons. The analysis of the Egypt and Iran cases demonstrated layers of common and divergent responses, namely in relation to their perception of conventional, nonconventional, and nuclear deterrence. The dissertation addressed how both countries perceived and reacted to the underlying principles that underpinned Israel's nuclear posture. The main findings of this dissertation serve the logic of comparison between Egypt and Iran. These findings are addressed in terms of: a) the essence of reaction whether it applies to the nuclear posture or nuclear capabilities; b) the mere existence of a nuclear decision; c) the perception of the utility of nuclear weapons in terms of deterrence, compellence, and coercion; d) the difference between the official, semi-official and unofficial rhetoric; e) the significance of the legal reaction. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation addressed two comparative reactions to Israel's nuclear posture, namely Egypt's and Iran's divergent nuclear paths. In so doing, it addressed the nuclear decisions of Egypt and Iran from 1955 to 2021. This dissertation made an effort in investigating how a tacit ally, namely the Shah, perceived Israel's nuclear posture. As analyzed, the literature tends to overlook the story of Iran's reaction under the Shah. Therefore, more research is necessary to decipher the puzzle of why allies feel alarmed or concerned by a nuclear ambition of a close regional partner. An important issue that this dissertation addressed while investigating reactions to Israel's nuclear posture was the delicate issue of decoupling Israel's posture from other established nuclear powers or nuclear aspirants. Within this context, it is central that this study underscores the impacts of the Indian, and Pakistani bombs and the impact of Iraq's nuclear ambition and to make a strong and substantiated case as to why Iran's reaction addressed Israel's posture and not Iraq or India. The same analysis applies to Egypt which witnessed the emergence of another nuclear aspirant in the 1980s, namely Iraq. In the final analysis, the main findings of this dissertation support the argument that comparative regional reactions to Israel's nuclear posture help investigate and test the main assumptions that underpinned opacity. Within this context, future researchers might further analyze the trichotomy of conventional; nonconventional, and nuclear deterrence because regional actors might employ the case of monopoly for explicit or tacit bargaining that fulfills the overarching interest of guaranteeing a robust conventional force. The underlying foundation of this research is to address how regional actors perceive and react to asymmetries in power, resolve, and stake.

Burundi became a German protectorate in August 1884. Prior to the establishment of a protectorate, the territory was ruled by Mwamis (kings) who exercised a kind of quasi-divine system of administration. Conflictual relations were quickly dealt with within this complex structure. During the German and later Belgian colonial administrations, these political structures were redefined and a social class structure based on wealth was created. Forced class division became entrenched in the social fabric of Burundian society and the hierarchical system became even more prominent at independence in July 1962. Successive post-colonial regimes have failed to bridge the social gap. The International Community, through initiatives by the United Nations, the Africa Union, Jimmy Carter, Julius Nyerere and Nelson Mandela have attempted to resolve the political impasse. The dissertation is an attempt to reconstruct the causes of the various crises since 1962 and to reassess whether the various facilitators has succeeded in their tasks. / History / M.A.

北韓研發核武與彈道飛彈對東北亞區域安全造成嚴重衝擊，自1994年以來的北韓核武危機至今仍未獲得解決。在2002年北韓承認持續發展核武後，中共在核武危機中擔任調解人的角色，分別舉行了「三方會談」以及六輪「六方會談」。中共希望透過多邊主義中的談判方式，和平地解決北韓核武發展問題，並提高自身在朝鮮半島議題上以及國際社會中的影響力。但北韓至今仍未放棄核武發展，且從2006年以來一連串的核子試爆、長程火箭與飛彈試射使東北亞安全情勢極度惡化。 平心而論，中共目前是世界上對北韓影響力最大的國家。除了因為韓戰所建立的傳統「血盟關係」，以及在1961年兩國之間所締結之「中朝友好合作互助條約」之外，近年來，中共也提供北韓大量的經濟援助，包括糧食、重油與其他的戰略性物資。但北韓自2006年以來的彈道飛彈試射與地下核武試爆，確實已經對中共的國家安全造成嚴重威脅。北韓研發核武的問題若不解決，將會動搖現行「核不擴散」機制的權威與可信度，甚至造成東北亞區域各國，例如日本、韓國，甚至台灣競相研發核武的可能性，進而引發區域軍備競賽與核武擴散，對中共的國家安全造成損害。其次為北韓研發核武若引起美國的軍事先制攻擊，其難民問題對中共東北邊境所造成的威脅。最後則是北韓的核武研發與常規軍力對中共所造成的直接威脅。此外，北韓研發核武也對中共在於1996年出台之「新安全觀」造成衝擊，尤其中共官方在未來評估東北亞區域安全問題時，勢必將對「新安全觀」作一定程度的修正。在中共的綜合國力以及在亞太地區影響力不斷提升的前提下，中共將藉由北韓這根國際政治權力槓桿，與美國共同形塑未來朝鮮半島的全新權力格局。本研究即欲探討做為北韓傳統支持者與核武危機調停者的中共，如何處理北韓研發核武對其國家安全所造成之威脅。 關鍵詞：中共、朝鮮半島、北韓核武危機、新安全觀、彈道飛彈、軍備競賽 / North Korea developed nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles pose a serious impact on Northeast Asia, since 1994 the North Korean nuclear crisis has yet to be resolved. North Korea admitted in 2002, continued to develop nuclear weapons, PRC in the nuclear crisis as a mediator, were held “tripartite talks” and “six-party talks.”PRC hopes of multilateralism in the negotiation and peaceful resolution of North Korea's nuclear issue and improve their own issues on the Korean peninsula and the international community's influence. But North Korea has yet to give up nuclear weapons development and since 2006 a series of nuclear tests, long-range rocket and ballistic missile launch to worsen the security situation in Northeast Asia. In all fairness, the PRC is currently the world's greatest influence on North Korea's state. Apart from the tradition established by the Korean War "clan relations", as well as between the two countries in 1961, concluded the “Sino-Korean friendship and cooperation treaty”, the recent years, and that China provides North Korea substantial economic aid, including food, heavy oil and other strategic materials. But North Korea since 2006 ballistic missile and nuclear test pose a serious threat to national security of PRC. This study anticipates exploring the trend and change of the Korean Peninsula Policy and New Security Concept of PRC. The main research goal: to discuss North Korea`s traditional supporter and mediator, PRC, and how to handle North Korea's development of nuclear weapons posed to their own national security threats. Keyword: PRC, Korean Peninsula, North Korea Nuclear Crisis, New Security Concept, Ballistic Missiles, the Arms Race.

Burundi became a German protectorate in August 1884. Prior to the establishment of a protectorate, the territory was ruled by Mwamis (kings) who exercised a kind of quasi-divine system of administration. Conflictual relations were quickly dealt with within this complex structure. During the German and later Belgian colonial administrations, these political structures were redefined and a social class structure based on wealth was created. Forced class division became entrenched in the social fabric of Burundian society and the hierarchical system became even more prominent at independence in July 1962. Successive post-colonial regimes have failed to bridge the social gap. The International Community, through initiatives by the United Nations, the Africa Union, Jimmy Carter, Julius Nyerere and Nelson Mandela have attempted to resolve the political impasse. The dissertation is an attempt to reconstruct the causes of the various crises since 1962 and to reassess whether the various facilitators has succeeded in their tasks. / History / M.A.

The purpose of this thesis is to explain why states obtain nuclear weapons and the role various actors and interests play in the making of states´ nuclear policies. The main questions are as follows: (1) What big theories exist concerning states obtaining nuclear weapon and nuclear armament in International Relations and what relevance do they have of the post cold-war period?, (2) What is the meaning of the perspective of the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC)?, and (3)Are there empirical studies which supports the existence of a MIC in the United States? The focus lies on actors and driving forces that are internal to states and it is also important to investigate if the theories have relevance for the post 9/11-era. The study uses the method of qualitative literature-study with some quantitative segments. It is claimed that states might be interested in justifying their behaviour in a morally appealing way and that real reasons may be hidden. There are many reasons for states to obtain and keep nuclear weapons and related technology (which includes many of the most lucrative elements of the arms industry´s sales). Among this reasons are that arms and related technology may be used to influence other states and nuclear weapons-construction and modernisation might be used to protect the state from external threats, stop unwanted interference from other actors, secure job and gain recognition and prestige in world politics. For security reasons states might hold onto their own nuclear weapons and try to hinder other actors from getting access to them. The internal actors and driving forces we look at are bureaucratic, economical and political, and the MIC-perspective. The military can be said to have interests in as much resources and capabilities as possible, which includes advanced weaponary such as nuclear weapons and related technologies, at its disposal because of the goal to defend the state from all possible threats and for officers career reasons. Much of its influence is said to come from its expert knowledge and position and it is said to be especially influential in matters of foreign policy, military spending and foreign policy. The major economical actors mentioned are big corporations involved in military spending and these have interests in maximizing profits. Nuclear weapons making and maintenance and the related areas of missile defense and delivering methods for nuclear weapons seem to be areas with high changes of being profitable for the involved major companies. The actors wield influence for example through lobbying and campaign contributions. An economic driving force claim is that state spending is necessary for stimulating the economy and defense spending is easily justified in other ways. Political actors and driving forces concerns politicians interest in promoting the interests of supporting groups, there are indications that the weapon industry is such a group. Research have shown various results about the extent politicians tend to further the interests of supporting groups. The MIC-perspective talks about groups with interest in high levels of military spending. Most researchers seem to agree that the complex exists but there are different opinions about what actors belongs to it and its power on various issues. There is some mention of the core of the complex consisting of such internal actors as mentioned above. MIC-related empirical research has been conducted and this author finds that the MIC is a relevant analytical tool for the post cold war – and 9/11 era.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / India has made a concerted effort to upgrade its ISR, precision strike, and missile defense capabilities as it competes with China and Pakistan for regional power. The Phalcon Airborne Warning and Control System, Su-30MKI fighter-bomber aircraft, and S-300PMU surface-to-air missile system are some examples of the new capabilities India is acquiring. I argue that if India continues its military modernization, Pakistan will become more insecure. The increase in the conventional military capabilities gap will likely upset the existing balance of power in South Asia, leading to a regional arms race, lowering the nuclear threshold, and increasing instability in the region. The strategic stability/tactical instability paradox that exists between two nuclear countries may lead them to engage in "small" wars. India's increasing military capabilities may encourage it to conduct a preventive strike against Pakistan. In such a climate, a regional arms race eventually may lead Pakistan to establish a "hair-trigger" nuclear posture. India's effort to achieve a significantly superior conventional military force over Pakistan paradoxically may reduce Indian security by causing greater instability, and possibly lead to nuclear war. Regional stability is enhanced to the extent that there is a rough conventional military balance between India and Pakistan. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

This dissertation offers a framework for understanding the strategies of states engaged in competition for regional hegemony. Although international relations literature refers extensively to such competition and obliquely to states' strategies, to date little has been done to show how states' strategies in such competition may be analyzed. Drawing on a variety of strategic literature, this dissertation synthesizes a theoretical approach to analyzing the strategies of states engaged in regional security competition. Employing insights drawn from business strategy, this dissertation argues for an essentially asymmetric understanding of fundamental policy goals for states engaged in competition for regional hegemony, with one state attempting to maintain a dominant position and another attempting, by focusing limited resources, to supplant it. The competition is understood metaphorically (based on an anecdote from the end of the Cold War) as a “race with no finish line,” with the reigning hegemon attempting to extend the race and the challenger attempting to create a finish line and cross it. With homage to realism, liberalism, and constructivism, possible state goals are categorized as belonging to three realms: security, welfare, and intangible goals. These are used as metrics for a state's success or failure in any given competitive scenario, as well as the resources at its disposal. Drawing on military strategic literature, this thesis then applies decision-cycle analysis to state competitive behavior. The conclusions from this analysis are then synthesized into a framework for analysis of similar regional competitive scenarios, the first such framework yet devised for such purposes. A case study: the “Dreadnought Race” between Britain and Germany prior to World War One, is then examined, in which states' performance is analyzed in the competitive scenario in light of the above strategic precepts.