Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le galvaudage intensif du concept d’« islamisme » par les sphères médiatiques et politiques a eu pour effet de catégoriser de manière simpliste et illusoire des phénomènes sociaux très différents de par le monde, dans le registre du terrorisme. Dans ce contexte, le Hezbollah libanais -pourtant chiite et farouchement opposé à Al-Qaïda- a acquis un statut particulier dans la mesure où le Secrétariat d’Etat américain l’a désigné comme la principale menace terroriste dès 2002. Nous proposons ici une recherche casuistique sur le « Parti de Dieu ». Etude longitudinale retraçant l’évolution de ce mouvement milicien devenu parti politique, notre travail vise à mieux cerner ce « fait social » et à situer celui-ci au sein du vaste spectre des islams politiques. Nous synthétisons ici les phases de maturation idéologique que celui-ci a connues depuis son émergence et retraçons l’évolution structurelle de ce parti politique avant tout caractérisé par son projet de « société résistante ». Chacun de ces deux volets (idéologique et structurel) laisse entrevoir les interactions bilatérales qui se sont créées, dans la diachronie, entre le religieux et le politique au sein du Hezbollah, mais illustre surtout la soumission polymorphe de l’un comme de l’autre à la cause inébranlable de la résistance face à Israël. L’élément fondamentalement nouveau que nous apportons à la littérature scientifique spécialisée est une grille d’interprétation du cheminement global d’une grande partie de la communauté chiite du Liban. Celle-ci a pour point de départ le concept -initialement psychologique- de « résilience », et propose la transposition de ce dernier dans le champ sociopolitique. L’analyse qui en découle met en perspective l’« idéologie résiliente » et la « structure résiliente » que le Hezbollah a progressivement développées dans une optique stratégique. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Summaries in English, Afrikaans and Zulu / Various studies on international capital flows have established the deterministic role of local financial markets on the attractiveness of countries to inflow of foreign direct investment. The current study investigated the impact of FDI inflows on the financial sector development of countries in the Middle East and North Africa region for the period 2003 to 2016. Various panel data analysis methods were employed. These approaches included fixed effects, random effects, pooled OLS, FMOLS and the dynamic GMM. In addition, pre-estimation tests, diagnostic tests which included panel unit root and co-integration tests and robustness tests were conducted. Using both financial development proxies, broad money as a ratio of GDP (model 1) and domestic credit to the private sector (model 2), the study found that the lag in financial development had a significant positive effect on financial development. In model 1 under fixed effects, random effects and pooled OLS, FDI had a significant negative effect on financial development. In contrast, model 2 showed a significant positive relationship running from FDI to financial development under the pooled OLS method. The interaction between FDI and economic growth was found to have a significant negative influence on financial development in models 1 and 2 under the pooled OLS method. This finding indicates that economic growth had a deleterious effect on the impact of FDI on financial development in the MENA region. In the light of these results, policy makers in the MENA region countries should be urged to avoid undue reliance on FDI in their efforts to develop their financial sectors. Furthermore, the MENA region nations are urged to avoid implementing economic growth enhancement policies as a way of trying to improve financial development, directly or indirectly, as the effort has been shown to achieve the opposite effect. / Verskeie studies wêreldwyd oor die vloei van internasionale kapitaal is dit eens dat aantreklike plaaslike finansiële markte direkte buitelandse beleggings (DBB) na lande laat stroom. Hierdie studie het die uitwerking van DBB in die tydperk 2003 tot 2016 op die finansiële sektore van lande in die Midde Oosterse en Noord-Afrikaanse (MONA) streek ondersoek. Verskeie paneeldataontledingsmetodes is gevolg, waaronder vaste en ewekansige effekte, saamgevoegde, gewone kleinstekwadratemetode (GKK), volgewysigde kleinstekwadratemetode (VGKK) en die dinamiese, veralgemeende metode van momente (VMM). Afgesien hiervan is voorberamings- en diagnostiese toetse, waaronder paneeleenheidswortel-, koïntegrasie- en robuustheidstoetse, toegepas. Op grond van sowel volmagte vir finansiële ontwikkeling, breë geld – as ʼn verhouding van die BBP (model 1) – as binnelandse krediet aan die privaat sektor (model 2), is bevind dat die vertraging in finansiële ontwikkeling ʼn opmerklik positiewe effek op finansiële ontwikkeling uitgeoefen het. In model 1, onder vaste effekte, ewekansige effekte en saamgevoegde GKK, het DBB ʼn opmerklik negatiewe effek op finansiële ontwikkeling gehad. Model 2, daarenteen, het onder die saamgevoegde GKK-metode op ʼn opmerklik positiewe verband tussen DBB en finansiële ontwikkeling gedui. Daar is in model 1 en 2 onder die saamgevoegde GKK bevind dat die wisselwerking tussen DBB en ekonomiese groei ʼn opmerklik negatiewe effek op finansiële ontwikkeling gehad het. Hierdie bevinding is ʼn aanduiding daarvan ekonomiese groei ʼn nadelige effek op die uitwerking van DBB op finansiële ontwikkeling in die MENA-streek gehad het. In die lig hiervan moet die beleidsmakers van lande in die MONA-streek teen oormatige steun op DBB om hulle finansiële sektore te laat ontwikkel, gemaan word. Hierbenewens moet lande in die MONAstreek teen beleide vir ekonomiese groei as ʼn manier om finansiële ontwikkeling regstreeks of onregstreeks aan te wakker, gewaarsku word omdat dit die teenoorgestelde uitwerking sal hê. / Izifundo zocwaningo ezahlukahlukene ekuthunyelweni kwezimali sezisungule indima yezimpawu ezikhombisayo zokuthunyelwa kwezimali ezimakethe zasemakhaya mayelana nekhono lamazwe lokuheha ukutshalwa kwezimali okuqondile. Ucwaningo lwamanje luye lwaphenya umthintela wokungena kwezimali ngohlelo lokutshalwa kwezimali ngaphandle, phecelezi FDI mayelana nokuthuthukiswa komkhakha wezezimali emazweni asesiyingini esiseMpumalanga eMaphakathi (Middle East) kanye kanye nase-Afrika eseNyakatho (North Africa (MENA), ukusukela onyakeni ka 2003 ukufika ku 2016. Izindlela ezahlukahlukene zokuhlaziya ipanel data analysis ziye zasetshenziswa. Lezi zindlela ziye zaxuba imiphumela enqunyelwe isikhathi, imiphumela enganqunyelwanga isikhathi, uhlelo lwe pooled OLS, lwe FMOLS kanye nohlelo oluguquguqukayo lwe GMM. Ngaphezu kwalokho, izinhlelo zokuhlolwa phecelezi, pre-estimation tests kanye ne diagnostic tests, lokhu okuyizinhlelo ezixuba amayunidi ephaneli panel unit root kanye nohlelo lwe cointegration tests kanye nohlelo lwe robustness tests, nazo ziye zaxutshwa phakathi. Ngokusebenzisa zombili izinhlelo zokuthuthukiswa kwezinhlelo zezimal, imali ebanzi – njengesilinganiso semodeli 1 yeGDP – kanye nesikweletu sasekhaya esinikezwa imikhakha yamabhizinisi angasese asekhaya (imodeli 2), ucwaningo luthole ukuthi ukubambezeleka kwesikhathi sokuthuthukiswa kwezinhlelo zezimali kuye kwaba nomthelela omuhle kakhulu ekuthuthukisweni kwezimali. Kumodeli 1, ngaphansi kohlelo lwemiphumela enqunyelwe isikhathi, kwemiphumela enganqunyelwanga iskhathi kanye nasohlelweni lwe pooled OLS, uhlelo lwe FDI luye lwaba nomthelela omubi kakhulu kwezokuthuthukiswa kwezimali. Okuphikisana nalokho, imodeli 2 iye yakhombisa ubudlelwano obuhle kakhulu, ukuqala ohlelweni lokutshalwa kwezimali emazweni angaphandle (FDI) ukufika ohlelweni lwezokuthuthukiswa kwezinhlelo zezimali, ngaphansi kohlelo lwe pooled OLS. Ukuhlangana phakathi kohlelo lwe FDI kanye nokuhluma komnotho kutholakele ukuthi luye lwaba nomthelela omubi kakhulu ekuthuthukisweni kwezinhlelo zezimali, kumamodeli 1 nemodeli 2, ngaphansi kohlelo lwe pooled OLS. Lolu lwazi olutholakele lukhombisa ukuthi ukuhluma komnotho kuye kwaba nomthelela oyingozi kakhulu ohlelweni lwe FDI mayelana nokuthuthukiswa kwezimali esiyingini seMENA. Uma kubhekwa le miphumela, abenzi bemigomo emazweni asesiyingini seMENA kufanele bacelwe ukuba bagweme ukwencika ngendlela engenasidingo ohlelweni lwe FDI kwimizamo yabo yokuthuthukisa imikhakha yezimali. Ngaphezu kwalokho, amazwe asesiyingini saseMENA ayacelwa ukuba agweme ukusetshenziswa kwemigomo eqinisa ukuthuthukiswa komnotho njengendlela yokuzama ukuthuthukisa izinhlelo zezimali, ngendlela eqondile nangendlela engaqondile, njengoba umzamo sewukhonjiswe ukuze kuphunyelelwe imiphumela engaqondiwe. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management : Finance)

This dissertation deals with a holistic and multidisciplinary approach to the socio-economic relations between the Ancient Near East and East Africa during the Old Testament period. In my opinion this multidisciplinary approach by using inter alia Biblical Archaeology, History and Economics has the potential to offer various comprehensive opportunities for the analysis and discussion of such socio-economic relationships. For example, the relationship between the United Monarchy of Israel and Phoenicia involves the geopolitical, economic and other situations. In the last chapter attempts are made to integrate all the relevant dimensions in a wellfounded conclusion. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M.A. (Biblical Archaeology)

The Arab-Israeli conflict is examined from its religious aspect, presenting people's experience of religion without passing judgement. Selected concepts are compared and contrasted and interpreted hermeneutically. The roots of the antagonism are traced back historically, showing that it comprises more than a claim to the same geographical territory. Each religion's notion of statehood is described. Internally Jewish-Zionist friction over the ceding of territory arises through divergent interpretations of the same texts; Islam, Nationalism and religious rivalry, being at variance, have engendered Arab tensions. Their respective doctrines on war and peace suggest, broadly speaking, a Jewish-Zionist leaning to shalom, and Islam-Arab Nationalism to jihad (struggle). While the religious perspective does leave an opening for a solution to the conflict, pragmatism may lead to compromise. Finally the suggestion is made that the religious dimension is necessary for a holistic understanding of political issues / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Religious Studies)

This thesis considers the role of the Information Research Department (IRD) in countering Arab nationalist and Communist propaganda directed at British interests in the Middle East and Africa between 1954 and 1963. It argues that the 1956 Suez Crisis and its fallout was the catalyst that drove a significant expansion of IRD's remit and responsibility. From 1956 the department – which up to this point had had a purely anti-Communist function – was given the responsibility of countering the increasing flow of Arab nationalist propaganda emerging from Egypt. The same year, the Communist powers mounted a renewed and concerted effort to culturally and ideologically penetrate Africa. IRD, who to this point had been excluded from directly operating in Africa, began counter-Communist work in the face of stiff Colonial Office resistance. Analysis of IRD in the Middle East has rarely considered events beyond the immediate aftermath of Suez. IRD's work in Africa is almost wholly unexplored. It is a central contention of this thesis that the two regions cannot be viewed in isolation post-Suez. Egypt's standing was buoyed by the propaganda capital of victory over Suez, and Nasser's position as the figurehead of Arab nationalism was assured. In seeking the removal of colonial influence from the Middle East and Africa, Arab propaganda – particularly the Voice of the Arabs programme of Cairo Radio – ties the regions together. Communist and African nationalist propagandists were drawn to Cairo in the wake of the Suez Crisis. The former, building relationships through aid, sought to leverage Cairo's expanding influence to their own advantage. The latter sought facilities and support for their own propaganda efforts. After Suez, IRD sought to manage Egyptian propaganda whilst avoiding direct confrontation, seeking to normalise relations. In Africa, the department sought to build an infrastructure for information work aimed at influencing future leaders, their efforts constrained by the timetable of British decolonisation. In both regions, through developing relationships with local agencies and the BBC, and from initiatives such as the Transmission 'X' news commentary service, IRD continued to address Arab nationalist and Communist propaganda with a flexibility and responsiveness not recognised in the current literature on IRD.

This study explores the motivations, perceptions, and imagery of beginning teachers in Lebanon. It foregrounds the importance of ‘images’ as potentially useful conceptual tools for understanding the developing identities of beginning teachers. The research consists of in-depth, semi-structured interviews in which student-teachers are encouraged to reflect on their own and other people’s views and perceptions about teaching. The thesis places the students-teachers’ personal portraits of teaching within broader cultural-historical representations of teachers in Lebanon and examines how the student-teachers deal with such representations while still in training. The core research questions focus on the participants’ motivations as well as the underlying cultural, social, and political factors that influence their views and perceptions about teaching. The research questions were designed to explore the various images of teachers and teaching that the students draw on in their personal portraits. Biographical information as well as students’ experiences at the time of training were explored for this purpose. The findings suggest that student-teachers’ developing identities emerge through their identification with competing images and representations of teaching and teachers. These images cut across various contexts, temporalities, and imagined settings in the student-teacher portraits, linking personal, educational and professional experiences. Many of the images synthesized large amounts of experiences and knowledge about teaching and contained gendered, religious, affective and interpersonal dimensions. Finally, the thesis offers a new way of conceptualizing images. This study hopes to help teacher education programs gain greater insight into beginning teachers’ thinking, motivations and developing identities.

This thesis is a study of attitudes to regional and national identity in Kabylia, a Berber-speaking region in northeast Algeria, and among Kabyle migrants in Paris. I illustrate how Kabyles nurture a fragile balance of nationalism and regional particularism through a primarily moral notion of local community, and extend it to an alternative vision for an Algerian nation which they believe has been debased by a corrupt state regime and Arabo-Islamic ideology since national independence. The thesis is based on two years of ethnographic fieldwork divided between two places – Paris and a large village in Kabylia – and reflects my interest in how people ‘imagine’ national community through their experience as members of smaller social groups. Many Kabyle activists today formulate an alternative vision of Algerian national politics as a federation of several regionally based affective communities, each maintaining internal solidarity. This echoes a tendency in French colonial writings on Kabylia, discussed in the opening chapter, to conceive of the region as an island, intensively connected yet defensive of its autonomy. As citizens of the existing Algerian state, many Kabyles contest assimilation by claiming to represent Algeria’s ‘true past’, and investing contemporary governance initiatives with its values. They represent the radical difference that this implies with metaphors of the Kabyle community as a family within ‘public’ national life, and accuse the state regime of reversing this relationship by adopting a language of coercive authority appropriate only within the family. The transmission of Kabyle values today relies heavily on music, and especially political song, which I demonstrate – beyond its role in disseminating dissident ideas – acts as a vehicle for a type of secular revealed knowledge widely seen as the purest embodiment of Kabyle morality. Beyond the hollow rhetoric of Western liberalism that some see in Kabyle activism, I set out to demonstrate that the particular narrative of identity that I examine, in stressing regional uniqueness at the expense of recognition from a centralized state, also reflects anomalies inherent in the concept of ‘nationalism’ itself as a compromise between the requirements of external co-operation and internal allegiance.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / The Edict of Ammisaduqa and the Jubilee Year legislation in Leviticus 25 provide the most extensive evidence for the debt relief tradition throughout the ancient Near East. A comparative analysis of these texts points to an indirect relationship between them based upon a common theme, debt-slavery of the head of the household, and terminology, andurārum and drr. However, the substantial differences in content between the two texts suggest that there is no direct relationship between them. In light of this analysis it is possible that the tradition of debt relief entered ancient Israel in some form at an early date and then was later re-emphasized during the late monarchic period under Neo-Assyrian influence. This possibility rests upon the debt relief tradition existing in Syro-Palestine under influence from Mari and the Hittites, as well as later under the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Internal evidence in Leviticus 25 also potentially points to an early rural situation for the origination of the Jubilee tradition.

Journalists use the term Arab Street to describe what they often imply is a volatile Arabic public opinion. This photo story travels through four Arab areas or Jordan, Qatar, Israel/Palestine and Egypt in order to show the diversity and complexity of each. The media’s tendency to lump all Arabs into one political block is detrimental to a true sense of cultural understanding that is required for peace. / text

Les rapports turco-européens et turco-moyen-orientaux sont essentiellement influencés par les actions du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP) à partir de son arrivée au pouvoir en 2002 jusqu’à nos jours. Cette thèse cherche à démontrer comment les changements réalisés par l’islamisme turc durant cette période ont impacté la politique étrangère du pays. D’une part, la recherche analyse le renouveau du courant conservateur en Turquie et son emprise progressive sur la société, jusque-là dominée par l’establishment kémaliste. L’application de la doctrine Davutoğlu privilégie une vision multidimensionnelle et civilisationnelle des relations internationales, et réconforte les tenants d’une conception novatrice de l’islamisme turc et la visibilité accrue des facteurs religieux dans la société. D’autre part, les années 2007-2010 sont marquées par la consolidation de l’AKP et l’accentuation des valeurs de l’islam qui aboutissent à une division de la société turque et une désillusion de l’Europe. Enfin, le déclenchement des révoltes populaires du Printemps arabe en 2011 annonce aussi un tournant majeur dans la gestion des relations extérieures turques avec le monde arabe. Cette période est également caractérisée par le début du renforcement d’un autoritarisme provoquant l’accroissement de la polarisation de la société. Le quatrième mandat gouvernemental de l’AKP, débuté en 2015, se trouve dès lors confronté à la multiplication de défis intérieurs et extérieurs pour le mouvement islamique turc. / The relationship of Turkey with Europe and the Middle East is greatly influenced by the actions of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) from coming to power in 2002 until nowadays. This thesis tries to make clear how the changes realized by the Turkish Islam during this period impacted on the foreign policy of the country. On the one hand, the research analyzes the revival of the conservative movement in Turkey and its progressive influence on the society, up to there dominated by the kemalist establishment. The application of the Davutoğlu’s doctrine favors a multidimensional and civilizational vision of the international relations, and comforts the upholders of an innovative design of the Turkish Islam and the greater visibility of the religious factors in the society. On the other hand, the years 2007-2010 are marked by the consolidation of the AKP and the accentuation of the Islamic values, ending in a division of the Turkish society and a disappointment of Europe. Finally the outbreak of popular uprisings of the Arab Spring in 2011 also announces a major turning point in the management of the Turkish external relations with the Arab World. This period is also characterized by the beginning of the strengthening of authoritarianism leading to the increase of the polarization in the society. The fourth term of the AKP’s government, begun in 2015, becomes thereby characterized by the increase of internal and external challenges for the Turkish Islamic movement.