Till denna studie har vårt empiriska material baserats på sex individers utsagor. Vi har valt att göra en kvalitativ intervjustudie för att undersöka individernas upplevelser kring ett fenomen. Val av ämne inspirerades av samhällsdebatten som förs kring flyktingar, asylsökande och immigranter. Det har deltagit sex informanter i studien och de har alla varit bosatta i Sverige i över åtta år. Tre av informanterna som deltagit i studien kom till Sverige som ensamkommande asylsökande och tre kom på grund av anknytning till anhörig.  Studiens mål var att lyssna till informanternas egna upplevelser och utsagor. Baserat på detta blev syftet med studien att förstå hur individer som immigrerat till Sverige upplever integrationen samt vilket stöd som finns att tillgå.  Vi har lutat oss mot tidigare forskning som innefattar begreppen integration och “vi” och “dom”. Vi har även använt oss av begrepp som handlar om vardagsrasism, kultur och tillhörighet. Med hjälp av tidigare forskning och begrepp har vi jämsides med det empiriska materialet analyserat och fått fram resultat. Resultatet visade att integrationen är komplex och att våra informanter har uppfattat detta. Informanterna ser att samhällsstödet har hjälpt dem att bli en del i det svenska samhället. Samtidigt har informanterna stött på olika hinder vad gäller integrationsprocessen. Detta var något som visade sig i form av vardagsrasism, utanförskap,  och anpassning av den nya kulturen. / The empiric data is based on six individuals’ statements. We have chosen to make a qualitative interview study to investigate individuals' experiences of a phenomenon. The selection of study field was inspired by the social debate about refuges, asylum seekers and immigrants. There have participated six informants in the study and they have been resident in Sweden for over 8 years. Three of the informants who participated in the study, came to Sweden as an unaccompanied asylum seeker and three came because of connection to kin. Our goal was to listen to the informants' own life experiences and statements. Based the statements, the purpose of the study was to investigate how people, who have immigrated to Sweden, experiences the integration process and what kind of social support is available for their integration. We have leaned towards previous research, for instance, the concepts of integration and the meaning of "us" and "them". We also used the concept which relates to everyday racism, culture and connection. Using previous research and concepts we have alongside the empirical material analyzed and produced results. The results showed that the integration is complex and that our informants have comprehend the phenomenon. They think that the social support has helped them to become a part of the Swedish society. At the same time the informants encountered various obstacles in terms of everyday racism and the adaptation of the new culture

Authors: Karin Lindberg & Erika Losciale Title: The West and the Rest Level: BA Thesis in Media and Communication Studies Location: Linnaeus University Language: Swedish In today's media, the use of stereotypes and simplifications of the world and of different groups are common. It is a part of how humans make sense of the world. The problem is that these simplifications tend to encourage false notions of reality. The way charities communicate in advertising is important in order to engage the audience to donate. This study aims to examine how the non-profit organization SOS Barnbyar Sverige portray underprivileged individuals in their commercials. We have chosen to focus on two different commercials in relation to the ongoing refugee crisis in Europe. The first commercial has no relation to the crisis and the second one is an attempt to show the viewer the situation of a refugee. We have studied the material through a qualitative semiotic method, also using colonialism, stereotypes and representation as theoretical frame- work in order to examine whether or not certain notions and simplifications are reproduced in the commercials from this organization. Our study has shown that there were a lot of colonial ideals and stereotypes to be found in SOS Barnbyars commercials, thus fueling the polarization of us and them and the Other.

The study The Rome in the hands of journalists: a critical discourse analysis of how Roma people are represented in Dagens Nyheter before and after recognition as a national minority examines the swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter´s reporting of the Roma people in 1998 and 2018. The aim is to find out if the recognition as a national minority in 2000 has created some form of change in the journalists' representation of the Roma people and how it is expressed.  The method that has been used is a critical discourse analysis, where the main focus has been on the language the journalists have used and how it influenced the larger social context. The study uses a theoretical framework that includes theories that surronds the power of media, representation of the language, stereotypes and other psychological aspects which can explain the mindset of the journalists.  The analysis found both differences and similarities in the reporting of the Roma people since they became a recognised national minority in Sweden. Still, in the discourse of 2018 it can be seen that they mostly are portrayed in av negative and stereotyped way. But it can also be noticed that small steps within the social discourse has been taken. Especially in the usage of language where the Roma people in 1998 almost always where named as ”gypsies” which almost never occured in 2018. It can also be seen that in the discourse of 2018 that the Roma people get to speak for themselves in a less stereotyped way than in 1998. The study found that it is only then, when the Roma is depicted as an individual and get to tell its own story, old stereotypes can be disregarded.

Depuis 1956, le cinéma britannique a régulièrement utilisé la figure du 'working class hero' pour représenter la culture ouvrière et les aléas socioéconomiques survenus à cette classe au Royaume-Uni, que ce soit pendant la période dite d'abondance ou des Trente Glorieuses (fin des années 1950-fin des années 1970) ou celle des prémisses puis de l'intensification de la crise (début des années 1980-fin des années 2000). A partir d'un corpus d'environ trois cents films, cette étude met en résonance le cinéma et le contexte social, économique et politique contemporains afin de cerner le mode de vie spécifique de la classe ouvrière et les problèmes récurrents qui l'agitent (menace d'embourgeoisement ou de prolétarisation), tout en la replaçant au cœur des débats qui ont irrigué la société britannique depuis cinquante ans et auxquels le héros ouvrier sert de catalyseur (méritocratie, société sans classes, inégalités, place des femmes et des minorités). Par-delà sa représentativité sociologique, l'intérêt suscité par le 'working class hero' au fil des décennies et le fait que son identité repose davantage sur l'exacerbation d'une masculinité en souffrance que sur une conscience de classe clairement établie permettent d'envisager l'émergence d'une véritable figure mythique dans l'imaginaire national britannique. / Since 1956, British cinema has regularly used the figure of the working class hero to represent working-class culture and the social and economic ups and downs it went through whether it was during the so-called Affluent Society (late 1950s-late 1970s) or the early signs of what was then to become an intensifying crisis (early 1980s-late 2000s). Based on a corpus of around three hundred films, this study relates British cinema to its contemporary social, economic and political context in order to attempt a definition of working-class idiosyncrasies and the recurring problems this class has had to face (threat of embourgeoisement or proletarianisation). It also attempts to replace the working class into the heart of all the debates that have stirred British society over the last fifty years and for which the working class hero has become a catalyst (meritocracy, classless society, inequalities, the place of women and minorities in society). Beyond his sociological representativeness, the continuing interest the working class hero has aroused and the fact that his identity rests on an exacerbated portrayal of suffering masculinity rather than a clearly defined class consciousness enable one to contemplate the emergence of a true mythical figure in the British national imagination.

Nowadays, liberal democratic societies comprise the breeding ground for thriving right-wing populist parties. They share the “fundamental core of ethno-nationalist xenophobia, (…) and anti-political establishment populism” (Rydgren, 2004 p.475). Coeval research has acknowledged the threat that is entailed in the bespoken phenomenon; yet, its account is incomplete.  This study follows Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in objecting to the individualist and rationalist tenets that inform previous research, to accentuate a neglected lens on the thrive of right-wing populism in Western liberal democracies. Their discourse theoretical frame was herein used as both theory and method, in a discourse analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) identity in German online newspaper discourse. The empirical material comprised 97 articles from Germany’s most popular national daily newspapers, which reported on the AfD in parliament, an AfD demonstration in Berlin, and the AfD’s youth organisation’s congress throughout April, May and June 2018. Ultimately, the study arrived at the conclusion that the sampled newspaper discourse identified ‘us’, the ‘benevolent democrats’ via the exclusion, and rejection of ‘them’, the ‘wicked right-wing populists’. Since such relation was markedly antagonistic proper, newspaper discourse may be considered to have contributed to the recent thrive of right-wing populism in Germany.

The overall purpose of this essay is to contribute with knowledge about medias portraying. This by examining whether the two terrorists Rakhmat Akilov and Brenton Tarrant is presented differently in the two Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet and Expressen. These two terrorists were chosen because of their different backgrounds. It also aims to study whether the medias portrayal of the terrorists reproduce mechanisms between ”us and them”. The method that was used in this essay was a content analysis with a qualitative approach as the essay aims to examine the entirety of the articles and to capture the central content that they present. The theories that has been used to analyze the empirical data is Orientalism by Edward Said and the theory of othering. These have been used as a key to understand the representations. The result of this essay shows that the representations of the terrorists both have similarities and differences. The portraying of Akilov have focused on what sets him apart from ”us” and he is described as an individual who is a part of something structural. In the case of Brenton Tarrant he is presented from a individualistic perspective, where the attack is explained by the individual and not by the group.

<p>En framgångsfaktor vid internationell tjänst är att samspelet mellan samtliga enheter fungerar friktionsfritt. Detta underlättas om samtliga enheter känner varandra innan rotation till missionsområdet. I framtiden kommer hela förband som har kontraktsanställda soldater rotera ner, dock innehar inteförbanden samtliga funktioner för att lösa alla arbetsuppgifter i missionsområdet. Vid dessa fall lånar man in enheter från andra förband. Inlåningar kan skapa friktioner mellan enheterna. Detta är en fallstudie utav KS14, där man valde att förstärka styrkan med enheter som innehade kompetens inom specialområden. Syftet med denna studie är att skapa en förståelse varför det uppstod friktioner inom KS14 när den förstärktes med en ny enhet. Frågeställningarna är följande: Varför blev det motsättningar mellan KS14 och förstärkningsstyrkan? Hur motsättningar tog sig uttryck? Hur kan dessa motsättningar förklaras? För att besvara frågorna har intervjuer gjorts med tre personer som var med i KS14. Undersökningen visar att det uppstod ett ”vi- och dom” känsla mellan KS14 och den förstärkande enheten. Skälen till detta var dels bristen på kommunikation vad det gäller information om den nya enheten och dels att KS14 hade en historia tillsammans. Dessa motsättningar togs i uttryck genom att man vanhedrade minnestavlan, kom på nedvärderande slogans samt ignorerade förstärkningsstyrkan. Detta berodde på bristen av kommunikation, information och öppenhet mellan de bägge parterna.</p> / <p>A success factor in service abroad is the interplay between all the units work smoothly.This is made easier if all the units know each other before rotating to the area of operation. In future, all units have contracted soldiers rotate down, however, they do not hold all the abilities to solve all tasks in the area of operations. In these cases, it borrows in units from other battalions. These attachments may create frictions between the units. This is a case study out of KS14, which chose to reinforce the contingent with a unit with expertise in specialized areas. The purpose of this study is to create an understanding why there was friction within KS14 when it was reinforced with a new unit. The questions are: Why were there differences between KS14 and reinforcing unit? How the frictions expressed? How do you explain these frictions? To answer these questions interviews have been made with three people who were with the KS14. The study shows that there was an "us and them" feeling between KS14 and the reinforcing unit. The reasons for this were the lack of communication when it comes to information on there inforcing unit and that KS14 already had a history to gether. These frictions were reflected in by disgraced the plaque, came in disparaging slogans and ignored the reinforcing unit. This was due to the lack of communication, information and openness between the two parties.</p>

En framgångsfaktor vid internationell tjänst är att samspelet mellan samtliga enheter fungerar friktionsfritt. Detta underlättas om samtliga enheter känner varandra innan rotation till missionsområdet. I framtiden kommer hela förband som har kontraktsanställda soldater rotera ner, dock innehar inteförbanden samtliga funktioner för att lösa alla arbetsuppgifter i missionsområdet. Vid dessa fall lånar man in enheter från andra förband. Inlåningar kan skapa friktioner mellan enheterna. Detta är en fallstudie utav KS14, där man valde att förstärka styrkan med enheter som innehade kompetens inom specialområden. Syftet med denna studie är att skapa en förståelse varför det uppstod friktioner inom KS14 när den förstärktes med en ny enhet. Frågeställningarna är följande: Varför blev det motsättningar mellan KS14 och förstärkningsstyrkan? Hur motsättningar tog sig uttryck? Hur kan dessa motsättningar förklaras? För att besvara frågorna har intervjuer gjorts med tre personer som var med i KS14. Undersökningen visar att det uppstod ett ”vi- och dom” känsla mellan KS14 och den förstärkande enheten. Skälen till detta var dels bristen på kommunikation vad det gäller information om den nya enheten och dels att KS14 hade en historia tillsammans. Dessa motsättningar togs i uttryck genom att man vanhedrade minnestavlan, kom på nedvärderande slogans samt ignorerade förstärkningsstyrkan. Detta berodde på bristen av kommunikation, information och öppenhet mellan de bägge parterna. / A success factor in service abroad is the interplay between all the units work smoothly.This is made easier if all the units know each other before rotating to the area of operation. In future, all units have contracted soldiers rotate down, however, they do not hold all the abilities to solve all tasks in the area of operations. In these cases, it borrows in units from other battalions. These attachments may create frictions between the units. This is a case study out of KS14, which chose to reinforce the contingent with a unit with expertise in specialized areas. The purpose of this study is to create an understanding why there was friction within KS14 when it was reinforced with a new unit. The questions are: Why were there differences between KS14 and reinforcing unit? How the frictions expressed? How do you explain these frictions? To answer these questions interviews have been made with three people who were with the KS14. The study shows that there was an "us and them" feeling between KS14 and the reinforcing unit. The reasons for this were the lack of communication when it comes to information on there inforcing unit and that KS14 already had a history to gether. These frictions were reflected in by disgraced the plaque, came in disparaging slogans and ignored the reinforcing unit. This was due to the lack of communication, information and openness between the two parties.

The aim of this study was to seek knowledge about how the media audience interprets media representations of immigrants as well as the construction of ”us” and ”them” that is created from the media report. We implemented two focus group interviews, one containing only ethnical Swedes and one holding a variety of people with different ethnical backgrounds. The focus groups got to read nine news articles from different Swedish news papers selected by us, based upon previous research. These articles got to serve as the basis of the discussion.To supplement the focus groups, which got to represent the media audience, we also interviewed two different persons we choose to call informants, whom are both immigrants and are or have been politically active and often appear in local media.The interviews were our empirical material which was used for analysis. The method we used was qualitative analysis of meaning and was based upon a hermeneutic starting point, meaning that all humans are interpreting beings. As a theoretical base we used a social constructivistic perspective, with central theories such as stereotyping and representations. The result showed that the media audience sees through the distorted media representations of immigrants. There was an obvious awareness among the participants but at the same time they admitted being affected by the stereotypes and incorrect representations of immigrants. Reluctant racial prejudice could be discerned in the shape of implicit racism in spite of the awareness that was proved. All the participants agreed on the fact that Muslims are the people who are seen as collective representatives of all immigrants. The reason for this bias they all thought originated from the extreme representation of Muslims in the media, that is, there are more often fundamentalists who are allowed to be seen and to make statements in the media than ordinary people. There were also dissimilarities in the interpretation of the media representations between the Swedish group and the group from mixed ethnic backgrounds.

<p>The aim of this study was to seek knowledge about how the media audience interprets media representations of immigrants as well as the construction of ”us” and ”them” that is created from the media report.</p><p>We implemented two focus group interviews, one containing only ethnical Swedes and one holding a variety of people with different ethnical backgrounds. The focus groups got to read nine news articles from different Swedish news papers selected by us, based upon previous research. These articles got to serve as the basis of the discussion.To supplement the focus groups, which got to represent the media audience, we also interviewed two different persons we choose to call informants, whom are both immigrants and are or have been politically active and often appear in local media.The interviews were our empirical material which was used for analysis. The method we used was qualitative analysis of meaning and was based upon a hermeneutic starting point, meaning that all humans are interpreting beings. As a theoretical base we used a social constructivistic perspective, with central theories such as stereotyping and representations.</p><p>The result showed that the media audience sees through the distorted media representations of immigrants. There was an obvious awareness among the participants but at the same time they admitted being affected by the stereotypes and incorrect representations of immigrants. Reluctant racial prejudice could be discerned in the shape of implicit racism in spite of the awareness that was proved. All the participants agreed on the fact that Muslims are the people who are seen as collective representatives of all immigrants. The reason for this bias they all thought originated from the extreme representation of Muslims in the media, that is, there are more often fundamentalists who are allowed to be seen and to make statements in the media than ordinary people. There were also dissimilarities in the interpretation of the media representations between the Swedish group and the group from mixed ethnic backgrounds.</p>