Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-01-28T11:34:00Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Bruno Abnner Lourenzatto Silveira - 2014.pdf: 754705 bytes, checksum: 1380d0f6a8719773711a6f2db8af6059 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-01-28T11:36:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Bruno Abnner Lourenzatto Silveira - 2014.pdf: 754705 bytes, checksum: 1380d0f6a8719773711a6f2db8af6059 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-28T11:36:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Bruno Abnner Lourenzatto Silveira - 2014.pdf: 754705 bytes, checksum: 1380d0f6a8719773711a6f2db8af6059 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In 1993 with the establishment of the Nazis regime in Germany, Hannah Arendt joined the Zionism to face the totalitarian regime. Yet in 1933, fleeing from persecutions against Jews, she went to Paris and after that to the United States of America (place where she established her new residence later). In the 60’s Arendt returned to Jerusalem as a reporter to cover the judgment of the Nazi’s ex-bureaucrat, Adolf Eichmann, found by the secret police of Israel living in Argentina. On this occasion, as the correspondent of the North-American magazine The New Yorker, she published her impressions about the judgment. Thereafter, her articles are reunited and published it the book Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. This dissertation work aims to solve the complexity which involved the elaboration of these texts, taking into consideration the relation of Hannah Arendt with the Zionists, as well as the categories and concepts previously presented in her works, which oriented her reflection during the judgment. In order to accomplish this comprehensive exercise, a dialogue was established between Eichmann in Jerusalem and other works as The Origins of Totalitarianism, as well as other articles and texts of Hannah Arendt. / Em 1933, com o estabelecimento do regime nazista na Alemanha, Hannah Arendt se filiou ao sionismo para enfrentar o regime totalitário. No mesmo ano, fugindo de perseguições contra os judeus, ela segue para Paris e, posteriormente, para os Estados Unidos da América, onde estabeleceu nova residência. Na década de 1960, Arendt vai para Jerusalém como repórter para cobrir o julgamento do ex-burocrata nazista, Adolf Eichmann, encontrado pela polícia secreta de Israel vivendo na Argentina. Nesta ocasião, trabalhacomo correspondente da revista norte-americana The New Yorker, onde publica seus artigos sobre o julgamento. Futuramente, esses artigos seriam reunidos e publicados no livro Eichmann em Jerusalém: um relato sobre a banalidade do mal. Esta dissertação procura analisar a elaboração destes textos, levando em consideração a relação de Hannah Arendt com os sionistas, assim como as categorias e conceitos que nortearam sua reflexão durante o julgamento. Para a realização desse objetivo, estabeleceu-se um diálogo entre Eichmann em Jerusalém e outras obras da autora, como, por exemplo, Origens do totalitarismo.

Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2017-09-14T22:54:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro_M_Fernandes_2016.pdf: 1087068 bytes, checksum: 7cd72a4278688d449a0a5d626613ba10 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-14T22:54:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro_M_Fernandes_2016.pdf: 1087068 bytes, checksum: 7cd72a4278688d449a0a5d626613ba10 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertative academic work presents the central problematic about the authority crisis over the tradition of the western philosophical and political thought and its collapse by the totalitarian regime effectuation. Arendt relevantly analyses the notion of authority in Ancient Greek and Roman conceptions, and emphasizes that, in the greek conception, there is an establishment attempt of a beginning of authority of polis government, however, these attempts are summarized as exemples of private organization and it doesn’t concern to human and political subjects, which evokes an authoritarian government, since it touches the principles of political liberty and equality. The ancient Roman had the conception and practice of the authority about the human subjects, in other words, to the public scope, as a structure, which ensures permanence and durability to the government, which has support by the hierarquic relation of command and obedience in free agreement, in mutual recognition of respect between the governors and governed people. This relation of authority, which make governments long lasting in a deep meaning of sacrality of the establishment of the act, like in the ancient Rome, decreases, first as a loss of tradition that connects men to the past, because this tradition was used as a thrust of meaningfulness to presente and future life. Losing this connection with the past, men live in a future projection way and the emptiness of meaning is each time more loaded with the expectation that will come. The failure of traditions is followed by the loss of religion, which means men don’t put their faith in governments and politics anymore – institutions that don’t connect and reconnect men to a establishing principle that ensure authority, permanence and durability of governments anymore. After defeat of tradition and religion, the last one to be lost is the authority its own and its political meaningfulness of roman ways with the consolidation of the totalitarian regimes. These are considered, by Arendt, the most cruel and terrible political ways of all times. Totalitarianism is the absolute denial and destruction of everything an authority used to ensure some things to governments, such as permanence and durability, but mainly freedom of acting and equality. In politics, the denial of the distinct, men are needless, disposable, standardized, animalizes and have their lives denied with mass killing machines, produced in concentration fields. The desire of totalitarianism by the destruction of liberty and spontaneity is a peace graveyard, in which everything that is different and opposite to its goals must be destroyed or killed. Precisely by the fact that the total regime had been made effective in history like the most absolute denial of politics, analysing and understanding phenomenons that made it is truly important so this catastrosphic kind of politics don’t ever come back to happen. One of the ways of trying to stop its return, according to Arendt, is to consolidate a government structured by a establishing principle, having the origin of authority and allowance of liberty of the political acting. / O presente trabalho dissertativo apresenta a problemática central em torno da crise da autoridade ao longo da tradição do pensamento filosófico e político ocidental e a sua falência com a efetivação dos regimes totalitários. Arendt faz uma análise pertinente à noção de autoridade nos gregos e romanos antigos, enfatizando que nos primeiros existe uma tentativa de estabelecer um princípio de autoridade para o governo da Polis, porém as tentativas se resumem a exemplos da organização privada e não pertinente aos assuntos humanos, políticos, suscitando assim um governo autoritário, uma vez que fere os princípios da liberdade e da igualdade políticas. É com os romanos que há a conceituação e a prática da autoridade relativa aos assuntos dos homens, ou seja, à esfera pública como sendo a estrutura que garante a permanência e a durabilidade do governo, que tem o respaldo da relação hierarquizada de mando e obediência no consentimento livre, no reconhecimento mútuo do respeito entre governantes e governados. Essa relação de autoridade, que torna os governos permanentes e duráveis com um sentindo profundo de sacralidade ao ato fundante, como na Roma antiga, sofre declínio, primeiramente com a perda da tradição que liga os homens ao passado, pois essa tradição servia como um fio condutor de significação para a vida presente e futura. Ao perder essa ligação com o passado, o homem vive de projeção futura e o vazio de sentido é preenchido cada vez mais com as expectativas do que virá. A falência da tradição é acompanhada pela perda da religião, que significa que os homens não depositam mais fé nos governos e na política ─ instâncias que então já não ligam, não religam mais os homens a um princípio fundante que garanta autoridade, permanência e durabilidade dos governos. Após a derrocada da tradição e da religião, a última a ser perdida é a própria autoridade e sua significação política aos modos romanos com a cristalização dos regimes totalitários. Estes são considerados por Arendt a forma política mais cruel e terrível de todos os tempos. O totalitarismo é a negação e destruição absoluta de tudo que a autoridade garantia aos governos, como permanência, durabilidade, mas principalmente liberdade do agir e igualdade. Na forma política da negação do diferente, os homens são tornados supérfluos, descartáveis, uniformizados, animalizados e negados à vida com a fábrica de mortes em massa, gerada nos campos de concentração. O desejo do totalitarismo com a destruição da liberdade e da espontaneidade é um cemitério de paz, no qual tudo o que for diferente e contrário aos seus objetivos deve ser destruído ou morto. Justamente pelo fato de os regimes totais terem sidos efetivados na história como a mais absoluta negação da política, analisar e compreender os fenômenos que os compuseram é de suma importância para que essa experiência catastrófica política não se repita. Uma das formas de tentar impedir seu retorno, de acordo com Arendt, é justamente consolidar um governo que se estruture por um princípio fundante, que nele tenha origem a autoridade e que assim se permitam aos homens espaços para a liberdade do agir político.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-19T17:56:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 felipeazevedocazetta.pdf: 4866247 bytes, checksum: b05adb6a4fcc41cd5abe9862e65b189f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-22T15:16:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 felipeazevedocazetta.pdf: 4866247 bytes, checksum: b05adb6a4fcc41cd5abe9862e65b189f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-22T15:16:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 felipeazevedocazetta.pdf: 4866247 bytes, checksum: b05adb6a4fcc41cd5abe9862e65b189f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-21 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Está dissertação aborda os elementos teóricos existentes no Integralismo de Plínio Salgado. Procura-se observar singularidades do pensamento de Plínio Salgado, e as apropriações realizadas de outros autores e correntes teóricas. Paralelamente, há o exame dos aspectos dos regimes fascistas da Itália e da Alemanha, assim como as ditaduras autoritárias de Portugal e Espanha, com o objetivo de observar as semelhança e as divergências com o integralismo de Plínio Salgado. Esta tarefa é realizada com o objetivo de perceber as apropriações realizadas pelo chefe integralistas no intuito de tornar coeso e legitimado seu arcabouço doutrinário. Partindo deste princípio, Salgado respalda-se tanto em modelos estrangeiros (os fascismos e o salzarismo por exemplo), como em autores nacionais (Farias Brito, Alberto Torres e Oliveira Vianna), perpassando por intelectuais estrangeiros, tal como o mexicano José Vasconcelos, com a finalidade de elaborar seu projeto de Estado Integral, dentro dos princípios de “Deus, Pátria e Família”, tripé do integralismo. / The thesis addresses the theoretical elements that exist in Integralism Plinio Salgado. Attempt to observe the uniqueness of the thought of Plinio Salgado and appropriations made by other authors and theoretical approaches. In parallel, there is the examination of aspects of the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany, such as authoritarian dictatorships of Portugal and Spain, observing the similarities and differences with the Plinio Salgado's integralism. This task is performed in order to realize the appropriations made by the integralism leadership in order to make cohesive and legitimized its doctrinal framework. With this assumption, Salgado draws upon foreign models (fascism and salzarismo for example), such as national authors (Farias Brito, Alberto Torres and Oliveira Vianna), permeated by foreign intellectuals, with purpose of preparing its draft Estado Integral, within the principles of "Deus, Pátria e Família", tripod of integralism.

Orientador: Roberto Akira Goto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T16:45:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrade_FlavioRovanide_D.pdf: 1479213 bytes, checksum: a9b8e3a2880adf464ccfebb3059ad0b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta tese tem por objeto o pensamento de Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), naquilo que se refere às relações entre educação e totalitarismo constantes em sua obra, tendo como ponto de partida o ensaio "A crise na educação", de 1958. Inicia-se esclarecendo que o trato de Arendt sobre assuntos políticos se faz sob o assombro do fenômeno totalitário, que segundo a autora explodiu nossas categorias do pensamento político e nossos padrões de julgamento moral. Demonstra que suas análises não se baseiam em nenhuma metodologia, mas consiste num impulso fenomenológico com vistas a compreender os principais eventos do mundo moderno, pensando sem arrimos, por meio de uma análise conceitual transmitida na forma de narrativa. Posteriormente, passa-se à análise das teses contidas em "A crise na educação", crise caracterizada pelo rebaixamento dos níveis escolares, após a aplicação servil e indiscriminada de pressupostos teóricos fundamentados na progressive education; utiliza-se como aporte conceitual parte significativa da obra da autora. Conclui-se, do pensamento de Arendt, que a crise da autoridade e da tradição está na base da crise educacional, pois a educação, enquanto instância pré-política, não pode prescindir de ambas, mas caminha em um mundo que não mais está ordenado pela autoridade nem coeso pela tradição, e, sobretudo, porque a recusa dos adultos em exercer a autoridade sobre as crianças equivale a eles não assumirem a responsabilidade pelas crianças e pelo mundo, embora elas precisem de sua orientação até que possam se inserir no mundo comum, onde deverão exercer sua liberdade. Depois, busca-se analisar a natureza do totalitarismo em Hannah Arendt, com a finalidade de trazer à luz as principais características totalitárias das quais se podem extrair consequências para o mundo não totalitário, destacando-se a limitação da liberdade e da espontaneidade, a solidão organizada, a superfluidade, a ideologia e a logicidade, questões que Arendt analisa pela ótica da perda do mundo e do senso comuns. Finalmente, busca-se situar o problema específico da educação no conjunto das preocupações de Hannah Arendt com o fenômeno totalitário, concluindo-se que há conexões textuais e conceituais, pois a crise educacional local reflete a crise geral à medida que é, pela recusa da autoridade e geração do conformismo, uma atitude frente ao novo no sentido de negar-lhe o direito de no mundo se firmar. / Abstract: This thesis has as its object the thought of Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), concerning the relations between education and totalitarianism that appear in her work, having as its starting point the essay "The crisis in education", 1958. It begins by explaining that Arendt's approach on political affairs is under the amazement of the totalitarian phenomenon, which according to the author burst our categories of political thought and our standards of moral judgment. It shows that her analyzes are not based on any methodology, but it consists on a phenomenological impulse in order to understand the key events of the modern world, thinking without considering, based on a conceptual analysis transmitted in a narrative form. Subsequently, it focus on the analysis of the theses presented in "The crisis in education", crisis characterized by the lowering of school levels, after the servile and indiscriminate application of theoretical assumptions based on progressive education; using as framework a significant part of her work. It is concluded, considering the thought of Arendt, that the crisis of authority and tradition is the basis of educational crisis, since education, being a pre-political instance, cannot be separated from both, but it walks into a world that is neither ordered by the authority nor cohesive by tradition, and, above all, because adult's refusal of exercising their authority on children is equivalent to their not being responsible for children and the world, although they need their guidance until they can be inserted in common world, where they should exercise their freedom. Then, it tries to analyze the nature of totalitarianism in Hannah Arendt's though, with the purpose of enlightening the main characteristics of totalitarian from which consequences for a non-totalitarian world can be extracted, highlighting the limitation of freedom and spontaneity, the organized loneliness, the superfluity, ideology and the logicality, issues that Arendt analyzes from the perspective of the loss of world and common senses. Finally, it seeks to locate the specific problem of education among the concerns of Hannah Arendt with the totalitarian phenomenon, concluding that there are textual and conceptual connections, because the local educational crisis reflects the general crisis as it is, by the refusal of authority and the generation of conformism, an attitude toward the new to deny you the right to grow and establish yourself in the world. / Doutorado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestre em Educação

This project is a critical evaluation of the relevance of Hannah Arendt’s concept of freedom to African political thought. Freedom is one of the most perplexing aspects of human life, and to determine precisely what freedom consists in is, for most scholars and theorists, hard. What is more, the question of freedom raises fundamental issues about the nature of man. Freedom could be seen as an essential human need and the true mark of humanity; mere survival without that does not constitute a truly human life. Philosophers and political theorists in postcolonial Africa have for a long time been preoccupied with restoring the lost ‘humanity’, or identity, of the African people. Nonetheless, the search for identity in itself is futile if it is not in the first place a search for freedom. Arendt (1958) defines freedom as political action: the capacity to begin something new and unexpected; the capacity to break with seemingly automatic processes or continuities. She argues that political action discloses the identity of the agent; it is through action and speech that individuals reveal themselves as unique individuals and disclose to the world their distinct personalities. The question of freedom in Hannah Arendt presents a challenge to modern ways of considering it. Contemporary categories of freedom impede the development of the individual’s capacities for agency and action by distorting the distinction between the private and the public spheres and also by adhering to a problematic notion of individuality. This project evaluates the relevance of Arendt’s political philosophy through five major themes: the rise of the modern self from the social, economic and cultural developments in Europe from the fifteenth century to the twentieth century; the ontological foundation of human rights and the problem of twentieth century political evil; human status and the reality of politics in Africa; the delineation of the public/private spheres; and finally, the redefinition of political freedom. The project takes as its background the political upheavals and violence of the twentieth century, which have been described by some critics as the scourge of modernity. The twentieth century was marked by evil – two world wars, which left people homeless and uprooted; totalitarianism, whose violent population politics led to the annihilation of about six million Jews; and the invention of nuclear weapons. Man would have breathed a sigh of relief at the dawn of the twenty-first century, but as reality reared its ugly head, the transition was a mere passage of time – the elements of the twentieth century political evil are here with us in the present. Twenty-first-century man is horrified at what fellow humans are capable of – at what man may do and what the world may become. For Arendt, it is not a relief that the new millennium offers, but a new opportunity for us to transform elements such as anti-Semitism and racism. This possibility of a new beginning forms the core of Arendt’s analysis of human freedom. Copyright / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Philosophy / unrestricted

abstract: The relationship between Chinese modern and contemporary artistic creation and the national sovereignty of China is a worthy subject of debate. Within it, modernism and intellectual/artistic subjectivity are two necessary starting points. However, there is still a good deal of uncertainty around these two points. First, can the modernization process of China be accepted as the general meaning of modernization? Second, are some Chinese modern and contemporary artists actually modern intellectuals? Based on clarification of the above two uncertainties, this thesis is an attempt to argue that the Chinese artists who regard themselves, their artworks and creations, as intellectual, reflect the collision domain between themselves and the political entity of national sovereignty in China: the communist regime controlled by the CCP, Chinese Communist Party中國共産黨. In this thesis, three chapters discuss the relationship between Chinese modern and contemporary art and the CCP. In my theoretical exposition, I argue that the artistic/intellectual subjectivity of modern Chinese artists gradually developed and changed during the conflict and struggle with the Communist rule. In the first chapter, I introduce the biography and artistic creation of Chinese literati painters under the communist rule, exemplified by Wu Hufan吳湖帆. I analyze and demonstrate how the subjectivity of the traditional literati gradually lost strength under the pressure of nationalism, the disenchantment with modernization, and communism. In the second chapter, I focus on the Scar Art art movement of the 1970s to the 1980s, as well as representative artists and their works in this direction of art, such as Cheng Conglin程叢林 and Gao Xiaohua高小華. In this chapter, I use feminism and Foucault's political-philosophical theories to explain these visual expressions of the memory of historical trauma in Scar Art during this period. In Chapter 3, by discussing the works of two artists, He Gong何工 and Ai Weiwei艾未未, in the context of Foucault’s political philosophy, I argue that artists how to express their intellectual subjectivity and political resistance through their contributions to Chinese contemporary art. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Art History 2020

Today it is common to describe fascism and communism as totalitarian and/or political religions. Conceptual history, often associated with the German historian Reinhart Koselleck, is together with the historiographical perspective, defining for this study. This thesis investigates the scientific use of the concepts totalitarianism and political religion by studying the works of important scholars of the 20th and 21st centuries to explain how the concepts have been described and understood. This paper also seeks to explain why the concepts have been so influential over such a long time and with a renewed focus during the 1990s. The thesis pays particular focus to the 1990s when political religion as a concept grew inpopularity among scholars who had to determine the relation between political religion and totalitarianism. The works of leading scholars of political religion, Emilio Gentile, Hans Maier and Michael Burleigh have been studied to show how a renewed discourse of political religion has been created during the 1990s. The results show that there are many interpretations of totalitarianism and political religion, but the leading scholars of political religion also present a high degree of consensus on how the relation between the concepts should be defined and what their relation to each other are. The results also show that the influence of the concepts can be linked to their role as liberal, ideological concepts and the struggle of Western liberalism during the 20th and 21st centuries to define a common core between fascism and communism and to clarify these dystopian alternatives to a liberal democracy.

This study tries to compare processes of social manipulation in totalitarianism and neoliberalism. The main objective of the study is to identify common scopes and aspects of manipulation in totalitarian and neoliberal ideology. In chapter about hermeneutics author describes the method of approach and manner of thinking he used, when he worked with chosen texts. In theoretical part author will set frameworks, which will be crucial for correct understanding of the study. First of all, will author in detail describe phenomena of manipulation. The next part of study sets totalitarianism and neoliberalism in to historic context of modernity ̶ more precisely author distinguish hard and liquid modernity. Author also describes difference between concept of totalitarianism and democracy, as they are crucial for understanding the different political contexts of both ideologies. Main part of the study describes, how both ideologies approaches social manipulation as a tool of governance. Author will do that on the base of detailed description of how both ideologies function. In this description, he will focus on structural role that manipulation has. In discussion author discuss common structural aspects of manipulation, but also, he tries to clarify differences of how both ideologies uses manipulation and...

The aim of this thesis is to characterize the way George Orwell viewed the totalitarianism and how he portrayed this phenomenon in his works. The fundamental part is an analysis of the characteristics of totalitarian regimes in Orwell's most important works 1984 and Animal Farm. For a deeper understanding of Orwell's view of totalitarian regimes, his life and the events that shaped his political thinking were also discussed in more detail. In addition to the aforementioned, the work also includes a general characteristic of the typical features of totalitarianism and general principles of totalitarian regimes, referring to the historical and political context of the twentieth century of selected states, such as the USSR, Germany or Czechoslovakia. This section is followed by an analysis of selected works by authors who dealt with totalitarianism from the view of political theory, such as Hannah Arendt, F.A. Hayek, Zbigniew Brzezinski and Ernst Jünger. Though George Orwell described himself as a leftist and a socialist, he strictly rejected any form of totalitarian rule, and, as he wrote in one of his essays, much of his work was anti- totalitarian. His attitude towards totalitarianism began to emerge during the Spanish Civil War, in which he actively participated. There he also met for the first...

The aim of this study is to analyze the Swedish writer, translator and debater Tore Zetterholms’ (1915 – 2001) views on the origins and growth of the totalitarian movements in Europe. By examining his work, I seek to provide a more complex understanding of the Swedish debate on the causes of fascism, nazism, and communism that took place in the early post-war era (1945 – 1950). While earlier research has focused almost entirely on the more intellectualistic explanations that were prominent in the liberal daily press, only few studies have been conducted on the views held by a more idealistic school of thought that took part in the deliberations, let alone on other arenas of debate. Consequently, the period has been depicted as governed by an almost hegemonic cultural radicalism. Whilst this faction saw totalitarian regimes as an absolute antithesis to the enlightenment heritage, Zetterholm, however, understood them rather as a fulfillment of modernity than as its antipode. His conception of history was founded on the idea of it as an ongoing and degenerative process of rationalization, a process which he meant had alienated man from his intrinsic moral sentiments, his original spirituality, and his fellow human beings. Therefore, the vitalism and collectivism of the totalitarian movements, as well as its religious cult of one infallible leader, spoke to the deepest psychological and spiritual needs of contemporary society. Ultimately, the study culminates in the statement that the alleged hegemony never existed.