Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cleber Jose de Toledo.pdf: 801722 bytes, checksum: a938546870d61a78f5b2459c45d48884 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-20 / This work is based on the political position changes of the unionists from Central Única dos Trabalhadores, from its begin in in 1983 until it has been recognized as citizen unionism activist in the nineties, more exactly since its V Congress in 1994. We will try to demonstrate all the process made by the Central and its metamorphoses, more specific the transformation of production, economy, politics and society that will really changes its political strategy in the union fight. Starting with a careful analysis of a consolidated bibliography, as well as the investigation of the congress resolutions that guided Central position s during the investigated period and the results of an interview made with Vicente Paulo da Silva (Vicentinho), a present Federal Representative, which is so important to reach the goal of this work. This way we will try to show the reader a study of internal and external causes that influenced Central s position during a very long period of its history, always trying to learn the totality of transformation process / Este trabalho tem por base o estudo das mudanças de posicionamento político da Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) no período que compreende sua fundação, em 1983, até sua inserção na prática que ficou conhecida como sindicalismo cidadão na década de 1990, mais precisamente a partir de seu V Congresso em 1994. Procuraremos demonstrar o percurso percorrido pela central e seu processo de metamorfose que o acompanha, inserido nas transformações de ordem produtiva, econômica, política e social que mudarão substantivamente a condução de suas estratégias políticas na luta sindical. Partiremos da análise de um já consolidado aparato bibliográfico, bem como da investigação das resoluções congressuais, que nortearam o posicionamento da central, durante o período investigado, em conjunto com os resultados de uma pesquisa realizada com o atual deputado federal Vicente Paulo da Silva (Vicentinho), de fundamental importância ao objetivo deste trabalho. Assim, expor ao leitor um estudo conjugado de fatores endógenos e exógenos que influenciaram no posicionamento da central durante boa parte de sua história, na tentativa de apreender o processo de transformação em sua totalidade

Dans un contexte de profonde restructuration de la construction navale militaire française, la seconde moitié du XXe siècle a été marquée par un déclin continu de l’adhésion syndicale au sein d’un des bastions du militantisme ouvrier breton : l’arsenal de Brest. Face à une telle évolution, l’évocation régulière de quelques lointains « faits d’armes » a participé à la construction d’une image d’un établissement en perpétuelle ébullition. Sans faire abstraction d’un phénomène protestataire incontestable à certaines époques, cette recherche propose néanmoins de se démarquer de cette vision réductrice en reconsidérant une action syndicale longtemps guidée par la volonté de négocier avec une hiérarchie complaisante plus que par une opposition systématique. Des avancées sociales de l’entre-deux-guerres à la fin de la décennie 1960, elle s’attachera à analyser l’itinéraire d’un mouvement ouvrier tiraillé entre une condition « privilégiée » et un statut de « fer de lance » de la lutte prolétarienne, s’adaptant aux contextes politico-économiques successifs, de l’administration étatique traditionnelle à l’apparition d’une notion de productivité jusque lors étrangère à la construction navale militaire. Confrontée à une situation où histoire et mémoire sont parfois divergentes alors que l’arsenal du Ponant tend à devenir un fort enjeu patrimonial, cette recherche s’efforcera de faire la part entre les mythes et les réalités en replaçant les faits dans les contextes historiques successifs, en redonnant aux événements la juste place qu’ils ont occupée dans le quotidien des travailleurs et des syndicats et en rétablissant l’implication et les responsabilités de chaque acteur social dans le fonctionnement et la vie de l’établissement comme dans la constitution d’une aristocratie ouvrière à la pointe du Finistère. / In the context of fundamental changes to the french naval military structure, for many decades, the unions at the Brest arsenal are facing haemorrhaging membership at a side which was one of the bastions of Breton worker militancy throughout the 20th century. Confronted by a decline which seems irreversible, the repeated evocation of far off ‘feats of arms’ has helped the development of an image of an establishment in perpetual agitation. Without ignoring the protest culture, obvious at certain times, this research proposes the existence of a union policy guided by a wish for negotiations with a compliant hierarchy rather than systematic opposition. From the social advances between the wars to the end of the decade of the 60s, the research identifies the progress of a workers’ movement adapting to successive changes in the political-economic climate and of the traditional state administration to the notion of productivity hitherto foreign to naval military construction.Though history and memory sometimes diverge, while the arsenal tends to become a strong patrimonial stake, this study will try hard to announce between the myths and the realities by replacing the facts in the successive historic contexts, by restoring in the events the rightful place which they occupied in the life of the workers and the unions and by restoring the implication and the responsibilities of every social player in the functioning and the life of the establishment and also in the constitution of labor aristocracy in the Finistère. As well as cutting a new historical path, it seeks to understand and explain the image of confrontation at the finistère arsenal at the time it transformed into a cornerstone of the heritage of Brest.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-05-19Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:47:01Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 freitas_ra_dr_ararafcl.pdf: 1444720 bytes, checksum: ddb6c92d2c4108c3ab4a4e10bc2027e9 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Tempo e trabalho são duas categorias de análise sociológica que estabelecem uma relação complexa. Na sociedade assalariada, essa relação se intensifica, elevando o tempo à condição de fator essencial no processo de trabalho. A investigação parte da relação entre tempo, trabalho e capitalismo na sociedade contemporânea, estabelecendo nexos das alterações na estrutura temporal, decorrentes da reestruturação produtiva, manifestadas através da flexibilização, da aceleração, da intensificação e da expansão do tempo de trabalho, do aumento da produtividade, da redução de postos de trabalho e da elevação crescente da taxa de desemprego. A análise avança em direção à constituição e desenvolvimento do tempo de trabalho em suas quatro modalidades - a jornada, a duração semanal, a duração anual e na escala do ciclo de vida - e, em seguida, na apreensão da constituição do tempo de trabalho no Brasil, através da legislação e em conformidade com as características de cidadania vigentes na sociedade brasileira. Os resultados da investigação apontam no sentido de um tempo de trabalho excessivo - em todas as suas modalidades -, simultâneo ao crescimento vertiginoso do desemprego, agravando a crise capitalista em curso, cuja gênese se encontra na própria racionalidade do capital, e cujos interesses caminham no sentido de ampliar a acumulação através da intensificação do uso de uma força de trabalho cada vez mais reduzida. / Time and work are two categories of sociological analysis which establish a complex relation. In salaried society, this relation is intensified, due to the promotion of time as an essential factor to the work process. The present investigation has, as a starting point, the relation between time, work, and capitalism in contemporary society, establishing links in the alterations in time structure, which are derived from productive restructuring. These changes are expressed by means of flexibilization, acceleration, intensification and expansion of working time, growth in productivity, reduction of work vacancies and rising increase of unemployment rates. The analysis points towards the constitution and development of working time in its four categories - the working day, the weekly duration, the annual duration and the life cycle scale - and, following on from that, in the perception of working time constitution in Brazil, by means of the legislation and according to the valid citizenship characteristics in Brazilian society. The results of the present study point towards an excessive working time - in all of its categories -, which is simultaneous to the vertiginous growth of unemployment, all of which aggravate the capitalist crisis on course, whose origin can be found in the rationality of capital itself, and whose interests aim to increase the accumulation by intensifying the use of an ever-reduced working force.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2017-11-29T14:06:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 GUILHERME JOSÉ MOTA SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2016..pdf: 4725149 bytes, checksum: fb1bf8da163e17c8ecf33f8203d486d1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-29T14:06:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GUILHERME JOSÉ MOTA SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2016..pdf: 4725149 bytes, checksum: fb1bf8da163e17c8ecf33f8203d486d1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-08 / Capes / Este trabalho objetiva refletir sobre as ações políticas elaboradas pelos trabalhadores assalariados rurais da fruticultura irrigada no Submédio Vale do São Francisco - SMSF. Propomos a análise não apenas das dinâmicas e ações institucionalizadas no âmbito dos Sindicatos de Trabalhadores Rurais, mas consideramos também os processos e as relações sociais que se forjam além dos espaços e do discurso institucional, atentando nesse sentido para estratégias políticas elaboradas diante das experiências cotidianas dos trabalhadores. Inicialmente partimos a nossa análise dos processos socio-históricos que viabilizaram e influenciam as dinâmicas produtivas da fruticultura irrigada, atentando para as especificidades das relações de trabalho atreladas a uma produção orientada para o mercado externo. Dessa forma, observamos que a dinâmica de trabalho está baseada em um modelo onde prevalece um elevado grau de especialização, controle, intensidade e é demarcada pela sazonalidade. Em seguida observamos como tais processos informam e abrem possibilidades para as estratégias políticas de que lançam os trabalhadores. Diante disso, as reflexões centrais desse trabalho baseiam-se nas práticas cotidianas de resistência explícitas ou ocultas, institucionalizadas ou não. Analisamos ações que vão desde estratégias como amarrar serviço, burlar fiscalização até práticas mais institucionalizadas no espaço sindical, como a negociação coletiva de trabalho e greves. Consideramos ainda que essas ações se informam mutuamente, se articulam e abrem possibilidades para tanto para política sindical, como para o empoderamento e reconhecimento de direitos pelos trabalhadores. Adotamos uma metodologia de análise qualitativa, dando ênfase aos documentos acessados nos acervos dos sindicatos, bem como os arquivos de jornais impressos e virtuais locais. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com trabalhadores, diretores, delegados e assessores sindicais, bem como pesquisa de campo. / This project has as its objective to reflect on political actions elaborated by the employees of the irrigated fruit-growing companies within the area of the Sao Francisco Valley. We propose the analysis not only of the dynamics and of the formal actions which relate to the Rural Workers Union, but we consider also the process and the social relations which build beyond its space and formal speech, paying close attention in a sense to political strategies elaborated based on the daily experiences of the employees. Initially, we based our analysis on social-historical projects which enabled and influenced the dynamic production of irrigated fruit-growing, attending to the specifics of work relations linked to a production purposeful to the international market. In this matter, we observed that the work dynamics are based upon a model that prevails an elevated degree of specialization, control, intensity, and is characterized by the seasonality. Further more, we observe how such procedures inform and present possibilities for the political strategies which are presented by the employees. Thereof, the main reflections of such thesis are based on the daily resistance manners being those explicit or concealed, institutionalized or not. We seek to analyse actions such as strategies to tie services, bob inspections, and even actions more institutionalized within the trade union; such as collective negotiation of labor manners and strikes. We also take into consideration that such actions mutually trade information, articulate, and present possibilities so much for the political union as for the empowerment and recognition of rights for the employees. We've adopted a methodology of qualitative analysis, giving emphasis to the documents accessed within the libraries of the unions, also within printed news paper articles and virtual spaces. Besides these, we conducted semi-structured interviews with employees, directors, delegates, and union workers, as well as field work.

Orientador: Leila de Menezes Stein / Banca: Adilson Marques Gennari / Banca: Benedicto Rodrigues de Moraes Neto / Banca: Cibele Saliba Rizek / Banca: Jacob Carlos Lima / Resumo: Tempo e trabalho são duas categorias de análise sociológica que estabelecem uma relação complexa. Na sociedade assalariada, essa relação se intensifica, elevando o tempo à condição de fator essencial no processo de trabalho. A investigação parte da relação entre tempo, trabalho e capitalismo na sociedade contemporânea, estabelecendo nexos das alterações na estrutura temporal, decorrentes da reestruturação produtiva, manifestadas através da flexibilização, da aceleração, da intensificação e da expansão do tempo de trabalho, do aumento da produtividade, da redução de postos de trabalho e da elevação crescente da taxa de desemprego. A análise avança em direção à constituição e desenvolvimento do tempo de trabalho em suas quatro modalidades - a jornada, a duração semanal, a duração anual e na escala do ciclo de vida - e, em seguida, na apreensão da constituição do tempo de trabalho no Brasil, através da legislação e em conformidade com as características de cidadania vigentes na sociedade brasileira. Os resultados da investigação apontam no sentido de um tempo de trabalho excessivo - em todas as suas modalidades -, simultâneo ao crescimento vertiginoso do desemprego, agravando a crise capitalista em curso, cuja gênese se encontra na própria racionalidade do capital, e cujos interesses caminham no sentido de ampliar a acumulação através da intensificação do uso de uma força de trabalho cada vez mais reduzida. / Abstract: Time and work are two categories of sociological analysis which establish a complex relation. In salaried society, this relation is intensified, due to the promotion of time as an essential factor to the work process. The present investigation has, as a starting point, the relation between time, work, and capitalism in contemporary society, establishing links in the alterations in time structure, which are derived from productive restructuring. These changes are expressed by means of flexibilization, acceleration, intensification and expansion of working time, growth in productivity, reduction of work vacancies and rising increase of unemployment rates. The analysis points towards the constitution and development of working time in its four categories - the working day, the weekly duration, the annual duration and the life cycle scale - and, following on from that, in the perception of working time constitution in Brazil, by means of the legislation and according to the valid citizenship characteristics in Brazilian society. The results of the present study point towards an excessive working time - in all of its categories -, which is simultaneous to the vertiginous growth of unemployment, all of which aggravate the capitalist crisis on course, whose origin can be found in the rationality of capital itself, and whose interests aim to increase the accumulation by intensifying the use of an ever-reduced working force. / Doutor

Orientador: Andréia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T23:12:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Campinho_JoaodeAlmeidaRego_M.pdf: 1160331 bytes, checksum: 9c912a7b03fffa0a9e9355d0a7f778a4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Este trabalho busca comparar a ação sindical diante das privatizações das empresas de telecomunicações na Argentina e no Brasil, ocorridas em 1990 e em 1998, respectivamente, com o objetivo de entender diferentes posturas sindicais diante da privatização. Nosso objetivo central é o de analisar as diferentes estratégias sindicais diante da privatização. Isto porque enquanto o FOETRA Buenos Aires (Federación de Obreros y Empleados Telefónicos de la República Argentina) buscou resistir à privatização por meio da mobilização dos trabalhadores, o Sintetel-SP (Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações do Estado de São Paulo) não mobilizou seus representados, seja por meio de greves, paralisações ou grandes mobilizações de rua. Ao invés de buscar impedir o processo de privatização, o sindicato brasileiro, em determinado momento, passou a conciliar com as empresas e governo. Para compreender a adoção dessas diferentes estratégias, enfatizamos dois aspectos centrais: de um lado, a influência da estrutura sindical e da tradição sindical de cada país, bem como das experiências e características organizativas das categorias estudadas; de outro lado, os efeitos provocados pela reorganização e adaptação sindical ao contexto neoliberal nos dois países. Dessa maneira, esperamos contribuir com o entendimento tanto da relação entre neoliberalismo e ação sindical quanto da relação entre sindicalismo e estrutura sindical / Abstract: This work analyzes the syndical action against the privatization of telecommunications companies in Brazil and Argentina, which occurred in 1998 and 1990 respectively, in order to understand different syndical positions during the privatization. Our study aim to understand and compare actions, characteristics and motivations of different syndical strategies during the privatization. This is because while FOETRA (Federación de Obreros y Empleados Telefónicos de la República Argentina) Buenos Aires tried to resist the privatization through workers¿ movements, Sintetel (Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações do Estado de São Paulo) did not organize the workers, through strikes, paralysis or protests to prevent the privatization process before began to reconcile with companies and government. In order to better comprehend the different strategies adopted by each country, we will emphasize two central aspects. First, the influence in syndical action of consolidation form of trade unionism in each country, the characteristics of syndical structure and the experiences and traditions of the trade unions analyzed. Second, the effects of the neoliberal context over the syndical organization in both countries. In this way, we hope to contribute to understand the relationship between neoliberalism and trade union action and the relationship between trade unionism and syndical structure / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

L’étude porte sur la vie de l’Union Départementale de la Loire de la CFTC CFDT. Cette Union Départementale fait partie depuis 1947 de la minorité de la CFTC et sort progressivement du « milieu chrétien » pour intégrer le monde ouvrier. Elle lutte contre la guerre d’Algérie, soutient la déconfessionnalisation de la CFTC, pratique l’unité d’action avec l’UD CGT, beaucoup plus puissante qu’elle. Elle vit avec enthousiasme le mouvement de Mai-Juin 1968 et se réclame des « trois piliers » de la CFDT de 1970. Dans les années 1970, elle tente de susciter et d’appuyer le développement des luttes ouvrières et des différents mouvements de contestation. En 1974, beaucoup de ses militants adhèrent au parti socialisteque certains quittent rapidement.En 1976, l’UD s’oppose à la confédération dans une « contribution » sur la transition au socialisme rejetée au congrès d’Annecy. De même, elle s’oppose au « recentrage » de 1978, avant d’accepter la « resyndicalisation » en 1979.Mais depuis 1974, l’UD fait face à la crise économique qui entraîne chômage et désyndicalisation à partir de 1977. Cette crise empire dans les années 1980 avec la rupture avec l’UD CGT et des conflits internes et avec la confédération l’amenant à l’inaction. En 1987, l’élection d’un nouveau secrétaire général permet un retour à l’action, mais l’UD reste incapable incapable de conduire des actions de masse. La thèse se propose de rechercher dans l’évolution de la confédération et la vie de l’UD, les éléments qui permettent de comprendre son développement de 1944 à 1973 et la criseprofonde qu’elle connaît dans les années 1980. / The study focuses on the life of the “Union Departementale” (“UD”) of the Loire CFDT CFTC. This “UD” since 1947 has been part of the minority of the CFTC and gradually left the Christian community to integrate the working classes. It has fought against the war in Algeria, supported the secularization of the CFTC, worked together with the DU CGT, which wasmuch more powerful than itself. It has supported with enthusiasm the May-June 1968 movement and called for "three pillars" of the CFDT in 1970. In the 1970s, it has tried to encourage and support the development of workers' struggles and the various protest movements. In 1974, many of its militants have joined the socialist party that some left quickly afterwards.In 1976, the “UD” has opposed to the confederation in a "contribution" for the transition to socialism rejected at the Annecy conference. Similarly, it has opposed to the "refocusing" of 1978, before accepting the "re-unionization" in 1979.But since 1974, the “UD” has faced the economic crisis causing unemployment and deunionization starting in 1977. This crisis has worsened in the 1980s with the break with the “UD” CGT and internal conflicts with the confederation bringing it to inaction. In 1987, the election of a new Secretary General has marked a return to action, but the “UD” has remainedunable to conduct mass actions.The thesis proposes to look into the evolution of the confederation and the life of the “UD”, the elements for understanding its development from 1944 to 1973 and its deep crisis in the 1980s.

Yes / Introduction It is easy to think of the Trade Union Act (2016) as ‘Thatcher Round 2’: the economic strategy of austerity once again pits the haves against the have-nots, creating the potential for a re-invigorated trade union movement to return to its economically disruptive habits, which the government seeks to constrict. Thus, TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady condemned the Conservatives for ‘refighting the battles of the 1980s’ instead of taking a more constructive approach (O’Grady, 2016). However, while the trade union legislation of the 1980s followed a decade marked by entrenched union disputes, the Trade Union Act (2016) has been introduced against a very different backdrop. The UK currently has historically low levels of industrial action, stagnating levels of union membership and limited areas of union density (DBIS, 2015; Godard, 2011; Dix et al, 2008). Could it be that the Trade Union Act (TUA) has more to tell us about trade union weakness than their strength? The Act comes at an important moment in the history of the labour move- ment. The Conservative austerity agenda not only attacks living standards, but reduces union membership through extensive job losses. The significance of this for the movement is exacerbated because the public sector is the most heavily unionised sector. This matters for many reasons, not least because the movement’s ability to resist the worst excesses of the austerity agenda rests on its membership and strength. This situation in turn shines a spotlight on what is perhaps the most pressing question facing the movement – the need for a model of unionism which can reach beyond the public sector, and in particular which meets the needs of the ever-growing body of precarious workers.

The arguments concerning the trade unionism and working class movement in Turkey as well as the largest confederation, T&uuml / rk-iS, in relation to the involvement in the political arena is debated in this thesis by underlining the lack of class identity among the workers. The main argument is that T&uuml / rk-iS was not established by the will and efforts of the workers. Another major discussion point of the thesis is the nonpartisanship policy of T&uuml / rk-iS. It has been found that T&uuml / rk-iS participated quite actively in the political sphere until the 1980 military intervention. However, the limits of this participation were widely drawn by the major political parties of the country. The thesis defends that there are problems stemming from the lack of class consciousness among the T&uuml / rk-iS workers, the hierarchal structure of T&uuml / rk-iS and the profit oriented approaches of the political parties towards T&uuml / rk-iS.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the practices directed to the flexibilisation of the labor brought together with the means of neoliberal structuring and the trade union crisis appeared as an outcome of these in terms of the Tekel Workers&rsquo / resistance in Ankara. The theoretical frame of this study is created in the content of the discussions that starting from the Marxist approach on trade unions and the critical view within this approach focus on the reasons of the crisis of the trade unions as a result of the applications of the neoliberal ideological structuring that appeared by the crisis of the accumulated capital during the mid-70&rsquo / s. Over this perspective, the analysis concentrates on the one hand employment models&rdquo / being multi-layered and insecure and on the other, the fragmentation of the class and therefore the representation crisis of the trade unions that are the outcomes of the commodification of the labor by the deregulation, privatization and flexibilisation policies applied in the process of neoliberal hegemony. In this context, the resistance of the Tekel workers that continued non-stop for 78 days is argued basing on the assumption that the process which forces the more flexible, insecure working conditions without any attachment to the trade unions via the application of the neoliberal political apparatuses becomes the common platform/destiny of all the parts of society constituted by different identity structures.