Cette thèse présente une critique de la théorie néoréaliste et néo-institutionnaliste capable d’expliquer la transformation de l’OTAN depuis 1991 d’une organisation de défense collective en une organisation de sécurité collective, ainsi que de rendre intelligible l’alternance des moments de solidarité et de tensions entre pays membres (et entre pays membres et partenaires). Le travail s’appuie sur des études de cas tirés de l’histoire de l’Alliance Atlantique post-guerre Froide et permet d’observer la régularité d’un double phénomène : l’inefficacité des actifs institutionnels OTAN sur les questions de haute sécurité et leur efficience sur les questions de basse sécurité. Lorsque les thèmes de dialogue sont trop stratégiques (risques de coûts politiques/budgétaires/humains, perceptions sécuritaires), les acteurs (pays membres et partenaires) reviennent tendanciellement à des postures nationales. Lorsque les thèmes de dialogue sont moins sensibles (moindres coûts politiques/budgétaires/humains, perceptions sécuritaires basses), les acteurs acceptent plus facilement les concessions dans le cadre institutionnel. Notre modèle vise à comprendre la progressive globalisation de l’OTAN à travers deux catégories d’actions : élargissements/créations de partenariats et interventions extérieures. La thèse propose aussi en prenant acte des forces et faiblesses des actifs institutionnels de l’OTAN de démontrer qu’elle produit principalement de la sécurité globale par la voie de son réseau sécuritaire (progressivement construit depuis 1991) plus que par la voie militaire classique (semi-échec des opérations extérieures de haute intensité). La globalisation de son réseau sécuritaire est étudiée à travers l’ensemble des actifs institutionnels bilatéraux et régionaux créés après 1991 pour intégrer les relations entre pays membres et partenaires. Une partie spécifique de l’étude est consacrée aux rapports américano-européens à l’intérieur de l’Alliance Atlantique. La globalisation de son champ d’intervention est aussi étudiée à travers l’analyse de l’ensemble des opérations et missions menées par l’OTAN depuis 1991. Enfin, la thèse se veut une tentative de renouvellement des théories néoréalistes et néo institutionnalistes à la lumière du nouveau paradigme de la globalisation sécuritaire. / This thesis presents a criticism of the neo-realist and neo-institutionalist theory, contributing to an explanation of the reasons for the transformation of NATO since 1991 from a collective defense organization to a collective security organization and to make intelligible the alternation of moments of tension and solidarity between member states (and between member states and partner states). This work is based on study cases drawn from the history of the post-cold War Atlantic Alliance and enables to examine the regularity of a double phenomenon: the ineffectiveness of NATO institutional assets on high security issues and their effectiveness on low security issues. When discussion topics are too strategic risks of political/budgetary/human costs, security perception), actors (member states and partners), tend to go back to national positions. When discussion topics are less sensitive (lesser political/budgetary human costs), actors tend to accept more easily to make concessions in the institutional framework. Our model is focused on the comprehension of the progressive globalization of NATO through two types of actions: enlargement/partnership creation and external interventions. This thesis is taking into account strengths and weaknesses of NATO institutional assets, in order to show that the organization produces mainly global security by the means of its security network (gradually built since 1991), more than through the classic military way (half-failure of high intensity outside operations). The globalization of its security network is studied through the whole of bilateral and regional institutional assets created after 1991 in order to integrate relations between member states and partner states. A specific part of the study is dedicated to American-European relations inside the Atlantic Alliance. The globalization of its intervention field is studied through the analysis of overall operations and missions carried out by NATO since 1991. To conclude, this thesis aims at renewing neorealist and neo-insttitutional theories in the light of the new paradigm of security globalization.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a proposed comprehensive trade and investment agreement between the European Union and the United States of America. This Master's thesis applies Robert D. Putnam's Two-Level Game Theory to the TTIP negotiations, as well as analyses the activities and influence of various stakeholders and factors within the EU and USA that have put pressure on the chief international negotiators and contributed to the freeze of the TTIP negotiations process. This thesis reveals that the anti-TTIP arguments of the second-level stakeholders in the European Union and United States differed. The European stakeholders opposed to TTIP because they thought that it would harm EU's relatively higher standards; consumer safety; environment; and agricultural market. They also claimed that TTIP's negotiations process was non-transparent, and they protested against the inclusion of the Investor-State Dispute Settlement Mechanism (ISDS). Their anti-TTIP campaigning was also supported by the presence of anti-American sentiments in the EU. In the USA, the main barriers to TTIP negotiations started with decision of the Congress to grant President Barack Obama the so called Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), because it is frequently designated as unconstitutional and...

Cyber attacks can target any nodes of the space infrastructure, and while these attacks are called non-violent, there is a credible capability to use cyber attacks to cause direct or indirect physical damage, injury or death. However, the vulnerability of satellites and other space assets to cyber attack is often overlooked, which is a significant failing given society's substantial and ever increasing reliance on satellite technologies. Through a policy analysis, this dissertation assess the set of political provisions provided by the European Union to address the cyber security issue of the space infrastructure. Such study aims at exploring the geopolitical consequences linked to space cyber security risks, and at assessing the political preparedness of the European Union to address these challenges. The perspective of transatlantic cooperation to further support both American and European effort to tackle this security risk is also addressed. The overarching value of the study is to contribute to future European cyber security for space and transatlantic debates by providing useful perspectives and key takeaways on these two domains. Ultimately, he existing set of policies are not sufficient to address the cyber security issue in Outer Space, a unified approach by the European Union and the United...

The thesis explores the use of the term European Strategic Autonomy in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CFSP) of the European Union. The security environment around Europe has become increasingly unstable in the last 15 years. The EU Commission has tried to take account of the deteriorating geopolitical landscape by publishing an EU Global Strategy document in 2016 to share its vision for a stronger Europe. The document calls for strategic autonomy without properly defining it. Since then, many policy papers have captured the term and used it as a popular buzzword. Because it has not been properly defined on the political level, European Strategy Autonomy (ESA) was subject to speculations and national interpretations which did not help to advance the debate. Based on an extensive literature review the paper provides a comprehensive understanding by giving an historic overview and presenting different configurations of ESA in the contemporary context. A comparative case study, including France, Germany, and the Czech Republic has been conducted to assess their interpretation of the notion. The result of the case studies showed inherently different perceptions underlaid by different motivations and identifies the political layer to be the biggest challenge for moving forward with the topic....

The realm of trust has of late become the subject of a new agenda of research. Withal, as this paper demonstrates, trust has always implicitly been at the core of international relations theory. The object of the research is the transatlantic relationship and the role that trust plays on the field of security, using NATO as the platform. In this connection, at first, the author considers the category of trust in international relations as a whole. A detailed analysis of the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs will be conducted. For the further application of the theoretical findings to the case of transatlantic relations, special methodology as exploratory research is elaborated. It develops a multiframework strategy for recognizing signals of trust in a relationship, emphasizing the role of the security dilemma, hedging strategies and reassurance in this manner. The selected research methods are determined by the theoretical basis and the available data for the research. Taking stock of the history of transatlantic relations on the basis of researching literature and using the research findings of the case study, the author estimates the level of trust between the United States and European NATO members during periods of turmoil. The aim is to reveal the causes of such state of...

in English This thesis deals with the factors that influence changing intensity of bilateral economic cooperation between EU and USA in the period between 2002 and 2012. The quantitative tests by correlation are made separately for the trade and the financial area of cooperation. The first tested factor was the economic interdependence of EU and USA, which is based on liberal thoughts in international relations. Its positive influence on cooperation that was assumed for this factor was confirmed only in case of the financial area. On the other hand, for the trade sphere the premise was disproved. The second tested factor was formulated based on realism in international relations. It says that decreasing economic standing of EU and USA leads to their increased cooperation. This influence was confirmed both for trade and financial cooperation. The last researched factor was the annual change in the volume of transactions. This factor is based on functionalism, neofunctionalism and communication theory. The assumed positive influence of increased transactions on cooperation was confirmed only in trade dimension. The best factor that can explain the changing bilateral economic cooperation of EU and USA between 2002 and 2012 proved to be the one based on realism - the declining standing of both subjects...

This research focuses on the concept of European strategic autonomy and what it really is. Through two different European Union Member States, France and Germany, the research will compare how European strategic autonomy is interpreted and why. The research will use different concepts from the theory of realism to focus on the conventional perspective of strategic autonomy in Europe. The research will show how France pushes for greater European strategic autonomy to secure the future of Europe through strategic hedging strategy when again Germany wants to strengthen European strategic autonomy to be taken more seriously by European external allies and by strengthening European bandwagoning strategy. Based on the previously mentioned, the research will analyze how France and Germany interpret the meaning of European strategic autonomy. The research suggests that France’s approach to European security is through Europeanism when Germany’s approach is through Atlanticism. The research will conclude with findings that the significance of European strategic autonomy is in its meaning of increasing Europe’s and European Union’s credibility, sovereignty, and European integration, to name a few.

[pt] Movida pelas questões que o debate político contemporâneo em torno das Políticas de Identidade - ou políticas identitárias, como se convencionou a chamar - suscita sobre a relação entre raça e classe, a presente pesquisa se dispõe sobretudo a investigar o papel de raça na modernidade capitalista. Julgando ser de central importância a essa tarefa o movimento de historicizar raça em seu sentido moderno, engaja-se com uma reconstrução histórica que confere ênfase ao papel da escravidão transatlântica para a gênese capitalista, elucidando sobre seu aspecto colonial. Conjuntamente a esse esforço de historicização de raça e compreensão do capitalismo a partir dos eventos sucedidos no Atlântico, volta-se à reflexão sobre os efeitos do significante racial moderno através de perspectivas teóricas que questionam os limites e ambiguidades de raça na modernidade. A partir dessas considerações que buscam contribuir com o pensamento crítico acerca do lugar de raça no capitalismo, o objetivo do presente trabalho é se dirigir às diferentes maneiras como a relação entre raça e classe é entendida e mobilizada no debate político em torno das lutas identitárias, com suas posições que trafegam desde um desmerecimento da indissociabilidade existente entre as identidades produzidas pelo signo racial moderno e o modo de gestão do capitalismo, por um lado, até à redução de raça a uma questão de ordem meramente econômica, por outro. / [en] Driven by the questions that the contemporary political debate around Identity Politics - or identitarian politics, as it has been conventionally called - raises about the relationship between race and class, the present research proposes itself to investigate the role of race in capitalist modernity. Considering the movement to historicize race in its modern sense as one of central importance to this task, this work engages in a historical reconstruction that emphasizes the role of transatlantic slavery for the capitalist genesis, elucidating its colonial aspect. Alongside the effort to historicize race and to understand capitalism from the events that took place in the Atlantic it is proposed a reflection on the effects of the modern racial signifier through theoretical perspectives that question the limits and ambiguities of race in modernity. Through these considerations that seek to contribute to the critical thinking about the place of race in capitalism the aim of this research is to address the different ways in which the relationship between race and class is understood and mobilized in the political debate around identity struggles – with its positions that range from a neglect of the indissociability between the identities produced by the modern racial sign and the way capitalism functions, on the one side; to a reduction of race to a question of a purely economic order, on the other.

This study examines the effects of political representation on economic inequality across western industrialized democracies. I explore an explanation of increases in economic inequality as a consequence of less representative democratic institutions. Explaining economic inequality in this manner is a shift from to the Transatlantic Consensus that attributes increased economic inequality to globalization. I expect to find that more representative electoral and governments institutions will be associated with lower levels of economic inequality. The analysis takes place across twenty-three countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) over the past forty years using a cross-sectional longitudinal model. Variables used to operationalize the level of representation of democratic institutions include a novel variable of the representative ratio, the effective number of parties, an index of institutional constraints, presidential system, single member districts, and judicial review. Voter turnout, the percentage of seats held by women, gross domestic product per capita, unemployment, and the size of the industrial sector are used as control variables. The findings support the main hypothesis: as political representation increases, economic inequality decreases.

No description available.