The thesis deals with transnational islamist terrorism and with the policy of the European Union (EU) and the United States (U.S.) in countering the threat. It is assumed that it is the EU's policy that is more relevant given the recent evolution of the threat. The assumption is subsequently tested throughout the paper. In the opening part, the focus is on the international, or transnational, islamist terrorism, in particular its root causes, ideological background and organizational forms. Second chapter is devoted to the EU's counterterrorism policy, first from the institutional point of view, as that has obvious implications for the formulation and implementation of policy. Then, the prevailing perceptions of terrorism, basic tenets of strategy and some concrete measures are analyzed. The chapter dealing with the U.S. policy is structured analogously, even if the institutional aspects are omitted due to the obvious absence of EU-specific problems. Chapter four provides a comparison of both actors' policies, followed up by the fifth, final, chapter, with some concluding remarks. Most importantly, the initial assumption is assessed as valid, i.e., the European Union counterterrorism policy is found to be more relevant than that of the United States.

Les communications entre la France et le Canada, au XVIIIe siècle, étaient caractérisées par un rythme annuel marqué par les saisons et les aléas de la traversée de l’océan Atlantique. Louis-Guillaume Verrier est le procureur général du roi au Conseil supérieur de Québec entre 1728 et 1758. Né en France et déménagé à Québec pour joindre le Conseil supérieur à l’âge de 37 ans, il nous a laissé environ 200 lettres qu’il a reçues au cours de ces 30 années. À la lecture de ces documents, on comprend l’importance d’une bonne organisation pour faire en sorte que les lettres parviennent à leur destinataire de façon efficace. Toutes sortes de personnes écrivent à Verrier, que ce soit des membres de sa famille proche ou de simples connaissances qui désirent obtenir un service pour leur proche au Canada. Les parents et amis du procureur général donnent des nouvelles de leur santé et souhaitent que celle de leur correspondant soit tout aussi bonne. Verrier reçoit aussi beaucoup de nouvelles en lien avec la politique européenne ou les affaires administratives et judiciaires de la métropole. Cela témoigne (indirectement) de sa volonté de rester au courant de ce qui se passe dans le monde qu’il a quitté et traduit à la fois un attachement pour sa contrée d’origine et les gens qu’il ne voit plus, mais également l’espoir d’y retourner un jour pour y poursuivre sa carrière. Habitant d’un monde atlantique, Louis-Guillaume Verrier appartient à la fois au Canada où il réside et à la France où les missives de ses proches le transportent chaque année. / Communications between France and Canada, in the 18th century, were defined by an annual rhythm marked by the seasons and the dangers of crossing the Atlantic. Louis-Guillaume Verrier was the king’s attorney-general at the Conseil supérieur of Québec between 1728 and 1758. Born in France, he moved to Québec to join the Conseil supérieur at the age of 37. He left us around 200 letters that he received during those 30 years. By reading these documents, we understand the importance of a good organization to make sure that the letters reach their addressee efficiently. All kinds of people write to Verrier, from close members of his family to mere acquaintances who wish to obtain services for a relative in New France. Family and friends of the attorney-general send news of their health and hope that their addressee’s is good too. Verrier also receives a lot of news concerning European politics and administrative or judiciary matters. This reflects (indirectly) Verrier’s desire to be kept informed of what goes on in the world that he left behind, pointing to his attachment to his motherland and the people that he no longer saw, but also a desire to return someday to continue his career. Living in an Atlantic world, Louis-Guillaume Verrier belongs at the same time to Canada, where he lives, and to France, where his relatives’ letters take him each year.

The goal of this thesis is to examine president Bush's policy after 9/11 and its implications for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The shock of 9/11 attacks resulted in "war mentality" manifesting itself in the pressure of the public and media for swift radical actions. This resulted in ad hoc decisions taken without proper analyses and consideration of consequences. After 9/11, Bush Administration used black-and-white rhetoric and simplified the war on terror into war between good and evil. The U.S. under Bush did not consider international institutions to play significant role in international politics and preferred bilateral cooperation. By omitting the Alliance, Washing, however, undermined NATO. Europe was sympathetic to the U.S. and proclaimed its support for Washington since day one but European NATO members and the U.S. had different threat perception regarding Iraq, and could not agree on a common solution. The actions taken by Americans in Afghanistan and Iraq and the reluctance of European allies in supporting the U.S. war against terrorism resulted in escalation of relations in the Alliance. As the U.S. headed toward engagement in two conflicts, it increasingly appreciated the value of NATO. On the other hand, Europe never forgot that the United States is its main ally. Most...

NATO's enlargement policy has been opposed by Russia. The disagreements over Georgia's pro Ronald Asmus "a little war that shook the world". concept of 'NATO Georgia relations' within the theoretical framework of leading IR approaches in 'pillars' of NATO Georgia relations) each perceive the Atlantic Alliance's enlargement and approaches are best theorized separately since all three nations " ". The thesis contributes an alternative theoretical explanation behind Georgia's -

American policy towards European integration process has always seemed equivocal: on one hand it actively supported and encouraged the process, but on the other hand it tried to contain some specific European ambitions and steer the process in a desirable direction. The objective of the thesis is to offer a possible explanation of the long-term US policy towards the European integration and European region in general. The dissertation presents a hypothesis that the American policy towards Europe since the Second World War until current times can be explained within the theorethical concept of "regional hegemony strategy". The concept builds on neorealist and neoliberal interpretations of hegemony, which are applied to the process of formulation of American grand strategy. It identifies a set of independent variables effecting the resulting strategy and operationalizes the expected strategy into particular goals. The empirical part of the dissertation then tests the established hyphothesis in two ways. In the first part it analyzes the identified independent variables and tests the causality betwen their historical evolution and evolution of the American grand strategy, especially in relation to the European region. In the consequent parts, it focuses on the American policy towards the European integration...

CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of Geopolitical Studies Master's Thesis Unconventional power of small states: a comparative case study of Lithuania and Taiwan (ROC) Abstract: The hypotheses of the leading international relations theories, especially realism, face fundamental criticism for not explaining the behavior of some small states, who lack material power but play an effective and influential role in the international arena. To fill in this oversight, the contemporary discourse of small states challenges the resource-based understandings of power and seeks new avenues to explain how some small states succeed in "punching above their weight." Most recently, Dr. Tom Long (2017) synthesized previous academic researches and proposed that the small state's power can be best understood as originating in three categories: derivative, collective, and particular-intrinsic. This thesis aims to contribute to the argument that small states can possess unconventional power to advance their influence and achieve their national interests. It uses Dr. Tom Long's three categories of unconventional power, as a basis for the comparative case study of Taiwan and Lithuania - two small states that have notoriously challenge the notion of "how a small state should...

This thesis examines and discusses how creolisation theory has influenced the material culture of enslaved people from former Danish West Indies plantations. The essay contends that creolisation is the theory required to advance slavery studies because it demonstrates how enslaved people created their own identity, belonging, and kept African cultures and customs alive despite being socially dead. This was accomplished through an examination of the amount of material discovered at archaeological investigations on former Danish plantations within slave contexts. Through the presentation and analysis of "Afro-Cruzan" ceramics, beads, shells, and pipe fragments, the thesis discusses and argues how the abundance of various objects from enslaved communities is evidence of long-term preservation of cultures, cultural identity, and expression. Furthermore, the usefulness of creolisation theory is emphasised because it is argued to have been developed with a post-processual perspective, avoiding the normative theorisation that has based slavery studies on a perspective in which the enslaved were only marginalised. Finally, the discussion emphasises the importance of remaining critical of how theories and theoretical frameworks have been applied in archaeological studies on slavery, as well as the need to broaden perspectives and include other Scandinavian countries, such as Sweden. / Den här uppsatsen analyserar och diskuterar hur materiell kultur från förslavade människor från plantage tidigare tillhörande danska Västindien är bevis för kreolisering. Uppsatsen argumenterar för hur kreolisering är den teori som krävs för att fortskrida inom studier gällande slaveri då det belyser hur förslavade individer lyckades skapade en egen identitet, samhörighet samt bibehöll sina kulturer och seder levande trots att de ansågs vara socialt döda. Detta görs genom att analysera kvantiteten av påträffat material under arkeologiska undersökningar inom slavkontexter på före detta plantage på de danska kolonierna. Uppsatsen presenterar och analyserar material i form av så kallat ”Afro-Cruzan” keramik, pärlor, snäckskal och pipfragment som används för att diskutera och argumentera för hur den höga kvantiteten av diverse föremål från slavsamhällen är bevis på ett långsiktigt bevarande av kulturer och kulturella identitet och uttryck samt de förslavades bibehållna agens. Vidare belyses även hur kreoliseringsteorin är mer applicerbar med hänsyn till att teorin tycks att ha skapats ur ett post-processuellt perspektiv då det undviker den normativa mentaliteten och teoretisering att slaveristudier grundas i ett perspektiv där de förslavade var endast varor inom ett socio-ekonomiskt samhälle.Diskussionen leder slutligen till hur det är väsentligt att bibehålla ett kritiskt öga om hur teorier och teoretiska ramverk har använts inom arkeologiska studier om slaveri samt hur det är nödvändigt att vidga perspektiven och inkludera andra skandinaviska länder, så som Sverige.

Ce travail de thèse s’attache à caractériser les relations nouées entre les minorités anglophones du Québec et la France, de la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale à la fin de la Guerre froide. Depuis les années 1960, l’historiographie a mis l’accent sur l’importance du fait français dans la construction des liens franco-québécois. Un tel récit, développé dans la foulée de la Révolution tranquille, passe sous silence l’existence de nombreux liens noués entre élites anglo-québécoises et élites françaises. Du côté français, des échanges avec les milieux d’affaires anglophones sont encouragés au nom de l’intensification du commerce franco-canadien. Du côté anglo-québécois, la France incarne un modèle civilisationnel dont la connaissance est partie intégrante d’une culture légitime, nettement distinguée de la culture canadienne-française, reléguée au rang de folklore. À partir de l’étude de trajectoires individuelles comme de réseaux d’influence, cette thèse entend nuancer l’historiographie francophone en mettant à jour les liens de la diplomatie officielle comme ceux de la diplomatie parallèle qui unissent la France au Québec anglais. Elle entend également illustrer, à partir d’un cas d’étude concret, sur quels principes et par quelles modalités se fonde l’influence française dans l’espace atlantique, au XXe siècle. / This thesis aims at describing the relations built between the English-speaking minorities of Quebec and France from the end of World War I to the end of the Cold War. Since the 1960s, historiography has emphasized the significance of the “fait français” in the building of Franco-Quebecois ties. Such a narrative, developed during and after the Quiet Revolution, overlooks the existence of numerous connections between Anglo-Quebec and French elites. On the French side, exchanges with the English-speaking business community were encouraged in the name of the intensification of Franco-Canadian trade. On the Anglo-Quebec side, France embodies a civilizational model which knowledge of is an integral part of a legitimate culture – that is clearly distinguished from a folklore-like French-Canadian culture. Based on the study of individual trajectories as well as networks of influence, I intend to qualify French-speaking historiography by bringing to light the official diplomatic and parallel diplomatic ties that unite France and Englishspeaking Quebec. I also aim at showing on which principles and which actions a French influence is built all over an Atlantic space throughout the 20th century.

No description available.

The aim of this research is to analyse the development of an EU grand strategy, using the two dominant EU powers Germany and France and their respective approach to an EU grand strategy. The importance of the EU grand strategy cannot be underestimated as it concerns the national security of all citizens in the EU. Research in this area which contributes with more findings addressing new information must be seen as urgent and relevant. While other studies have researched the development of the EU grand strategy, the recent international structural events in the form of the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War have not yet been studied. The concepts that will be used are strategic culture and strategic autonomy, with the purpose to provide insights on Germany’s and France’s approach to an EU grand strategy. Strategic culture and strategic autonomy will use theoretical assumptions based on constructivism and structural realism respectively. The findings are that Germany is still a major proponent of a transatlantic EU grand strategy, while France remains supportive of a Europeanist EU grand strategy. Recent events with the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War have led to that Germany have decided to abandon its energy dependency towards Russia and significantly increase its military spend to the by NATO stipulated two percent of GDP. These events will affect the development of the EU grand strategy, but the current signs are that Germany and France will not change their approach on the EU grand strategy because of this.