The years 1815 to 1867 marked the first protracted period of peace in Nova Scotia’s colonial history. While the immediate effects of peace were nearly disastrous, these years ultimately marked a formative period for the province. By the eve of Confederation, various social, cultural, political, economic, and technological developments had enabled Nova Scotia to become a mature province with a distinct identity. One of the manifestations of this era of community formation was the emergence of a cosmopolitan-oriented music culture. Although Atlantic trade routes ensured that Nova Scotia was never isolated, the colonial progress of the pre-Confederation era reinforced and entrenched Nova Scotia’s membership within the Atlantic World. The same trade routes that brought imported goods to the province also introduced Nova Scotians to British and American culture. Immigration, importation, and developments to transportation and communication systems strengthened Nova Scotia’s connections to its cultural arbiters – and made possible the importation and naturalization of metropolitan music practices. This dissertation examines the processes of cultural exchange operating between Nova Scotia and the rest of the Atlantic World, and the resultant musical life to which they gave rise. The topic of music-making in nineteenth-century Nova Scotia has seldom been addressed, so one of the immediate aims of my research is to document an important but little-known aspect of the province’s cultural history. In doing so, I situate Nova Scotia’s musical life within a transatlantic context and provide a lens through which to view Nova Scotia’s connectivity to a vast network of culture and ideas. After establishing and contextualizing the musical practices introduced to Nova Scotia by a diverse group of musicians and entrepreneurs, I explore how this imported music culture was both a response to and an agent of the formative developments of the pre-Confederation era. I argue that, as Nova Scotia joined the Victorian march of progress, its musicians, music institutions, and music-making were among the many socio-cultural forces that helped to transform a colonial backwater into the civilized province that on 1 July 1867 joined the new nation of Canada.

The years 1815 to 1867 marked the first protracted period of peace in Nova Scotia’s colonial history. While the immediate effects of peace were nearly disastrous, these years ultimately marked a formative period for the province. By the eve of Confederation, various social, cultural, political, economic, and technological developments had enabled Nova Scotia to become a mature province with a distinct identity. One of the manifestations of this era of community formation was the emergence of a cosmopolitan-oriented music culture. Although Atlantic trade routes ensured that Nova Scotia was never isolated, the colonial progress of the pre-Confederation era reinforced and entrenched Nova Scotia’s membership within the Atlantic World. The same trade routes that brought imported goods to the province also introduced Nova Scotians to British and American culture. Immigration, importation, and developments to transportation and communication systems strengthened Nova Scotia’s connections to its cultural arbiters – and made possible the importation and naturalization of metropolitan music practices. This dissertation examines the processes of cultural exchange operating between Nova Scotia and the rest of the Atlantic World, and the resultant musical life to which they gave rise. The topic of music-making in nineteenth-century Nova Scotia has seldom been addressed, so one of the immediate aims of my research is to document an important but little-known aspect of the province’s cultural history. In doing so, I situate Nova Scotia’s musical life within a transatlantic context and provide a lens through which to view Nova Scotia’s connectivity to a vast network of culture and ideas. After establishing and contextualizing the musical practices introduced to Nova Scotia by a diverse group of musicians and entrepreneurs, I explore how this imported music culture was both a response to and an agent of the formative developments of the pre-Confederation era. I argue that, as Nova Scotia joined the Victorian march of progress, its musicians, music institutions, and music-making were among the many socio-cultural forces that helped to transform a colonial backwater into the civilized province that on 1 July 1867 joined the new nation of Canada.

La traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique n’ont jamais été étudiés d’un point de vue criminologique. En fait, à part l’histoire, peu de disciplines des sciences sociales et humaines se sont intéressées aux évènements qui constituent la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique. Toutefois, de récentes recherches commencent à se pencher sur les séquelles résultant des multiples victimisations (agressions physiques et psychologiques) subies par les Noirs durant la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique. Nous postulons que la criminologie peut également contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de ces évènements. Ainsi, cette étude vise à sonder les perceptions des Afro-descendants sur les victimisations et les conséquences de la traite et de l’esclavage négriers transatlantique. L’analyse des entretiens réalisés démontrent clairement que la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique n’appartiennent pas seulement au passé. Au contraire, la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique restent présents dans les esprits et les cœurs. Ils sont surtout perçus comme une source de victimisations actuelles touchant la communauté africaine et antillaise tels que la faible confiance en soi, la faible estime de soi, la hiérarchie de la couleur, le racisme interne…Aussi, tous les répondants plaident pour au moins une forme de réparation (pécuniaire et monétaire, éthique ou politique, historique, éducative, psychologique, diplomatique) des conséquences de la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique. Les entrevues mettent également en évidence une division dans les représentations basées sur la version (fonctionnaliste ou intentionnaliste) de cette histoire, ainsi que des différences de représentations selon le groupe ethnique d’appartenance (Africain ou Antillais). / The transatlantic slave trade has never been studied in a criminology way. In fact, with the exception to history, few disciplines in the social sciences and human studies have made interest to study the surrounding events of the slave trade. However, recent studies have begun to seize the multiple victimizations (physical and psychological attacks) undergone by Blacks during the transatlantic slave trade. We postulate that criminology can also contribute to a better understanding of the transatlantic slave trade, therefore, this study aims to evaluate Afro-descendants perceptions of the transatlantic slave trade victimizations and effects. The qualitative interview data clearly illustrates that the slave trade does not belong to the past. It is quite the contrary, the slave trade is still vivid on the spirits and the hearts. The atlantic slave trade effects hit the Afro-descendants in their daily life by means of low self esteem, low self confidence, skin color hierarchy, internal racism and self hatred. Consequently, all respondents argue for, at least, a form of reparation (monetary, ethical or political, historical, educational, pscychological, diplomatic) for the atlantic slave trade and its consequences. The data, moreover, shows that there is a division in the representations of the atlantic slave trade between those who believe the functionalist approach and those who believe the intentionalist approach, and also differences of representations according to the ethnic group (African or Carraibean).

Dans la foulée de leur colonisation de l’Amérique aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, les Français ont dressé des inventaires des ressources du territoire occupé ou convoité. Apte à décrire toute cette richesse, l’histoire naturelle devint ainsi un savoir colonial par excellence et l’un des rouages centraux de la « machine coloniale » française. Aussi, le legs textuel de cette activité est-il considérable et diverses perspectives s’y expriment : un entreprenant colon, par exemple, ne verra pas les ressources de la Louisiane de la même façon qu’un officiel métropolitain de passage ou qu’un botaniste en mission. Mais le regard colonisateur est largement partagé et tous ces textes, ou presque, font acte d’appropriation des plantes, minéraux et animaux américains. La place ménagée aux indigènes et aux esclaves – qu’ils soient d’origine autochtone ou afro-américaine – comme acteurs dans le processus de création de savoir est variable selon le contexte et l’auteur. Ce mémoire se penche sur un petit nombre de textes éloquents tirés du corpus de l’histoire naturelle des colonies d’Amérique continentales françaises. Sont étudiés de près quatre auteurs qui ont œuvré ou qui ont été de passage au Canada (Kalm), en Guyane française (Barrère) et en Louisiane (Le Page du Pratz et Dumont de Montigny). Nous examinons dans un premier temps les différents contextes d’acquisition de savoirs. Par la suite, l’analyse portera sur leurs inventaires respectifs des ressources coloniales, puis leur façon de traiter leurs sources. Finalement, nous concluons cette recherche sur les manières dont ces naturalistes-écrivains transmettront à leurs lecteurs européens leurs connaissances nouvellement acquises et la portée de la diffusion que leurs écrits connaîtront. / Following their colonization of America in the 17th and 18th centuries, the French drew up inventories for the resources of the occupied or coveted territory. Being able to describe all this wealth, natural history thus became the ultimate colonial knowledge and one of the central cogs of the French Colonial Machine. Also, the textual legacy of this activity is considerable and various points of view are taken into account: an enterprising settler, for example, will not see Louisiana’s resources in the same way as a travelling metropolitan official or a botanist on assignment. However, the colonial perspective is widely spread and all these texts, or almost all of them, are evidence of the appropriation of American plants, minerals and animals. The position of indigenous people and slaves – whether of indigenous or African-American origin – as actors in the process of knowledge creation depends on the context and the author’s stance. This thesis focuses on a small number of compelling texts from the natural history corpus of the French mainland colonies in America. Four authors who worked in or visited Canada (Kalm), French Guiana (Barrère) and Louisiana (Le Page du Pratz and Dumont de Montigny) are studied in depth. We first examine the different contexts of knowledge acquisition. Subsequently, we analyze the colonial resources inventories available at that time and how the sources are managed. Lastly, we conclude by looking at how these naturalist writers transmit to their European readers their newly acquired knowledge and the impact that their work will have.

La redéfinition des conditions d’exercice de la souveraineté aérienne des États membres, par un transfert progressif de compétences au profit de l’Union européenne, ne peut être analysée uniquement en termes de dépossession et de réduction de leur puissance individuelle. Les compétences aériennes confiées à l’Union permettent l’affirmation de l’ensemble européen sur la scène internationale. Ce processus, mouvant et encore inachevé, se traduit par une prise en compte accrue de la spécificité européenne en matière d’aviation civile. Malgré des réticences certaines émanant aussi bien des États membres que des États tiers, l’Union s’érige progressivement au rang d’acteur de poids, capable d’influencer le contenu normatif du droit aérien contemporain, de la même manière que le font les puissances aériennes traditionnelles et notamment les États-Unis. Ces nouvelles tendances, révélatrices de la souplesse et de la plasticité de la convention de Chicago, permettent de dresser des perspectives quant aux possibles évolutions futures de l’ordre international de l’aviation civile. / The way in which the Member States have redefined the conditions regarding how they exercise their air sovereignty, by progressively transferring power to the European Union, cannot be viewed solely as them removing and reducing their individual powers. The powers conferred to the European Union in aviation matters are resulting in an affirmation of the international role of Europe as a whole. This on-going, and as yet incomplete process, may be seen in a greater recognition of the specific European aspect regarding Civil Aviation. In spite of the hesitance of Member States and non-member States, the European Union has progressively taken its place among the key players, able to influence developments in modern aviation law, in the same way as other established aviation authorities and especially the United States. These new trends reveal the flexibility and elasticity of the Chicago Convention and the potential future developments in International Civil Aviation.