This thesis considers how Samson Occom and Joseph Johnson, Mohegan writers in Early America, used the hymns of English hymnodist, Isaac Watts. Each chapter traces how either Samson Occom or Joseph Johnson's adapted Isaac Watts's hymns for Native communities and how these texts are sites of affective sovereignty.

Orifice of Return is a collection of poetry that posits Black femme bodies as living and breathing archives, corporeal manifestations of intuitive and intellectual claims at survival. The poems in this collection illustrate the multifaceted nature of my craft, through which the personal, the collective, and the political are commingled, but wrestling forces. As Audre Lorde declares, there are many kinds of open, the poems of this collection are orifices, textual portals, spatial and temporal fissures, and entryways into Black past, present, and future. These poems use received forms (the ghazal, the ode, the cento, the obverse, litany, etc.) and employ stylistic devices like (direct address, song lyrics, colloquial speech and slang, etc.) These poems interrogate histories and imagine speculative futures for Black folks. They exist in lineage— familial, imagined, literary ancestral, and with the theoretical underpinnings of Black feminist hauntology and Toni Morrison's "rememory." Some of these poems are lyrically driven, while others are performance and rhythmically driven— all facing inwards and outwards, aware of the world they exist in. / Master of Fine Arts / ORIFICE OF RETURN is a poetry collection.

This thesis discusses contemporary Scottish crime fiction in light of its transatlantic contexts. It argues that, despite participating in a globalized popular genre, examples of Scottish crime fiction nevertheless meaningfully intervene in notions of Scottishness. The first chapter examines Scottish appropriations of the hard-boiled mode in the work of William McIlvanney, Ian Rankin, and Irvine Welsh, using their representation of traditional masculinity as an index for wider concerns about community, class, and violence. The second chapter examines examples of Scottish crime fiction that exploit the baroque aesthetics of gothic and noir fiction as a means of dealing with the same socio-political contexts. It argues that the work of Iain Banks and Louise Welsh draws upon a tradition of distinctively Scottish gothic in order to articulate concerns about the re-incursion of barbarism within contemporary civilized societies. The third chapter examines the parodic, carnivalesque aspects of contemporary Scottish crime fiction in the work of Christopher Brookmyre and Allan Guthrie. It argues that the structure of parody replicates the structure of genre, meaning that the parodic examples dramatize the textual processes at work in more central examples of Scottish crime fiction. The fourth chapter focuses on examples of Scottish crime fiction that participate in the culturally English golden-age and soft-boiled traditions. Unpacking the darker, more ambivalent aspects of these apparently cosy and genteel traditions, this final chapter argues that the novels of M. C. Beaton and Kate Atkinson obliquely refract the particularly Scottish concerns about modernity that the more central examples more openly express.

Scholars from various disciplines have demonstrated that popular culture factored significantly in Cold War contestation. As a pervasive form of cultural content and unifying medium for baby boomers worldwide, pop music played an important part in the power struggle between the era’s two adversarial camps. Historical studies of the past thirty years have identified initiatives of cultural diplomacy, from radio broadcasting to live concert tours, as key to disseminating Western music in Eastern Bloc societies. This project explains how cultural commerce across the divide of the Iron Curtain familiarized millions of music fans in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with popular sounds from the United States, the United Kingdom, and other Western democracies. Detailing a process that affected all Bloc states in similar ways, it seeks to enrich the scholarly discourse on the role of pop culture in the twentieth century’s defining ideological conflict. Through analysis of previously unavailable or inaccessible sources, the dissertation reconstructs the economic development of a communist culture industry and measures the commercial significance of Western commodities in one Eastern Bloc marketplace. Drawing on untapped archival files, it traces the evolution of Deutsche Schallplatten (German Records) from a small private firm into a flagship enterprise on the GDR’s cultural circuit. It illuminates how dependency on technology and resources from capitalist countries prompted East Germany’s managers to prioritize the westward export of classical recordings for the purpose of earning hard currencies. Based on oral histories of contemporary witnesses, it documents how the Amiga label through the parent company’s business ties to capitalist partners advanced the import of Western jazz, blues, rock, pop, and dance music to exhaust the purchasing power of the home audience. Empirically evaluating formerly classified production data for a total of 143 million records, it reveals how the state-owned monopolist engineered a de facto takeover of the domestic marketplace by American, British, and West German performers to achieve high profitability. The dissertation argues that intensifying Westernization of its walled-in music market exemplified the GDR’s decision to concede the Cold War battle over cultural preferences and political loyalties of its citizens out of economic necessity.

Questo lavoro analizza le relazioni tra Stati Uniti ed alleati europei dal 1989 ad oggi, con particolare approfondimento del periodo successivo all'undici settembre 2001. L'ipotesi di ricerca è basata sulla convinzione che gli attentati del 2001 abbiano avuto un impatto fondamentale sulla relazione euro-atlantica, accelerando tendenze centrifughe già presenti nel rapporto. La tesi è composta da un'analisi storica, da sette capitoli e dalle conclusioni. L'analisi storica esamina i cambiamenti strutturali nella relazione transatlantica dopo il 1989. I capitoli 1 e 2 presentano le correnti politiche determinanti nel formulare la politica estera americana dopo il 2001, con particolare riferimento al movimento neoconservatore. I capitoli 3 e 4 analizzano la definizione di impero moderno , la questione se gli Stati Uniti siano o meno un impero e la possibilità che l'Unione europea (UE) diventi una superpotenza. I capitoli 5, 6 e 7 approfondiscono tre nodi gordiani : il futuro della NATO; la Russia tra Stati Uniti e UE; e la relazione triangolare tra Stati Uniti, Cina e UE. Infine, le conclusioni riassumono le debolezze del rapporto tra Stati Uniti ed alleati europei, evidenziano come esse siano peggiorate dopo gli attentati del 2001 e presentano i pericoli in cui la relazione potrebbe incorrere in futuro. / This dissertation studies the relationship between the United States and its European allies from the end of the Cold War to the present, with a focus on the period following the terror attacks on September 11, 2001. The primary conclusion is that 9/11 accelerated divisive trends within transatlantic alliance. The dissertation has an historical introduction, seven chapters and the conclusions. The historical introduction analyzes the structural changes occurred within the transatlantic relationship after 1989. Chapters 1 and 2 discuss the political movements and ideas that shaped American foreign policy after 9/11, with a focus on the neoconservative movement. Chapters 3 and 4 define the idea of modern empire ; its use in reference to the United States; and the idea that the European Union is becoming a superpower able to counterbalance the United States. Chapters 5, 6 and 7 focus on three looming challenges within the transatlantic relationship: the future of NATO; relations with Russia; and the rise of China. The conclusions summarize the weaknesses of the relationship between the United States and its European allies; highlight how they deteriorated after 9/11; and describe the dangers that lay ahead for the transatlantic alliance.

Le journal «Le Monde est un témoin voire un acteur de la vie de la République et de ses relations avec ses partenaires étrangers, à commencer par le plus important et le plus influent d’entre eux : les États-Unis d’Amérique. Cette thèse analyse d’une part l’image de ce pays dans les articles du «Monde». Elle s’intéresse à la place consacrée aux États-Unis, à leur relation avec le reste du monde, à leur image économique et à leur niveau de développement, à la description de leur société et de leur peuple, à l’image de leur système démocratique et enfin à l’image de leur puissance. Cette thèse étudie d’autre part la relation entre les États-Unis et la rédaction du «Monde» au sens large, c’est-à-dire journalistes et direction, durant les soixante-dix années écoulées depuis sa création, au fil des administrations présidentielles américaines. Elle montre comment les directeurs successifs et les principaux rédacteurs concernés connaissent et apprécient ce pays, comment est réalisée la couverture de l’Amérique par le journal. Elle étudie les rapports entre la rédaction du «Monde» et les autorités américaines, comment celles-ci accueillent, informent, essaient d’influencer ouvertement ou non le journal et ses équipes. Au delà, elle montre comment la direction du «Monde» s’inspire des États-Unis et de leur presse. Elle étudie enfin la ligne éditoriale du journal sur les États-Unis. Trois grandes périodes se dessinent, la première correspond à la direction d’Hubert Beuve-Méry qui marque durablement le journal de son souci d’indépendance matérielle et éditoriale. Ses successeurs essaient de maintenir son héritage tandis que l’Amérique divise la rédaction. Après la chute du mur de Berlin, une nouvelle génération, moderne, transforme le regard du journal sur l’Amérique, alors que le numérique révolutionne les médias. / The newspaper «Le Monde» gives testimony, and is almost an actor, of the French Republic and its relations to foreign partners, the most important and influential of which is the United States of America. On one hand we will look into the image given by this country throughout « Le Monde »’s articles. We will consider how the United States are being covered, the way they relate to the rest of the world, the way their economy is valued, their level of development, the description of their society and their people, the image given by their democracy and their power. On the other hand we will watch the acquaintances between the United States and « Le Monde »’s editorial staff in a broad way, that is journalists and directors, from its foundation along the seventy following years and the various US administrations, which will show how the successive directors of the newspaper and the main journalists have had a genuine knowledge and esteem for this country. We will also learn the way America is covered through the designing of the newspaper. We will see how the editorial staff and the american authorities intermate, the way the latter greet and convey informations in an attempt to influence, openly or not, «Le Monde»’s protagonists ans beyond this, how the directors of the newspaper are inspired by the United States and the american press. Last but not least, we will look into the editorial line «Le Monde» choses to refer to the United States. Three major periods will emerge, the first one of which corresponds to Hubert Beuve-Méry’s management with a longlasting concern ever since for financial and editorial independance. His successors will try to keep on with his heritage while America is dividing the editorial staff. After the fall of the Berlin wall the new generation will modify the vision « Le Monde » had of America whereas the digital technologies start revolutionizing the media.

The colonists living in the new United States after the American War for Independence were faced with the problem of forming new identities once they could no longer recognize themselves, collectively or individually, as subjects of Great Britain. After the French Revolution American politicians began to weed out the more radical political elements of the newly formed United States, particularly by painting one of the revolution’s biggest defenders, Thomas Paine, as unworthy of the attention he received during the American War for Independence, and fear ran throughout the states that an anarchic revolution like the French Revolution could bring the downfall of the nation. State, local, and regional organizations sprang up to fight Jacobinism, the legendary secret group of murderers and anarchists that fought against the French government. This distressing situation gave rise to new literature that sought to describe the “real” origins and background of Jacobinism in the War in Heaven and in Eden, and a new movement against Jacobinism was established. Fears about the organization of secret societies did not wane in the decades after the French Revolution, but worsened in the last half of the 1820s when a Freemason, William Morgan, disappeared under mysterious circumstances in connection to an exposé of Masonry he had written. Most Americans assumed that Freemasons had abducted and murdered Morgan in order to keep their oaths and rites secret. One influential early American who was influenced by this socio-historical was Joseph Smith, Jr., the founding prophet of Mormonism. Smith interpreted the Eden narrative in light of the movement against secret societies, and literary motifs common to anti-Jacobin literature during the period provided language and interpretive strategies for understanding the Eden narrative that would influence how Smith produced his new scripture. Only a few months after the publication of the Book of Mormon Smith edited the version of Eden found there into the text of the Bible itself and made the biblical narrative conform to the version found in the Book of Mormon through his own revisions and additions.

Den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i Norden var under kalla kriget låst i kampen mellan öst och väst. Detta innebar att respektive lands möjligheter att fritt välja säkerhetsstrategi var begränsad. Först efter slutet på kalla kriget öppnade sig denna möjlighet och länderna kunde även se sig om efter nya samarbeten och partners. Nya säkerhetsstrategier utarbetas i Sverige och Norge där det internationella åtagandet stärks och nya samarbeten utvecklas med bland annat det nordiska försvarssamarbetet. När Ryssland i och med sitt agerande i Georgien och Ukraina återigen börjar utgöra ett potentiellt hot börjar det territoriella försvaret hamna i fokus igen. Den nya säkerhetspolitiska situationen leder till ett militärt samarbete mellan Sverige och Finland som bland annat involverar försvarsplanering för skyddandet av det andra landets territorium. Men ett sådant samarbete uppstår inte mellan Sverige och Norge. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka och beskriva likheter och skillnader i svensk- och norsk säkerhetsstrategi sedan förändringen i omvärldsläget 2008 och vidare beskriva eventuella möjligheter för utvidgade försvars- och militära samarbeten mellan Sverige och Norge, liknande det som finns mellan Sverige och Finland. Studien använder sig av kvalitativ textanalys applicerat på norska och svenska försvarsbeslut, propositioner eller underlag inför dessa. För att kunna svara på studiens syfte och frågeställningar används två olika teorier, en per frågeställning, som appliceras på textanalysens resultat. Studiens viktigaste resultat består i att de slående likheterna mellan svensk och norsk säkerhetsstrategi beror på den gemensamma strategiska miljö som länderna befinner sig i samt att hoten i den förändrade omvärlden tolkas likvärdigt. De största likheterna mellan de två ländernas utformade säkerhetsstrategier finns i de säkerhetspolitiska målen samt de tillgången till nationella medel och resurser. Den största skillnaden mellan länderna rör vald metod att genomföra sin strategi på, där Norge för en tydlig allianspolitik och bygger sitt nationella försvar kring Nato medan Sverige väljer att stå militärt alliansfritt och samarbeta genom bilaterala avtal. Denna skillnad är också den faktor som starkast negativt påverkar förutsättningarna för ett mer utvecklat militärt samarbete länderna emellan. Utöver frågan kring Nato finns det goda möjligheter för vidare militära samarbeten främst genom gemensamma förband för internationella operationer. / During the Cold War, the security situation in the Nordic countries was fixed in the battle between the East and the West. This meant that each country's ability to freely choose a security strategy was limited. Only after the end of the Cold War did this opportunity emerge and the countries could look for new partnerships. New security strategies were developed in Sweden and Norway, where the international commitment was strengthened and new collaborations were being developed, for example the Nordic defence cooperation. When Russia begun to pose a potential threat with its actions in Georgia and Ukraine, territorial defence rose in priority. The new security situation leads to enhanced military cooperation between Sweden and Finland, which involves, among other things, military planning for the protection of the other country's territory. But no such cooperation develops between Sweden and Norway. The purpose of this study is to investigate and define similarities and differences in the Swedish and Norwegian security strategies since the change in the external situation in 2008 and further describe possible opportunities for enhanced defence and military cooperations between Sweden and Norway, similar to the ones existing between Sweden and Finland. The study uses a qualitative text analysis applied to Norwegian and Swedish defence decisions, acts or reports. To be able to answer the study's purpose and questions, two different theories are being used, one per each question, which is applied to the results of the text analysis. The most significant result of this study is that the most prominent similarities in Swedish and Norwegian security strategies are results of a shared view of the strategic environment and new threats from changes in the external situation is interpreted likewise in both nations. The most notable similarities are found in the stated strategic ends for each country’s security strategy and the national means in assets and capabilities they both possess. The biggest difference between the two are in which ways they operate in the strategic environment, where Norway has chosen NATO as the foundation of their national defence and Sweden stands as non-allied military state depending on bilateral agreements for cooperation. This difference is also the most vital factor negatively effecting the possibilities for enhanced military cooperation between the two countries. Apart from the issue surrounding NATO there are relatively good possibilities for further military cooperation, primarily thru joint military units for international operations.

No description available.

La traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique n’ont jamais été étudiés d’un point de vue criminologique. En fait, à part l’histoire, peu de disciplines des sciences sociales et humaines se sont intéressées aux évènements qui constituent la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique. Toutefois, de récentes recherches commencent à se pencher sur les séquelles résultant des multiples victimisations (agressions physiques et psychologiques) subies par les Noirs durant la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique. Nous postulons que la criminologie peut également contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de ces évènements. Ainsi, cette étude vise à sonder les perceptions des Afro-descendants sur les victimisations et les conséquences de la traite et de l’esclavage négriers transatlantique. L’analyse des entretiens réalisés démontrent clairement que la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique n’appartiennent pas seulement au passé. Au contraire, la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique restent présents dans les esprits et les cœurs. Ils sont surtout perçus comme une source de victimisations actuelles touchant la communauté africaine et antillaise tels que la faible confiance en soi, la faible estime de soi, la hiérarchie de la couleur, le racisme interne…Aussi, tous les répondants plaident pour au moins une forme de réparation (pécuniaire et monétaire, éthique ou politique, historique, éducative, psychologique, diplomatique) des conséquences de la traite et l’esclavage négriers transatlantique. Les entrevues mettent également en évidence une division dans les représentations basées sur la version (fonctionnaliste ou intentionnaliste) de cette histoire, ainsi que des différences de représentations selon le groupe ethnique d’appartenance (Africain ou Antillais). / The transatlantic slave trade has never been studied in a criminology way. In fact, with the exception to history, few disciplines in the social sciences and human studies have made interest to study the surrounding events of the slave trade. However, recent studies have begun to seize the multiple victimizations (physical and psychological attacks) undergone by Blacks during the transatlantic slave trade. We postulate that criminology can also contribute to a better understanding of the transatlantic slave trade, therefore, this study aims to evaluate Afro-descendants perceptions of the transatlantic slave trade victimizations and effects. The qualitative interview data clearly illustrates that the slave trade does not belong to the past. It is quite the contrary, the slave trade is still vivid on the spirits and the hearts. The atlantic slave trade effects hit the Afro-descendants in their daily life by means of low self esteem, low self confidence, skin color hierarchy, internal racism and self hatred. Consequently, all respondents argue for, at least, a form of reparation (monetary, ethical or political, historical, educational, pscychological, diplomatic) for the atlantic slave trade and its consequences. The data, moreover, shows that there is a division in the representations of the atlantic slave trade between those who believe the functionalist approach and those who believe the intentionalist approach, and also differences of representations according to the ethnic group (African or Carraibean).