This study aims to describe and compare the differences and similarities for US mainstream media’s representation of two different coup attempts by using Robert Entman’s Framing theory in terms of legitimacy. The chosen cases are the coup attempt in Turkey (2016) which is an US ally, having a right-wing government and the coup attempt in Venezuela (2002) which has a strained relationship with the US and having left-wing government. The research applies qualitative approach to conduct a small-n case study for comparing and analyzing how the media framed the legitimacy of acts and actors during these two coup attempts. This is an attempt to describe the problematization of theory becoming practice for the US mainstream media regarding the presentation of what is legitimate and what is not. The definition of legitimacy is very clear, but the US mainstream media have issues to reflect this definition to the reality.

En Turquie, la conscription est un principe à valeur constitutionnelle qui est considéré comme un droit et un devoir pour chaque citoyen turc de sexe masculin. Ce dernier est dans l’obligation de servir sous les drapeaux l’année où il atteint ses vingt ans, même s’il réside à l’étranger. Par ailleurs, le lecteur serait peut-être surpris de savoir que ces rites festifs ne découlent pas de la mise en place du service obligatoire en 1924, ils étaient quasi inexistants avant les années 1990 et leur apparition coïncide avec la contre-insurrection contre les séparatistes kurdes dans le sud-est du pays.L’objet de ce travail est précisément de comprendre la conscription (askerlik) à partir des années 1980 comme expérience socialisatrice pour les conscrits, comblant un vide dans les études, pourtant nombreuses, qui portent sur l’armée turque. / No English summary available

Ce travail de recherche porte sur l’étude de la structuration et du développement de la PME en Turquie. L’objectif est de mettre en exergue une définition de la dynamique de la PME à travers les membres de TUSKON (confédération d’entrepreneurs et d’hommes d’affaires), en relation avec leurs motivations de réussite économique dans le cadre d’une recherche spirituelle approfondie par leurs engagements dans les projets socio-éducatifs du mouvement Hizmet (mouvement socioreligieux). TUSKON propose une vision spécifique du rapport islam /modernité par rapport à celle de MÜSİAD, une association d’hommes d’affaires islamique. Notre étude s’appuie sur des entretiens et une enquête sociologique réalisés auprès des membres de l’association BUGİAD à Bursa, nous permettant de retracer l’évolution sociohistorique de TUSKON et ainsi voir comment la dynamique de la PME se trouve influencée par la piété et l’engagement de son patron dans un mouvement socio-religieux. / This research focuses on the study of the structure and development of SMEs in TURKEY, through the influence of a socio-religious mouvement called Hizmet. The aim is to highlight a definition of the dynamics of SMEs accross member of TUSKON (Turkish confederation of businessmen and industrialists), in relation to their motivations for economic success in the context of a spiritual depth research by their commitments in Hizmet movement's socio-educational projects.TUSKON offers a specific vision of islam /modernity report compared to that of MÜSIAD, anassociation of islamic businessmen. Our study is based on interviews and a sociological survey conducted among members of the BUGIAD association (member of TUSKON) in BURSA, allowing us to trace the evolution of socio-historical of TUSKON and sees how the dynamics of SMEs is influenced by the piety and the commitment of his boss in a socio-religious movement.

Vers fin de 2002 et début 2003, la Turquie a adopté une diplomatie active au Moyen-Orient dans un cadre de désordre et de déséquilibre de force entre les différentes puissances. Notre point de départ est l'arrivée d'une nouvelle élite en tant qu'événement instigateur et accélérateur de la reconstruction du rôle de puissance régionale. L'analyse de la politique arabe de la Turquie a recours aux notions du «rôle national» et de «puissance régionale» comme un binôme complémentaire visant à déterminer les préceptes fondateurs de la politique régionale turque en termes de source de projection, de dynamiques d'action et d'intérêt national. A partir de ce cadre théorique et de notre enquête de terrain, nous présentons une analyse critique de la littérature et une reconsidération des fondements épistémologiques et ontologique du processus de conceptualisation en Relations Internationales, notamment du terme de « puissance régionale ». L'apport de cette thèse au niveau méthodologique, en termes de définition d'un cadre conceptuel approprié à la théorisation et aux spécificités des études de cas traités, permet de reformuler la politique arabe en tant que dynamique de renaissance d'une nouvelle Turquie. En affirmant un rôle de puissance régionale, l'AKP dispose d'un répertoire d'action plus affirmé et autonome qui concilie les exigences du rôle régional avec ses alliés occidentaux et voisins d'une part ainsi que ses intérêts nationaux d'autre part. La politique arabe présente un microcosme de la politique étrangère turque et détermine comment la Turquie a émergé en tant que puissance régionale au niveau global, à partir de l'embryon militaro-séculier / By the end of 2002 and the beginning of 2003, Turkey adopted an active diplomacy in the Middle East in a context of instability and persistent rivalry between different powers. This study considers the arrival of a new political “conservative” elite as an instigator and accelerator event in the reconstruction of the Turkish role as a regional power. The analysis of the Arab policy of Turkey is based on a conceptual framework that relies on two complementary notions, the “national role” and the “regional power.” Both determine the founding precepts of the Turkish regional policy in terms of source of projection, dynamics of action and national interest. In light of this theoretical framework and the field work undertaken on the Arab policy, this study adopts a critical analysis of the literature. By reconsidering the conceptualization process in the International Relations discipline, the thesis focuses on the term of “regional power role” in order to conceal the epistemological and ontological deficiencies in different theoretical concepts that aim to understand world politics like “regional power.” Accordingly, this study provides a different method in theorizing by formulating a conceptual framework that is more adapted to global politics' reality in terms of considering the specificities of the different cases and the various configurations of regional powers. By relying on the “regional power role”, the Arab policy analysis reveals the emergence of a new Turkey. A more assertive and autonomous diplomacy is adopted by the AKP that conciles the exigencies of this role with its Western allies and neighbours from one side and its national interests from the other side

La thèse porte sur la manière dont la figure du Juif est perçue et représentée dans le discours islamiste en Turquie entre 1946 et 1980, alors que la pensée et le mouvement islamiste évoluent d’un courant de pensée vers une politique active. Choisie à dessein, cette période permet d’appréhender la manière dont la pensée islamiste commence à apparaître plus librement, depuis l’avènement du système démocratique en 1946 jusqu’au coup d’État de 1980 qui interrompt, pour un temps, la vie politique en Turquie. Essentiellement fondée sur l’activité de la presse islamiste de l’époque, cette étude observe comment la pensée islamiste crée et incorpore ses propres concepts antisémites dans sa vision de la chute de l’Empire Ottoman et des réformes modernistes, qui débutent sous l’ère des Tanzimat et composent plus tard le socle de la République turque. Dans cette perspective, la place de la communauté Dönme est observée car décrite comme une « communauté juive secrète » responsable du mouvement de modernisation, lequel est considéré comme hostile aux valeurs islamiques traditionnelles. Nous examinerons comment les relations turco-israéliennes et arabo-israéliennes affectent la perception des Juifs, en particulier à partir de la guerre des Six Jours, et comment l'islamisme turc s’est imprégné des penseurs islamistes arabes, surtout durant les années soixante. Enfin, la recherche se concentre sur la façon dont les théories du complot tirées du discours antisémite européen, telles que la domination mondiale par les juifs, se transforment en outil de propagande politique du discours islamiste dès lors que l’Islamisme fait son entrée en politique au cours des années soixante-dix. / The subject of the thesis centers around how the Jew as a figure is seen and represented in the Islamist discourse in Turkey throughout the years between 1946 and 1980 while the Islamist thinking and movement is developing from an intellectual form to a politically active one. This particular period is chosen with a view to analyzing how the Islamist thinking starts to manifest itself more freely after the transition to democratic system in 1946 until the coup d’état of 1980, which interrupts the political life in Turkey for a certain period. Taking as its reference the Islamist press activity during the era, the research studies how the Islamist thinking created its own antisemitic concepts in its perception of the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the modernist reforms, which began in the Tanzimat era and later composed the identity of the newly created Turkish Republic. In this connection, the thesis also studies the "Dönme community", perceived as a "secret jewish community" by the Islamist discourse and held responsible for the modernization movement, which is seen as hostile towards traditional Islamic values. The research also discusses how the Turkish-Israeli and Arab-Israeli relations affect the perception of Jews especially around the period of the Six Days War, also helping to see how the Arab Islamist thinkers became more influential over the Turkish Islamism particularly in the sixties. Moreover, the research focuses on how the conspiracy theories regenerating from the European antisemitic discourse, such as Jewish world domination, transforms into a political propaganda tool for the Islamic discourse, especially in the seventies once the Islamism enters into the political arena.

O controle sobre recursos naturais como o petróleo e o gás representa um aspecto de fundamental importância no relacionamento entre países. Sendo majoritariamente controlada pelo Estado, o gerenciamento que as National Oil Companies (NOCs) fazem desses recursos possibilita sua utilização como uma ferramenta de política externa. Com o aumento dos preços dos hidrocarbonetos no mercado internacional a partir de 2000, o restabelecimento das NOCs passou a constituir uma nova possibilidade para se projetar poder em âmbito global. Nesse contexto, buscou-se, neste trabalho, analisar a eficácia da atuação da principal NOC russa, a Gazprom, para a política externa de Moscou. Para tanto, foram investigadas as relações da Rússia com quatro países: Alemanha, Ucrânia, China e Turquia. A conclusão é a de que a operacionalização da Gazprom pelo governo russo tem gerado resultados positivos para o país, ainda que tais resultados não alcancem todos os casos. Verificou-se que, em diferentes níveis, Alemanha, China e Turquia têm evitado contrapor-se diretamente a Moscou, sendo a Alemanha o caso mais significativo. A forte dependência alemã do gás natural russo tem mitigado uma postura hostil a Moscou, independentemente do partido que esteja à frente do governo. No caso da China, a dependência dos hidrocarbonetos russos também desempenha um papel importante na relação bilateral, embora outros interesses, ademais de questões energéticas, constituam igualmente fatores de aproximação e convergência. Em relação à Turquia, embora a dependência energética dos recursos russos seja também significativa nesse país, a localização estratégica do território turco tem permitido a Ancara barganhar vantagens econômicos junto a Moscou, abrandando, em certa medida, o poder da Gazprom. A Ucrânia, por sua vez, é um caso claramente dissonante: mesmo com a forte dependência deste país do gás natural russo, a política externa de Kiev tem assumido posturas manifestadamente contrárias aos interesses de Moscou. / Control over natural resources such as oil and gas is an aspect of fundamental importance in the relationship between countries. Being mostly controlled by the state, through National Oil Companies (NOCs), the management of these resources makes it possible for countries to use them as a foreign policy tool. With the increase in the prices of hydrocarbons in the international market since 2000, the reestablishment of NOCs became a new possibility of projecting power at a global level. In this context, the aim of this work is to analyze the effectiveness of the main Russian NOC, Gazprom, for Russian foreign policy. To this end, Russian relations with four countries, Germany, Ukraine, China and Turkey, were investigated. The conclusion is that Gazprom\'s management by Moscow has generated positive results for the country, although such positive results do not cover all cases. It has been found that, at different levels, Germany, China and Turkey have avoided opposing Moscow directly, with Germany being the most significant case. Germany\'s heavy dependence on Russian natural gas helps to mitigate any hostile stance against Moscow, regardless of which party is in office. In the case of China, dependence on Russian hydrocarbons also plays an important role in the bilateral relationship, but other factors, in addition to energy issues, contribute to their approximation and convergence. In the case of Turkey, although dependence on Russian energy is also high, Turkey\'s strategic location has allowed Ankara to bargain with Moscow, softening, to some extent, Gazprom\'s power. Ukraine, in turn, is a clearly a dissonant case: even with a strong dependence on Russian natural gas, Kiev has taken stances that are manifestly contrary to the interests of Moscow.

In the last decade, the number of mergers and acquisitions (M&A) activities by emerging market firms has rapidly increased to exploit growing markets at home and abroad. In order to be successful in their M&A goals, these firms need to develop a specific M&A capability and manage post-M&A processes effectively. Drawing on the dynamic capabilities view, I develop a theoretical framework for emerging market acquirers that outlines the development of the acquisition capability mechanisms. I first examine the influence of prior acquisition experience on acquisition performance. I then go on to study the integration capability of emerging market firms and examine the effect of post-M&A integration strategies on the performance of acquisitions by emerging market firms. The overall results indicate that a firm‘s focal acquisition performance positively relates to prior acquisition experience that is similar to the focal acquisition. Moreover, post-M&A integration strategies vary depending on the geographical similarity of the focal acquisition. Replacing the target‘s top manager is a particularly important determinant of acquisition performance in domestic M&A. Finally, in this research, I also extend the organisational learning view and develop a multi-level analysis that examines the role of business groups alongside firm-level learning from acquisitions. The usual focus in emerging market studies is on the big emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC). I focus instead on the country case of Turkey, one of the second tier of ―biggish‖ growing economies of ―MIST‖ (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea and Turkey). The empirical results are based on a unique hand-collected dataset of acquisitions in Turkey culled from publicly available data. The final dataset consists of 279 acquisitions between 1998 and 2011.

Purpose: Finding which resources and capabilities are deployed among Istanbul-based apparel manufacturers, evaluating to what extent they are tangible, intangible as well as capabilities as well as lastly analysing them according to the valuable, rare, inimitable and non-substitutable framework. Design/methodology: The research design consists of a case study held at several firms. Empirical data was collected using semi-structured interviews. Empirical data: Empirical data was primarily collected at nine different apparel manufacturers within the greater Istanbul region. Conclusion: Conclusions show that within the bundles of resources and capabilities, a large variation was noted with high international competitiveness. However there are areas such as design and quality which could be continuously developed among firms. In the end, whatever bundle of resources and capabilities a firm has, it’s the end price that speaks. / Program: Textilekonomutbildningen

En 1973, Alain Peyrefitte publiait son livre intitulé : « Quand la Chine s’éveillera…le monde tremblera ! ». Ce titre prémonitoire s’inspirait d’une citation de Napoléon Ier. Aujourd’hui, le monde occidental doit adapter ses idéologies économiques, financières, politiques et sociales aux nouvelles structures émergentes telles que les « CHINDIA » (Chine et Inde), « BRIC » (Brésil, Russie, Inde et Chine), ou « VISTA » (Vietnam, Indonésie, Afrique du Sud, Turquie et Argentine). La cohabitation voire la coopération avec ces pays sont le nouveau défi du 21ème siècle. Cette thèse a pour objectif d’étudier les rapprochements d’entreprises grâce à la création de joint-ventures internationales. La question est de savoir : « Quels sont les déterminants de la performance des joint-ventures internationales entre pays développés et pays émergents, et plus particulièrement le cas de la Turquie ». L’originalité de cette recherche réside dans le fait de recueillir la perception du partenaire local turc sur son allié mais également sur sa structure commune. Le recueil et le traitement statistique de 123 questionnaires nous ont permis de répondre à cette question. En effet, le principal résultat a montré que la joint-venture internationale implantée en Turquie est plus performante lorsque les partenaires étrangers et locaux contribuent conjointement en termes d’objectifs, d’apports et de contrôles. / In 1973, Alain Peyrefitte published his book : « When China will wake up the world will tremble! ». This premonitory title was inspired by a quotation of Napoléon Bonaparte. The Western world may adapt its economic, financial, political and social ideologies to the new emerging structures such as « CHINDIA » (China and India), « BRIC » (Brazil, Russia, India and China), or « VISTA » (Vietnam, Indonesia, South Africa, Turkey and Argentina). Cohabitation and even cooperation between these countries are the new challenge of the 21st century. This thesis aims to study the closeness links between the firms thanks to the creation of international joint ventures. The question is : « What are the determinants of performance in international joint ventures between developed and emerging countries, and more especially in the case of Turkey ». The originality of this research consists in gathering the perception of local Turkish parent about its partner but also about his joint structure. The gathering and the statistical treatment of 123 questionnaires have allowed us to answer this question. In fact, the main result proved that the international joint venture in Turkey is more performant when foreign and local partners contribute jointly to objectives, contributions and controls.

L’essor de mouvements islamistes - ou d’inspiration islamiste - et de leurs activités dans le monde contemporain exige l’étude de leur finalité et de leur rôle. Les discours et activités de ces mouvements, qu’ils fussent sociopolitiques ou religieux, et leur relation avec le monde laïque, sont variables. Le présent travail vise à analyser l’émergence et le développement de l’un de ces mouvements en France, le réseau islamique turc transnational de Fethullah Gülen (GM). La thèse présente d’abord le contexte idéologique et historique dans lequel le mouvement de Gülen s’est développé. L’expérience turque de la laïcité (laiklik) a influencé la forme et la stratégie d’expansion du mouvement à l’étranger, notamment en France où le modernisme turc a influencé une implantation relativement restrictive du modèle français. La thèse s’attache à montrer l’étroite interconnexion qui existe entre les activités éducatives, sociales, culturelles et économiques avec la hiérarchie du mouvement en Turquie et à travers son réseau international. Elle met en lumière les éléments fondamentaux sur lesquels repose le mouvement : ses ressources humaines, ses organisations, ainsi que son pouvoir financier mais explique aussi le rôle de l’idéologie de Gülen dans la mobilisation sociale ainsi que dans ses actions de légitimation. Elle montre que le succès de Gülen en France relève de la subtilité de sa stratégie de développement: le facteur islamique est cultivé dans la sphère privée et soigneusement écarté de la sphère publique. Enfin, le présent travail montre que le mouvement de Gülen est ambigu et il questionne son identité proclamée de mouvement apolitique, alors que le mouvement s’est illustré récemment dans l’arène politique contre le gouvernement turc. La thèse clarifie le développement du mouvement en France sur la base du concept d’Islam apolitique, et le pouvoir de mobilisation de ce dernier, grâce à la théorie de mobilisation des ressources via la structure organisationnelle, ses activités d’adaptation et de légitimation et son réseau et organisation hiérarchique. / The rise of Islamic or Islamic-based movements and their activities in the contemporary world has required studying their aim and role. However, their discourses and activities, either as socio-political or as religious movements and their relation with the secular contemporary world are diverse. The present work aims to analyze the emergence and development of one of these movements in France, the transnational Turkish-Islamic based “Gülen Movement” (GM). The thesis presents first its ideological background and the historical context in which the GM grew. The experience of Turkish secularism (laiklik) influenced the form and the strategy of the GM abroad, especially in France where Turkish modernism influenced a relatively restrictive implementation of the French model. Then, it shows the close interconnection of the GM’s social, cultural educational and business activities in France, and the hierarchy of the Movement and its network at the national and international level. This thesis highlights the fundamental elements on which the Movement lays, human resources, organizations and financial power, and explains the role of the Movement leader’s ideology in human and social mobilization and legitimization activities. It shows that the GM’s success in France is due to a familiar formula in the installation process of its earlier development in Turkey as well as in other countries, and its capacity to balance visibility and invisibility of Islam respectively in the private and the public spheres. Finally, it shows that the GM has an ambiguous identity, and questions the future of a declared non-political movement, which recently illustrated itself in a political battle – still ongoing – with the current Turkish government. The thesis clarifies that the Movement’s development in France has been made possible by explaining the concept of non-political Islam, and its successful mobilization made possible by outlining resource mobilization theory through its opportunity organizational structure, adaptation/legitimization activities, and hierarchical/network organization.