This diploma thesis deals with the issue of the over-indebtedness of Czech households, its impacts and prevention methods. There are theories of education and consumerist society theories applied as basic theoretical concepts. The thesis analyses the scope and the over- indebtedness ways in the Czech Republic, it describes the causes and the implications of over- indebtedness of households and possibilities or over-indebtedness solution via the form of the debt relief. One of the possibilities how to prevent the over-indebtedness is to increase the financial literacy. The publically political tool used by the state is the financial education within the primary and secondary school systems. There was carried out a research in a particular family struggling with the over-indebtedness within this thesis. There was described the indebtedness origin and the development, the subsequent over-indebtedness and the way how to solve it. It was also described how the education for management of family finances was carried out, what the educational level of the married couple is and what the financial literacy level is. There was a questionnaire research performed within a secondary integrated school based on this research. The aim was to find out the relation among the final receivers of financial education to...

Réalisé en cotutelle avec l'Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense / L'émergence d'un « 'esprit' capitaliste » (Weber) en Angleterre et en France au tournant des XVIe-XVIIe siècles a favorisé la reconfiguration des rapports entre avaritia et cupiditas, qui déterminent tout le champ sémantique de l'usure et de l'intérêt. Cette thèse postule que cette évolution est sensible dans la comédie française et anglaise de l'époque, plus particulièrement chez les dramaturges qui ont marqué l'imaginaire collectif en mettant en scène des personnages avares. À partir d'un type comique issu à la fois du théâtre antique et du canon religieux bien établi dans l'Occident chrétien, l'appréhension nouvelle de l'argent comme objet et comme signe permet de construire une véritable figure moderne de l'avarice. Les protagonistes de chaque pièce, Shylock, Volpone (Mosca) et Harpagon, sont suspendus entre un or quasi divin, et l'univers plus ou moins connu de l'argent, medium en passe de devenir l'équivalent universel de tout bien, qu'ils pensent maîtriser grâce à leur trésor. S'ils s'intègrent parfaitement à la fluidité moderne des échanges économiques, culturels et sociaux, ils participent aussi à leur dévalorisation, par une activité et un discours proprement usuraires. Leur entourage tente de soumettre cette « labilité » des valeurs (Simmel) suscitée par l'économie de l'usurier-avare à un nouvel ordre, cosmique, éthique ou politique. Le conflit se résout devant la justice, instance discriminatoire externe et prétexte à la mise en abyme du jugement social. L'analyse des dénouements permet dès lors de comprendre le travail de chaque auteur sur la forme et la fonction de la comédie, à travers le texte, les genres, ou une esthétique de l'espace. Elle montre que chacun s'attache à valoriser l'apport de son art au public, dans une période de crise socio-économique. / The emergence of a capitalist ‘spirit’ (Weber) in England and France at the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries played a leading role in reconfiguring the relation between avaritia and cupiditas which determine the whole semantic field of usury and interest. This thesis postulates that this evolution is perceptible in French and British comedy at that time, in particular for some of the playwrights who staged miserly characters imprinted in our collective imagination. Starting from a comic type as common in Greek and Roman drama as it was in the well-established religious canon in the Christian West, a new understanding of money as object and as sign leads to the construction of a truly modern figure of avarice. Shylock, Volpone (Mosca) and Harpagon, hang on to a almost divine idea of gold and the more or less known world of money, medium they think they control through their treasure, and which is about to become the universal equivalent of any good. Those characters fit perfectly into this modern dynamic of economic, cultural and social exchanges, but they also contribute, with their strictly usurious speech, to its depreciation. Their entourage tries to tame this « lability » of values (Simmel) generated by the economy of the usurer-miser to a new order – a cosmic, ethical or political order. Conflicts are resolved by a court of law, external discriminatory authority and pretext for the mise-en-abyme of social judgment. The analysis of these denouements allows one to understand the work of each author in the comic form and function, through the text, the genres, or an aesthetic of space. It shows how much each author strived to value the contribution of his art to the public, in a time of socio-economic crisis.

Entre 1769 et 1789 le roi de France a émis des emprunts viagers et des tontines à des taux réels très supérieurs à ceux qu’il autorisait aux particuliers. Il l’a fait en connaissance de cause en offrant une prime de risque palliant la faiblesse de sa signature. Celle-ci était masquée par l’absence de table de mortalité et de tarif reconnus. Marginaux à l’origine, ces emprunts ont eu une première importance lors de la guerre de succession d’Espagne avec des rentes mixtes puis avec la consolidation des années 1720. Après une période de petits emprunts en classes d’âges, Ils sont revenus au premier plan des moyens d’endettement pendant la guerre de sept ans lorsque, en négligeant la table de Deparcieux, le roi emprunta en viager à un taux uniforme lors d’emprunts massifs, afin de capter les placements sur des têtes jeunes. Leur importance perdura après le conflit, et ils sont devenus un outil majeur des décennies suivantes, à l’impact financier croissant, par paix comme par guerre, au point de tenir le premier plan dans la dette publique à la veille de la révolution.Alors que genevois, génois et hollandais maitrisaient les règles rudimentaires de la mortalité et optimisaient avec plus ou moins d’efficacité leurs mises dans le viager de France, les nationaux ont ignoré les excellents apports académiques français dans ce domaine et, à l’exception des manieurs d’argent, ont eu un comportement bien moins efficace, aussi bien dans les emprunts publics que privés.Le viager a présenté les avantages et les inconvénients d’un marché trouble, où l’absence de règles affichées permet au roi comme aux particuliers de payer des primes de risque sans le montrer, mais où les personnes âgées sont lésées, et où ceux qui doivent revendre les contrats achetés ne peuvent le faire qu’à prix cassé.La progression du recours de l’état à ces emprunts n’est pas une marque d’incompétence mais d’une dégradation de son crédit pendant les trente ans qui précèdent la révolution, liée à un manque de ressource fiscale. / Between 1689 and 1789 France issued life annuities and tontines at true rates above what was permitted to private persons. This was made with plain knowledge by offering a risk premium palliating its weak creditworthiness, hidden by the absence of mortality table or accepted life annuities rates. Marginal at the beginning, these loans took a first importance during the war of Spanish succession with mixed annuities, then with the consolidation operations of the 1720s. After a period of small age-group loans, they came back at the forefront of ways to borrow during the seven years war when, neglecting Deparcieux’s life table, the king started to borrow at a uniform life rate in massive loans, trying to catch investments on young people. Their importance continued after this conflict, and they became a major tool for subsequent decades, with an increasing financial impact, by wartime like by peace, reaching the first rank of public debt at the eve of the revolution.Meanwhile Genevan, Genoese, and Dutch mastered the basic rules of mortality and optimized their investments in french life annuities with more or less efficiency, the nationals overlooked french first-class academic contributions in this field and, apart the business community, had far less efficient behaviours, as well for public or private loans.Life annuities had advantages and disadvantages of a murky market, where the lack of apparent rules allows the king or private person to pay risk premium without showing it, but where aged people suffer damage, and where those who have to assign their contract can do it only at a rock-bottom price.The progressive appeal of state at these toxic loans does not mean ineptitude but a heightening credit risk during the thirty years preceding the revolution, linked to a lack of tax based resource.

L'émergence d'un « 'esprit' capitaliste » (Weber) en Angleterre et en France au tournant des XVIe-XVIIe siècles a favorisé la reconfiguration des rapports entre avaritia et cupiditas, qui déterminent tout le champ sémantique de l'usure et de l'intérêt. Cette thèse postule que cette évolution est sensible dans la comédie française et anglaise de l'époque, plus particulièrement chez les dramaturges qui ont marqué l'imaginaire collectif en mettant en scène des personnages avares. À partir d'un type comique issu à la fois du théâtre antique et du canon religieux bien établi dans l'Occident chrétien, l'appréhension nouvelle de l'argent comme objet et comme signe permet de construire une véritable figure moderne de l'avarice. Les protagonistes de chaque pièce, Shylock, Volpone (Mosca) et Harpagon, sont suspendus entre un or quasi divin, et l'univers plus ou moins connu de l'argent, medium en passe de devenir l'équivalent universel de tout bien, qu'ils pensent maîtriser grâce à leur trésor. S'ils s'intègrent parfaitement à la fluidité moderne des échanges économiques, culturels et sociaux, ils participent aussi à leur dévalorisation, par une activité et un discours proprement usuraires. Leur entourage tente de soumettre cette « labilité » des valeurs (Simmel) suscitée par l'économie de l'usurier-avare à un nouvel ordre, cosmique, éthique ou politique. Le conflit se résout devant la justice, instance discriminatoire externe et prétexte à la mise en abyme du jugement social. L'analyse des dénouements permet dès lors de comprendre le travail de chaque auteur sur la forme et la fonction de la comédie, à travers le texte, les genres, ou une esthétique de l'espace. Elle montre que chacun s'attache à valoriser l'apport de son art au public, dans une période de crise socio-économique. / The emergence of a capitalist ‘spirit’ (Weber) in England and France at the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries played a leading role in reconfiguring the relation between avaritia and cupiditas which determine the whole semantic field of usury and interest. This thesis postulates that this evolution is perceptible in French and British comedy at that time, in particular for some of the playwrights who staged miserly characters imprinted in our collective imagination. Starting from a comic type as common in Greek and Roman drama as it was in the well-established religious canon in the Christian West, a new understanding of money as object and as sign leads to the construction of a truly modern figure of avarice. Shylock, Volpone (Mosca) and Harpagon, hang on to a almost divine idea of gold and the more or less known world of money, medium they think they control through their treasure, and which is about to become the universal equivalent of any good. Those characters fit perfectly into this modern dynamic of economic, cultural and social exchanges, but they also contribute, with their strictly usurious speech, to its depreciation. Their entourage tries to tame this « lability » of values (Simmel) generated by the economy of the usurer-miser to a new order – a cosmic, ethical or political order. Conflicts are resolved by a court of law, external discriminatory authority and pretext for the mise-en-abyme of social judgment. The analysis of these denouements allows one to understand the work of each author in the comic form and function, through the text, the genres, or an aesthetic of space. It shows how much each author strived to value the contribution of his art to the public, in a time of socio-economic crisis. / Réalisé en cotutelle avec l'Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense

This dissertation presents an edition of six poems from John Donne’s Songs and Sonets—“The Indifferent,” “Love’s Usury,” “The Will,” “The Funerall,” “The Primerose,” and “The Dampe”—and a digital edition of one additional poem, “To His Mistress Going to Bed.” Using the methodologies of The Variorum Edition of the Poems of John Donne, I have also adopted the edition’s principal goal—to recover and present Donne’s exact texts to the extent that this is possible. For each poem, I have selected a copy-text and emended it in accordance with the Variorum’s principles. A textual introduction for each poem explains how the copy-text was chosen and traces the circulation of the text in all seventeenth-century artifacts. I have also provided a textual apparatus for each poem, which, in addition to recording the texts collated, emendations to the copy-text, imperfections in the sources, and indentation patterns in the sources, also notes all verbal variants and variants of punctuation. Finally, I have created a stemma charting the transmissional history for each poem and giving a visual representation of how the textual artifacts relate to each other. The other major component of my dissertation, a digital edition of “To His Mistress Going to Bed,” is meant to serve as a prototype for what might usefully be done with Donne’s poems in a digital medium. While the actual digital edition of this poem cannot be fully represented on paper, my chapter on this edition outlines the process I used to create it and describes its major features. The digital edition itself can be found at <http://donnevariorum.tamu.edu/resources/tohismistress/tohismistress.html>.

L’assurance islamique, ou takaful, qui est apparue dans les années 1970, est un sujet d’actualité, tant en France qu’au Liban. Les sociétés d’assurance islamique voudraient opérer dans ces deux pays dont le droit des contrats, comme celui des entreprises sont dominés par l’idée de laïcité. Peut-on exercer une activité que se veut régie par des principes religieux dans des pays de droit positif laïc ? La police takaful est-elle une police d’assurance à l’instar de la police d’assurance conventionnelle ? Les sociétés takaful sont-elles des sociétés d’assurance au même titre que les sociétés d’assurance conventionnelle ? Certes, les éléments constituant le contrat d’assurance conventionnelle se retrouvent dans la police takaful, à savoir le risque, la prime et la prestation d’assurance. Ces deux contrats d’assurance couvrent les mêmes risques, sous réserve des objets et évènements considérés comme haram et prohibés par l’islam. Quant aux sociétés d’assurance takaful, elles peuvent prendre les mêmes formes que les sociétés d’assurance conventionnelle. Mais leur fonctionnement diffère de celles-ci, en raison de leur structuration en deux fonds distincts et d’un mode opérationnel qui leur est propre. Le contrôle de la conformité à la charia islamique marque les compagnies d’assurance takaful et les distingue fortement des sociétés d’assurance conventionnelle. Il s’agit sans doute du principal obstacle à leur réception par le droit positif. Mais il doit pouvoir être surmonté. / The Islamic insurance, or Takaful, that first appeared in the seventies, is a subject that has an actual importance both in France and Lebanon. The Islamic insurance companies aim at working in these two countries whereas the contracts law as much as the enterprises law is dominated by the idea of secularism. Can we practice an activity mainly ruled by religious principles in countries where the substantive law is secular? Is the Takaful policy an insurance policy like any other conventional policy insurance? And are the Takaful companies insurance companies at the same level of all other conventional insurance companies? Indeed, the elements that are the basics of the conventional insurance contract are found in the Takaful policy, meaning the risk, the premium and the insurance benefit. These two contracts cover the similar risks, except for the objects and events considered as Haram and prohibited by Islam. As for the insurance companies Takaful, they are allowed to have the same form as any other conventional insurance society. Yet, their functioning is different from the abovementioned, due to their structuring into two distinct funds in addition to an operational mode appropriate to their needs. The audit made in conformity with the Islamic sharia imprints the Takaful insurance companies and strongly distinguishes them from the conventional insurance companies. Without any doubt, the idea rotates around how the substantive law accepts them. However, the concept of Takaful should be overcome.

Dans cette thèse, nous nous consacrerons à comprendre les nouveaux langages qu'adopte le monde économique dans sa machine à fabriquer la quantité. Pour cela, nous nous efforcerons, à travers une finance éthique aux principes islamiques, à déchiffrer ce qui paraît être de nouvelles expressions, traduites dans un double transfert qui s'opère entre l'esprit d'un capitalisme dont la critique est en crise, et le renouveau de l'esprit capitaliste dont les instruments sont désespérément refondés dans une moralisation, même religieuse, des actes parfois les plus immoraux. Ainsi et tout comme chez les protestants, en Islam, c'est « l'acte de commercer » qui sera mis au centre de la vocation «financière», encouragé tout en étant opposé à l'acte d'usure (ribâ dans le monde musulman), il sera le socle d'une légitimation religieuse de l'existence même d'une institution financière islamisée. Nous aurons alors à examiner, de manière plus approfondie, certains aspects de l’industrie financière islamisée, sa naissance, son organisation, ses promoteurs et ses instruments, alertés par des contradictions, des incohérences, voire même des incongruités, nous conclurons le plus souvent sur des contrastes, révélant des contextes aux politiques irrégulières, où souvent les signes d’une précarité alarmante se laissent maladroitement apprivoiser par une pseudo-modernité, parasitant une institution dépassée dans des décors incertains. Certains pays musulmans vont nous aider à entourer la question. / In this thesis, we will focus on uderstanding the new langages adopted by the economic word in it quantity manufacturing machine. To this end, we will endeavour through ethical finance based on Islamic principles, to decipher what appear to be new expressions, reflected in a double transfer that takes places between the spirit of a capitalism whose criticism is in crisis, and the renewal of the capitalist spirit whose instruments are desperately recast in a moralization, even religious, of the sometimes most immoral acts. Thus, as with Protestants, in Isla, it is the « act of trading » that will be placed in the center of « financial » vocation, encouraged while being opposed to the act of usury (ribà in the Muslim world),it will be the basis for a religious legitimization of the existence of an islamized financial institution. We will then have to examine in greater depth, some aspects of the islamized financial industry, its birth, organisation, promoters and instruments, alarted by contradictions, inconsistencies, even incongruities, we will most often conclude with contrasts revealing contexts with irregular polisie, where often signs of alarming precariousness are clumsily tamed by a pseudo-moderity, parasiting an outdated institution in uncertain setting. Some Muslim countries will help us to sorround the issue.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Thesis is dedicated to the criminality of Romany ethnicity in the Czech Republic and the project of the System of mentoring in the criminal justice. The introduction part is about the history and criminality of the ethnicity. This part contains statistical data and possible causes for the criminality. The main part is dedicated to the most common illegal ways of earn living. This part is connected with part which describes the System of mentoring in the criminal justice. The practical part is aimed at check on the hypothesis of the effect and function of the project. This part is supplemented by statistical data and outcomes of the research.