<p>Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway.</p><p>In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare.</p><p>With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production. It is hypothesised that political parties attempt to mould statutory decisions on associational welfare provision in accordance with the interests of associations with “congruent constituencies.”</p><p>The aim of this thesis is to examine whether political party preferences for certain welfare associations might help to explain variations in statutory support for associational welfare provision. Two questions are raised: First, do parties differ in their attempts to influence statutory subventions and regulations of associational welfare provision, resulting in more or less favourable conditions for associational welfare? Second, do parties systematically differ in their policies with regard to more or less “congruent” associations?</p><p>In order to investigate these questions, a comparison is made between political parties’ attempts to influence statutory regulation and subvention of Norwegian and Swedish associations active in the areas of day-care and housing. For this purpose, information is drawn from public documents and official statistics in order to identify more or less favourable policies and related partisan policies. In addition, supportive parties and favoured associations are compared with regard to their “constituencies.”</p><p>The findings partly support the hypothesis. Although political parties partly pursued consensually association-friendly policies, they often varied their support for welfare associations, whereby both right-wing and left-wing parties partly advocated and partly rejected association-friendly policies in a conflicting way, resulting in varied degrees of statutory support. Furthermore, supportive parties shared “congruent constituencies” with those associations supported by respective parties’ policies. These findings indicate that partisan policies indeed make a difference for associational welfare production, whereby parties of any political colour can support associational solutions. Furthermore, partisan policies vary according to the involved associations’ more or less “congruent constituencies,” which can pursue welfare production out of various particularistic interests, be they religious-cultural or socio-economic in nature.</p>

<p>Background: Recruitment and development of employees is a large burden for companies in most industries. Because of this, there is a clear organizational imperative to attract and retain knowledge workers since these constitute an important resource, especially for knowledge intensive organizations. A decisive factor for success is thus to retain and develop this vital resource in order to upgrade and sustain competitive advantage. </p><p>Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to investigate what internal determinants and structures might be needed for knowledge intensive organizations to ensure their long-term provision of key human resources. </p><p>Practical Approach: In total ten interviews, with interviewees at different levels in the organization, have been conducted. Furthermore, other forms of secondary empirical material of both qualitative and quantitative character have been used. </p><p>Results: It is important for an organization to attempt to create a consistent and durable identity in order to influence the image held by its different stakeholders. We have found that researchers seem to value working in interesting projects. This argument coincides with the conviction that researchers are actually more committed to interesting research than to the employing organization.</p>

<p>Vad handlar regeringsuppdrag <em>Frivillig återvandring </em>om? Detta var frågan vi ställde oss under uppsatsens gång. Med hjälp av en kvalitativ metod i form av semistrukturerade intervjuer var förhoppningen att förstå regeringsuppdraget och dess syfte i det svenska samhället. Genom begrepp så som segregation, stigmatisering, rationalitet, solidaritet och genom de relationella och punktuella perspektiven har vi fått en förståelse inför invandrarens problematik till anpassning i det svenska samhället då denne kan uppleva problematik då invandraren har svårt att få det stöd denne behöver till att ta ett beslut i frågor om att stanna eller återvandra. Vi har även valt att behandla Foucaults begrepp om den disciplinerande makten då staten och samhället försvårar beslutet invandraren står inför. På detta sätt påvisades det att invandraren med återvandringsfunderingar lever i en komplext situation då dels samhället försvårar och att dennes tankar inte är legitima, och att regeringsuppdraget finns till som ett stöd inför detta beslutstagandet oavsett vad beslutet sedan blir, att stanna eller återvända.</p> / <p>What is the government mandate <em>Voluntary repatriation</em> about? That was the question we asked ourselves during the report's time. Using a qualitative approach in the form of semi-structured interviews was the hope to understand the Government mission and its purpose in Swedish society. Through concepts such as segregation, stigmatization, rationality, solidarity and the relational and punctuate perspectives we have gained an appreciation for the immigrant's problem of adaptation in Swedish society, in which we can experience problems when immigrants have difficulty getting the support he needs to take a decision on issues that remain or repatriate. We have also chosen to deal with Foucault's concept of the disciplining power of the State and society complicates the decision immigrant faces. In this way, it was shown that the immigrant repatriation concerns with living in a complex situation where both societies makes it difficult and that his thoughts are not legitimate, and that the government mandate is added as a pre-taking that decision regardless of what decision then becomes, to stay or return.</p>

<p><strong>Syfte:</strong> Utifrån lagförslagen om åtgärder mot skattefel i SOU 2008:32 vill vi se om och hur företagen påverkas. </p><p><strong>Metod: </strong>I vår uppsats har vi använt oss utav en kvantitativ metod där vi tillsammans med Företagarna har gjort ett utskick till dess medlemmar för att kunna besvara vårt syfte. I denna del ska framgå vilken metod har använts för att utföra studien, hur data har samlats in, analyserats och redovisats.</p><p><strong>Resultat & slutsats: </strong>Vi har kommit fram till att många företag kommer att skrämmas till att välja revision, men den största delen företag är oberoende av förslagen. Oberoende av fråga tenderade svaren att se likadana ut.</p><p><strong>Förslag till fortsatt forskning:</strong> Det förslag som vi har till fortsatt forskning är vad de olika intressenterna kommer att vilja ha för finansiell information då frivillig revision gäller.</p><p> <strong>Uppsatsens bidrag: </strong>Denna uppsats ger läsaren en indikation på hur företagen resonerar kring de lagförslag om åtgärder mot skattefel som en utredning på uppdrag av regeringen har utfört.</p> / <p><strong>Aim:</strong> The aim of this essay is to assess how companies would be affected by legislation SOU 2008:32 concerning tax errors.</p><p><strong>Method:</strong> We have used a quantitative method where we, with assistance from Företagarna, sent a questionnaire to their members. </p><p><strong>Result & Conclusions:</strong> This essay concludes that many companies will feel pressured and audit, but the majority is not affected by the proposal. The answers tended to be similar unrelated to the question asked.</p><p><strong>Suggestions for future research: </strong>We suggest that future research focus on what financial information the different parties will desire when voluntary audit applies.</p><p><strong>Contribution of the thesis: </strong>This essay gives the reader an indication of how companies tend to position themselves in aspect to the proposed laws.</p>

Women’s wartime work is a well-known phenomenon in belligerent countries. But what happened in a neutral country like Sweden? With the outbreak of the Second World War, Sweden was put in a state of “national preparedness” that would last from September 1939 until the end of war in May 1945. From the autumn of 1939 the State Labour Market Commission (Statens arbetsmarknadskommission, SAK) had sent out signals to the employers’ associations in the engineering industry and at the ironworks that their male employees would not be granted exemptions from military service. Employers therefore had to find reserve workers, either men too old to be conscripted or women. The main purpose of this thesis is to explore how the threat of war affected the plans for and the use of women’s labour during the years of national preparedness. The national preparedness organisation did not include a plan ready for use to mobilise women either for work or for voluntary efforts for the nation during this period. The absence of a state plan for women’s national efforts became the point of departure for the Women's Organisations' Preparedness Committee, (Kvinnoföreningarnas beredskapskommitté, KBK) in 1938. The founding intention of this organisation was to gather Swedish women as a demonstration of their will to defend their country. A huge number of women – 800 000 – signed up for various tasks. This organisation was dominated by women who were eager to contribute to the national defence, and was not fully representative of the traditional women’s movement. With the passing of The National Compulsory Service Act (tjänstepliktslag) in December 1939 both men and women had become eligible for conscription. This was supposed to provide an instrument through which the government would be able to guarantee the supply of industrial labour. But the National Compulsory Service Act was never put into effect with regard to women. Instead, the governmental strategy to reach the female workforce was to establish a liaison between the state and the KBK. The Swedish way was the volunteer way. But this policy required propaganda. And so “Mrs. Loyal” made her entry in a state initiated propaganda newsreel on Swedish cinemas in January 1944. Mrs. Loyal was introduced as an example of “the national preparedness woman of today”. As a reserve worker in the engineering industry, she replaced a man who was called up for military service. The Mrs Loyal propaganda was aimed at married women whose children were grown up. The film presented the ideal situation where women registered for these courses voluntarily, to be fully trained if and when they were needed in industry. Towards the end of the war the SAK made inquiries to investigate the outcome of industrial employment during the war years. It then appeared that the Mrs Loyal-campaign had had an unexpected result. Few of the married housewives Mrs Loyal was supposed to attract had followed her example. In reality, it was a different group of women who took advantage of the opportunity. Young, unmarried women – daughters who still lived at home – saw an opening for them to leave home and earn their own livings. For these young women the preparedness situation and labour shortage actually became an opportunity for emancipation. How are we to understand the significance of the years 1939–1945 in terms of gender relations? The years of national preparedness in Sweden never became the opportunity for a broad range of women to leave their homes and become wage earners. In terms of gender contract, the housewife contract remained dominant. The traditional gender order never changed. The call for women workers was never a question of equal rights, just the temporary needs of the nation. But even if the changes were as superficial as the propaganda image, the need for women workers led to some changes. The question of equal pay was finally brought up on the political agenda with women’s entry in the engineering and ironworks industries. The conditions of labour shortage also placed a focus on other questions concerning the consequences of the protective labour legislation for women, like the prohibition against women’s night work and the question of women’s part-time work. The government had the opportunity to present new guidelines for women’s work at the end of the war. Instead a pattern was institutionalised that reinforced an image of women workers as a “latent labour reserve”. The propaganda picture of Mrs Loyal was forgotten, but in reality both married and unmarried women went on seeking solutions to the difficulties of combining wage work with children and housework.

Background: Recruitment and development of employees is a large burden for companies in most industries. Because of this, there is a clear organizational imperative to attract and retain knowledge workers since these constitute an important resource, especially for knowledge intensive organizations. A decisive factor for success is thus to retain and develop this vital resource in order to upgrade and sustain competitive advantage. Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to investigate what internal determinants and structures might be needed for knowledge intensive organizations to ensure their long-term provision of key human resources. Practical Approach: In total ten interviews, with interviewees at different levels in the organization, have been conducted. Furthermore, other forms of secondary empirical material of both qualitative and quantitative character have been used. Results: It is important for an organization to attempt to create a consistent and durable identity in order to influence the image held by its different stakeholders. We have found that researchers seem to value working in interesting projects. This argument coincides with the conviction that researchers are actually more committed to interesting research than to the employing organization.

Most of the blood transfusion facilities had adequate space, but lacked some of the basic equipment. Blood collected in these facilities was not adequate to meet the blood needs of the regions. These facilities lacked specialised personnel and some of those practicing blood transfusion were not conversant with blood groups, transfusion reactions and the measures to be taken if a reaction occurs. The findings of this study will be used to strengthen blood transfusion services in these hard to reach regions.

Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production. It is hypothesised that political parties attempt to mould statutory decisions on associational welfare provision in accordance with the interests of associations with “congruent constituencies.” The aim of this thesis is to examine whether political party preferences for certain welfare associations might help to explain variations in statutory support for associational welfare provision. Two questions are raised: First, do parties differ in their attempts to influence statutory subventions and regulations of associational welfare provision, resulting in more or less favourable conditions for associational welfare? Second, do parties systematically differ in their policies with regard to more or less “congruent” associations? In order to investigate these questions, a comparison is made between political parties’ attempts to influence statutory regulation and subvention of Norwegian and Swedish associations active in the areas of day-care and housing. For this purpose, information is drawn from public documents and official statistics in order to identify more or less favourable policies and related partisan policies. In addition, supportive parties and favoured associations are compared with regard to their “constituencies.” The findings partly support the hypothesis. Although political parties partly pursued consensually association-friendly policies, they often varied their support for welfare associations, whereby both right-wing and left-wing parties partly advocated and partly rejected association-friendly policies in a conflicting way, resulting in varied degrees of statutory support. Furthermore, supportive parties shared “congruent constituencies” with those associations supported by respective parties’ policies. These findings indicate that partisan policies indeed make a difference for associational welfare production, whereby parties of any political colour can support associational solutions. Furthermore, partisan policies vary according to the involved associations’ more or less “congruent constituencies,” which can pursue welfare production out of various particularistic interests, be they religious-cultural or socio-economic in nature.

Syfte: Utifrån lagförslagen om åtgärder mot skattefel i SOU 2008:32 vill vi se om och hur företagen påverkas.  Metod: I vår uppsats har vi använt oss utav en kvantitativ metod där vi tillsammans med Företagarna har gjort ett utskick till dess medlemmar för att kunna besvara vårt syfte. I denna del ska framgå vilken metod har använts för att utföra studien, hur data har samlats in, analyserats och redovisats. Resultat &amp; slutsats: Vi har kommit fram till att många företag kommer att skrämmas till att välja revision, men den största delen företag är oberoende av förslagen. Oberoende av fråga tenderade svaren att se likadana ut. Förslag till fortsatt forskning: Det förslag som vi har till fortsatt forskning är vad de olika intressenterna kommer att vilja ha för finansiell information då frivillig revision gäller.  Uppsatsens bidrag: Denna uppsats ger läsaren en indikation på hur företagen resonerar kring de lagförslag om åtgärder mot skattefel som en utredning på uppdrag av regeringen har utfört. / Aim: The aim of this essay is to assess how companies would be affected by legislation SOU 2008:32 concerning tax errors. Method: We have used a quantitative method where we, with assistance from Företagarna, sent a questionnaire to their members.  Result &amp; Conclusions: This essay concludes that many companies will feel pressured and audit, but the majority is not affected by the proposal. The answers tended to be similar unrelated to the question asked. Suggestions for future research: We suggest that future research focus on what financial information the different parties will desire when voluntary audit applies. Contribution of the thesis: This essay gives the reader an indication of how companies tend to position themselves in aspect to the proposed laws.

<p>In many developing countries including South Africa, there is an overwhelming number of people infected with HIV/AIDS in the hospitals, which the health care workers are unable to cope with. Therefore, an urgent need to develop alternative community based activities such as support groups, home based care programs and placement of&nbsp / orphans, for the provision of social health care services to the HIV client, arises. However, a deeper understanding of the challenges facing community organizations when&nbsp / providing home based care is crucial and necessary in order to formulate effective and relevant care services. The aim of the study was to explore the challenges faced by Umtha&nbsp / elanga Community Organization (UWCO) in the provision of HIV/AIDS home based care. The objectives of the study were to assess the current home based care of the UWCO and to explore the challenges that community based organizations have to face when providing care services to people being infected and affected by HIV/AIDS. The research design undertaken was the case study of UWCO. The qualitative approach with in-depth interviews with the&nbsp / management staff and home based caregivers was utilized. Data analysis began immediately after the interviews by transcribing and translating the audio-taped data. Thematic analysis was used in which data was coded and categorized. The findings of the research&nbsp / indicated that the home based care programme assists PLWHA clients in their natural home setting. All home based carers work voluntary and get supported by the organization as&nbsp / ell as by the department of social development and health such as the social workers. Finances appear to be, both for the organization and the home based carers, a huge&nbsp / hindrance. Research indicated that the organization experiences various challenges to provide the service to their community. It is recommended that Government must ensure that&nbsp / home based care workers get recognition, credit and support for their valuable contribution. Training for HBC employers needs to be extended to expose and add more skills. This&nbsp / will ensure that they are equipped for their tasks. Home based care workers must become registered and paid better salaries by the government.</p>