This essay serves to investigate how Sweden’s emergency preparedness has moved from primarily being a matter of the state to a matter of the individual. The shift in responsibility has been analysed with the theory of rationalism and the relationship between state and society. The method used was semi-structured interviews done with eight individuals who identify as preppers, to some extent. The emergency preparedness shift to the individual has come with some problematic traits as civilians are used to the state’s authority and care. This has led to majority of people to not be prepared, which became prominent when the Covid-19 pandemic came to Sweden. What is asked from individuals is at least one week of individual preparedness and includes food, water, heat and communication. Information has mainly been distributed by the Authority for Civil Protection and Emergency Preparedness (MSB). Emergency preparedness can therefore be discussed as both reason and emotion.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka om det civila samhället och den ekonomiska utvecklingen påverkar demokratistatusen i världen och urvalet är 136 länder. Jag har prövat om samhällets deltagande, aktiva intressegrupper och socialt kapital har ett samband med demokratistatusen i länderna. Jag har även prövat om ekonomisk styrka, socioekonomiska hinder och sociala skyddsnät har ett samband med demokratistatusen. Studien har en teoriprövande ansats och för att besvara frågorna används statistiska analysmetoder som centralmått och spridningsmått, korrelationsanalys och multipel regressionsanalys. Studiens empiriska material ger resultatet att sambanden mellan variablerna inom civila samhället och demokratistatusen är starka. Även den ekonomiska utvecklingen har ett samband med demokratistatusen utifrån det empiriska materialet. Teorin om att engagemang i samhället och aktivt deltagande i intressegrupper stärker det sociala kapitalet mellan medborgarna vilket i sin tur positivt påverkar demokratistatusen stärks utifrån empiriska materialet. Vidare tyder resultatet på att även teorin om att ett lands ekonomiska styrka samt hur ekonomin och inkoms-terna fördelas mellan medborgarna stärks utifrån det empiriska materialet. / <p>2022-05-25</p>

ABSTRACT Poverty, and in particular child poverty, is a serious social problem. Statistics show that the number of children living in poverty has increased over the last ten years. Earlier research shows that there are huge gaps in our knowledge of how the actors in civil society handle child poverty. With this study we hope to help fill this gap. The aim of our study is to look at how four different organisations working in the civil society in Uppsala perceive and handle child poverty. We have chosen to conduct an empirical study of fieldwork interviews. Our informants were selected from organisations in the municipality of Uppsala that were known to us as working with children's needs.   The results show that our informants consider child poverty an overly narrow and one-sided concept and rather see child poverty as a multifaceted social phenomenon. They view poverty as not only a matter of lack of economic resources but also as other welfare deficits – a view which agrees with previous research (Bitterman and Franzén 2008:243). All our informants express and, to a great extent, practice a children's rights perspective (Archard 2009). They construct children as citizens and bearers of rights, with the idea that adults have a common responsibility to supply for children’s needs of care and participation. None of the four organisations have a family poverty approach to the children. Instead they view children as unique individuals with their own needs beyond the family. The selection process is based on trust. There is no means test or strict investigation though the concept of need is an important criterion. All our informants’ organisations position themselves as something other than social services. They see their role as a complement to social services and public welfare. None of our informants express any desire to replace it.   Key Words: child poverty, economic vulnerability, civil society, voluntary work, child rights perspective.

This thesis analyses the democratization process of Mongolia by applying a qualitative, theory consuming and theory developing case study. The study analyses if three national factors: governance, values and civil society can be claimed to be driving forces behind the Mongolian democratization process. The finds are positive in that all three factors are found to have played some part in the forenamed process. Though all factors are claimed to be visible in this study they are not equally so as governance as a factor has been given a much larger role in previous studies of the Mongolia democratization process. The study also tries to discover new factors for democratization, previously not defined as such. One find is claimed in redefining of history and through this an emergence of a new national identity. This redefining of history was caused by the oppositions tries to gain legitimacy but also might be a driving force behind the democratic process. The study also argues that one plausible truth for the emergence of more democratic values and the rise of civil society might lie in the method that the opposition managed to redefine the country’s history and in so doing created a new Mongolian identity.

This study examines the link between the individual and social network, what social forces and social mechanisms involved in the interaction between individuals and groups and how we can explain and consider this relationship with the aim of understanding this connection. Through qualitative interviews, based on interviews of six active members in the organization Young KRIS (Young Criminal’s Return in the Society) examines the active social processes that the young members undergo, and motivates those who have been outside the expected conformed and regular society, to be included in the regular community and how this can be explained. The study shows that the organization through high availability, openness, knowledge of the needs of young people, good treatment, range of meaningful activities, has created a great venue for the young to develop and thus regain their place in the society. / Denna studie undersöker kopplingen mellan individ och sociala nätverk, det vill säga vilka sociala krafter och sociala mekanismer är verksamma i mötet mellan individen och gruppen, och hur man kan förklara och se på denna relation med målet att förstå denna koppling. Genom den kvalitativa metoden, baserad på intervjuer av sex medlemmar inom organisationen Unga KRIS, undersöker vi de verksamma sociala processer unga medlemmar genomgår och som motiverar dem som har befunnit sig utanför det förväntade, konforma och reguljära samhället, att komma att inkluderas i det reguljära samhället och hur detta kan förklaras. Studien visar att organisationen genom hög tillgänglighet, öppenhet, kunskap om ungdomarnas behov, gott bemötande och utbud av meningsfulla aktiviteter, har skapat en trygg arena för att unga medlemmarna ska kunna utvecklas och därmed återfinna sin plats i samhället.

The civil society is considered an important component of a democratic system and is supported by political advocates. During the 2015 migrant crisis the voluntary sector, as part of the civil society, played an important role shouldering a lot of responsibility for the arrival of refugees. This led to criticisms aimed towards the public sector and it’s absence in regard to the same situation. The purpose of this essay is to investigate and explain the political paradox created in connection with the migrant crisis of 2015. Using the ”perspective of responsibility” as a starting-point this essay will look at the public sector’s- and respectively the civil society’s actions during the crisis as a benchmark. This essay will use the method known as case study, through a qualitative text analysis as a base. The different sectors and their respective relationships to the perspective of responsibility will be discussed through three separate ways in which Robert Putnams theory on social capital &amp; citizenship, and Henrik Berggren &amp; Lars Trägårdhs theory on the Swedish state individualism will be discussed. Using these two separate theories together with the perspective of responsibility as a foundation, the study will illustrate the problematic aspects of civil society partly bearing the responsibilities of the public sector’s areas of responsibility during the fall of 2015. This essay found that some of the negative criticism pointed at the public sector was misguided during the fall 2015.

The City of Stockholm has declared that it will be leading in the implementation of Agenda 2030. The study is based on interviews with political parties, representatives from the administration and civil society actors in the City of Stockholm. It explores how concepts within and the relation between Agenda 2030 and human rights are perceived. The results of the study are based on four themes: to leave no one behind, politics, language and practice, and partnership. A tension between human rights and Agenda 2030 is found, but also commonalities. The study shows that in local administration, Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals are often regarded as more practical than human rights. Yet, respondents believe that human rights can strengthen Agenda 2030. Across all respondent groups, the study finds that there are expectations of Agenda 2030 breaking silos, uniting actors and offering a framework that is stable over policy shifts

In this essay I investigate the role of civil society in relation to migrants in the municipality of Kalix, in a rural area in northern Sweden. The purpose is to discover which subject positions that leaders from the civil society describe as possible and which positions they see as possible for migrants. I also want to see which discourses the leaders from the civil associations are a part of and contribute to. The material comes from interviews completed with people involved in civil society and from meetings, organized by the municipality and with participants from civil associations, discussing the subject. The method used is discourse analysis, influenced by Laclau and Mouffes theory about discourses. Foucault´s theory of governmentality is used to examine how civil society and migrants are affected by state control. This control manifests in control mechanisms such as the Swedish government’s establishment program, legislation about migrants rights and economic grants. The analysis is supported by earlier research and theories about multiculturalism and rights. The leaders mainly moved within four discourses: ´multicultural´, ´repressive liberalism´, ´rural preservation´ and ´quality of life and humanity´. The multicultural discourse had a positive view of cultural and religious differences. This discourse made the subject positions of organizer of cultural activities possible for the leaders. Migrants were described as having the position of representatives of specific cultural groups and as group members in need of extra support. The repressive liberalism discourse viewed difference as something negative. The goal was for migrants to be assimilated into the local culture. The leaders adopted the role of tutors. Migrants were described as occupying the subject positions of employment oriented, able to assimilate, and as representatives of all immigrant people. In the discourse about ‘rural preservation’ activities were motivated by goals for a bright future for Kalix. The leaders’ subject positions were understood as coordinators, mentors and debaters. Migrants were understood as competent in particular professions and as desirable long term residents of Kalix. Governmental Control mechanics were considered to be something that limited migrants’ possibilities. The quality of life and humanity discourse has the goal that everyone shall have the possibility to live a good life. The leaders adopted the role as creators of safety and confidence and migrants were considered to be both victims of unfair regulation that limited their legitimacy, and as developers of civil associations. There were antagonisms between the discourses about rights/justice, integration and culture. Because of these conflicts the activities are striving towards different goals and consider different phenomena to be obstacles. Cooperation and the possibilities of getting along are therefore made difficult. Both these antagonisms and the governmental control mechanisms affect which activities can be performed and thereby which subjects positions that are made possible.