Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aparecida de Fatima Coelho Duarte.pdf: 1845707 bytes, checksum: 21290977dbf9fa224663eb0690018b96 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-04 / Fundação Ford / This thesis aim to know and understand the social, economic and cultural changes that occur in the way of life of rural Santa Rita s residents, with the arrived of the company Paracatu River Mining SA (RPM), in 1987, in Paracatu, State of Minas Gerais. Santa Rita are a traditional community, consisting of small producers who survive with the family agriculture, located below tailings dam of the firm. The RPM is controlled by transnational Canadian Kinross Gold Corporation, which runs its third expansion project at Paracatu. This project extends for more 30 years the expectation of exploitation of deposits and increases the production of gold from five to 15 tonnes per year. The environmental issue that has emerged from economic model of capitalist production is the axis of this theoretical work that follows an interdisciplinary view of the complexity issue. The reflections are done recovering the source of the environmental issue for science, the social and political milieu, contextualizing the mining company Rio Paracatu - RPM on the global and local scene. In this content, analyzes the changes that occur in the way of life of Santa Rita s residents with the implementation of RPM. The research was made by the participant observation, semi-structured interviews with dwellers and importants comunity persons, forms, documents studies, newspaper, books and Internet analises, seeking discover the environmental issues that occur locally and creating some prospective orientations / Esta dissertação traz como proposta conhecer e compreender as mudanças sociais, econômicas e culturais que ocorreram no modo de vida dos moradores da comunidade rural Santa Rita, com a implantação, desde 1987, da empresa Rio Paracatu Mineração S.A. (RPM), no município de Paracatu, em Minas Gerais. Santa Rita é uma comunidade tradicional, constituída por pequenos produtores que sobrevivem da agricultura familiar, localizada abaixo da barragem de rejeitos da empresa. A RPM é controlada pela transnacional canadense Kinross Gold Corporation, que executa seu terceiro projeto de expansão em Paracatu. Esse projeto amplia para mais 30 anos a expectativa de exploração das jazidas e eleva a produção de ouro de cinco para 15 toneladas por ano. A questão ambiental que emergiu do modelo econômico capitalista de produção é o eixo teórico desta dissertação que obedece a uma visão interdisciplinar pela complexidade do assunto. As reflexões são feitas resgatando-se a origem da questão ambiental para a ciência, o meio social e político, contextualizando a empresa Rio Paracatu Mineração RPM no cenário global e local. A partir desses conteúdos, analisa as mudanças que ocorrem no modo de vida dos moradores da comunidade Santa Rita com a implantação da RPM. A pesquisa é desenvolvida através da observação presencial, de entrevistas semiestruturadas com moradores e sujeitos representativos da comunidade, formulários, estudos de documentos, análise de jornais, livros e pesquisas na internet, buscando elucidar as questões ambientais que acontecem localmente e formulando algumas orientações prospectivas

La présente recherche a pour objectif d’expliquer et d’évaluer le processus d’émergence du droit au respect des modes de vie minoritaires et autochtones, qui se manifeste devant deux juridictions et une quasi-juridiction : les cours européenne et interaméricaine des droits de l’homme et le Comité des droits de l’homme des Nations Unies, dont les jurisprudences feront l’objet d’une comparaison. Un tel sujet soulève plusieurs questions, dont celles de savoir à quel stade de ce processus nous en sommes, quel est le niveau de juridicité de la norme, mais aussi, quelle est la signification de ce droit, quels en sont les apports et comment se produit sa mise en œuvre. En proposer une interprétation éclairée suppose d’évaluer la référence au concept de mode de vie faite par les requérants, les juges et les experts. Cette démarche implique d’avoir recours à l’interdisciplinarité, plus précisément à certaines études anthropologiques. Cela requiert également un examen du discours des juges, des experts et des requérants pour en observer les convergences et les décalages. Quant aux résultats de recherche, le rôle de plusieurs acteurs au processus d’émergence de la norme nouvelle – les requérants, les juges ou les experts et les États – est souligné. Cela confirme la théorie de la polycentricité en matière de construction de certaines règles de droit international. La juridicité du droit au respect des modes de vie minoritaires et autochtones et sa force varient en fonction des systèmes, mais il possède toujours les caractéristiques propres à la norme juridique internationale. Cette dernière consacre un droit spécifique appartenant aux peuples autochtones et tribaux ou aux membres de peuples autochtones et minoritaires. Elle protège un rapport au territoire, soit un mode d’appréhension et d’exploitation, mais aussi de circulation et d’établissement sur celui-ci, ainsi que des activités. Les requérants roms, tribaux ou autochtones participent, bien qu’officieusement, à la définition juridique de leurs modes de vie, puisque les requêtes qu’ils déposent devant les juridictions supranationales constituent le fondement des interprétations judiciaires. Malgré ce processus de codétermination, certains décalages persistent entre les positions des divers acteurs impliqués dans la détermination du sens de la norme. Ils sont liés à l’impossibilité pour les juges d’appliquer au cas d’espèce une protection de leurs modes de vie, à l’éloignement entre la position des requérants et celle de l’État défendeur ou encore à la protection des droits des tiers. Une double surdétermination de la norme est donc constatée, par les conceptions des juges ou des experts, mais aussi par celles des requérants. Elle comporte certains risques d’essentialisation et d’idéalisation des modes de vie minoritaires et autochtones, de paternalisme, de victimisation ou de discrimination vis-à-vis des requérants ou de leurs communautés, sachant que ces risques sont tous à même de dénaturer le sens et la portée de la norme. Pour autant, cette dernière est porteuse d’avancées théoriques. Celles-ci ont trait à la coexistence, au sein de territoires identiques, entre groupes aux identités différentes, à l’amélioration de la qualité de vie des requérants et au processus de reconnaissance. La place occupée par la volonté des États, l’importance pour les juges de préserver leur légitimité, de même que le caractère idéaliste ou dogmatique de l’interprétation proposée, en limitent les apports théoriques. Il ressort de cette réflexion que la bonne articulation des divers discours en présence et l’émergence d’une norme efficace tiennent d’abord à l’énonciation et à la clarté des revendications des requérants minoritaires et autochtones. Elles tiennent ensuite à la réceptivité des agents qui les reçoivent – juges et experts – ainsi qu’au contexte politique, social et culturel qui les entourent. Cette analyse met ainsi en évidence l’importance d’exploiter la marge de manœuvre dont dispose chaque acteur du processus d’émergence dans la détermination du sens et de la portée des normes. / This research aims to explain and evaluate the emergence of a right of minorities and indigenous peoples to the respect of their ways of life, appearing before the European court of human rights, the Inter-American court of human rights and the United Nations Human rights Committee. The decisions and communications stemming from these tribunals will be analyzed and compared. This topic raises several questions regarding the legality of this norm, its meaning, effectiveness and limits, but also its implementation. In order to offer an interpretation of the content of that right, we need to evaluate the references made to it by the claimants, the judges and experts, which implicates an interdisciplinary approach focused on anthropological studies of law. This leads us to examine the discourses of judges, experts and claimants, to compare them and to observe their confluences and discrepancies. The results of this study show us that the emergence of this new norm is dependent upon the intervention of several agents – the claimants, the judges, the experts of the Committee and the States. This observation therefore confirms the polycentric process of construction of international legal rules. As to the legality and the effectiveness of the right of minorities and indigenous peoples to their ways of life, they vary according to the legal system, even if this right always corresponds to a legal rule. This rule consecrates a specific right belonging to indigenous and tribal people or to the members of indigenous people and minorities. It protects a relationship to the territory, i.e. a way to comprehend and to exploit it, to circulate on it and to inhabitate it. It also protects some activities. The indigenous, tribal and romas applicants unofficially take part in the legal definition of their ways of life, as the requests they submit to the international tribunals are cornerstones of judicial interpretations. In spite of a process of co-determination of the norm, gaps are observed between the positions of the different actors participating to the determination of the norm. They are either related to the impossibility for some judges to apply the right to a way of life to the case, to the distance between the positions of the claimants and the states, or to the protection of third parties. Consequently, a process of double distortion of the content of the norm appears, due to the judges’ or experts’ conceptions, but also to those of the claimants. It leads to the emergence of several problems, such as essentialism and the idealization of minorities and indigenous ways of life, paternalism, victimization or discrimination towards the claimants or their communities. These problems can alter the meaning and the impact of the norm. Nonetheless, the right to the respect of those ways of life has some theoretical effects related first to the coexistence, on a same piece of land, of different groups possessing diverse identities. They are also related to the improvement of the applicants’ quality of life and to the recognition process. However, the State’s willingness still occupies a large space in international law, as does the importance, for judges, to protect their own legitimacy. Moreover, some decisions seem too ideal or dogmatic. Those factors limit the effect of the norm. Thus, the articulation of judicial discourses and the efficiency of the norm are first contingent to the enunciation and to the clarity of the claimants’ requests. They are dependant of the receptivity of the agents whose role it is to receive them (judges and experts) and to the political, social and cultural context within which they take place. This last factor brings to light the importance for each agent participating to the elaboration of the norm to use, as much as he can, the margins he possesses. / Thèse de doctorat réalisée en cotutelle avec la Faculté de droit de l'Université Aix-Marseille 3.

Através da etnografia entre interlocutores da etnia kaingang, a tese trata das “lutas” destes em busca de seus “direitos civis”. Esta problemática kaingang vem sendo percebida a partir de suas relações conflitivas com um denominado “mundo dos brancos”. Este conflito é percebido desde o tempo de fugas ancestrais em êxodo, até a contemporaneidade do atual “tempo das retomadas”. Os “brancos”, “não-índios”, ou os não-kaingang, em “idioma” da etnia, os fog, vem consolidando sua “civilização” sobre território kaingang, através de suas “frentes pioneiras” de “colonização” e “expansão”. Se percebeu estruturalmente uma presente colonialidade do poder nas redes de relações entre os fog e os kaingang, que perspassaram tempo e espaço. Um processo inicial de acumulação primitiva de capital, o denominado “colonialismo”, sobre os povos indígenas e seus territórios, passou a um “capitalismo”, de caráter “ordenador”, “progressivo” e “desenvolvimentista”, a partir de uma metafísica fundada em uma economia da “posse”. Estes processos econômicos fog vem sendo aplicados num processo de conquista dos territórios ancestrais da etnia, o Planalto Meridional Brasileiro. O outrora “mundo indígena kaingang”, o mundo dos “tronco-velhos”, de uma totalidade de densas matas, campos e afluentes de água doce em abundância, de seres e coisas, é progressivamente ocupado pelo “mundo dos brancos”, infra-estrutural antrópico, da ordem cultural da “racionalidade”, refletida na “materializada” instrumentalidade técnica baseada na “funcionalidade” de “materiais” e recursos de uma dita “natureza”. Esta instrumentalidade gera um mundo de destruição ambiental, somado a regimes territoriais de “propriedades” dos fog, que restringem a livre circulação dos grupos comunitários kaingang por sobre suas terras até a busca por um total confino destes últimos em “reduções” territoriais. A etnografia acompanhou a “luta pela Terra” dos grupos cosmopolíticos da etnia, onde agentes kaingang mantém um modo de vida baseado em uma cosmologia de “pertença a Terra”, em choque e conflitos com o “mundo dos brancos” e seus agentes fog, que mantém um modo de vida baseado no individualismo, numa lógica dita “racional”, de “mercado” e de “ciência” e “posse” da Terra. Esta “luta pela Terra kaingang” hoje está colocada em reivindicações territoriais da etnia, através de “Territórios Indígenas” garantidos pela Constituição Federal (CF/88), em um território em sua quase totalidade hoje ocupado pelos “empreendimentos” dos fog, “fazendas”, “granjas”, “lavouras de cultivo”, “moradas dos brancos”, “rodovias”, “cidades”, “indústrias” e ou mesmo “parques” e demais “áreas públicas”. / Through Ethnography between interlocutors kaingang ethnicity, the thesis deals with the "struggles" of those in the quest of their "civil rights". Kaingang this problem has been perceived from their conflictual relations with a so-called "white world". This conflict is perceived since the time of ancient trails in exodus until nowadays the current "time of the land retakes". "Whites", "non-Indians", or non-kaingang in "language" of ethnicity, the fóg, has been consolidating its "civilization" on kaingang territory, through its "pioneer fronts" of "colonization" and "expansion". It's been realized structurally a present coloniality of power in networks of relations between fóg and kaingang that came throught time and space. An initial process of primitive accumulation of capital, the so-called "colonialism" over indigenous peoples and their territories became to a "capitalist" character "originator", "progressive" and "developmental", from a metaphysics founded at a cost of "ownership". These fog economic processes has been applied to a conquest process of the ancestral territories of ethnic, the Brazilian Southern Plateau. The once "kaingang indigenous world", the world of "old trunk", a totality of dense forests, fields, and freshwater tributaries in plenty, of beings and things, are gradually occupied by the "white world", infra-anthropic structural, cultural order of "rationality", reflected in the "embodied" technical instrumentality based on the "functionality" of "material" and features a so-called "nature." This creates a world of environmental destruction, coupled with territorial regimes "properties" of the fóg, which restrict the free movement of kaingang community groups over their lands to search for a total confine of the latter in territorial "reductions". Ethnography accompanied the "struggle for land" of cosmopolitic ethnic groups, where kaingang agents maintains a way of life based on a universe of "belonging to Land" in shock and conflicts with the "white world" and their fóg agents, that maintains a way of life based on individualism, in a logic that dictates it's self as "rational", "market" and "science" and "ownership" of the Earth. This "struggle for kaingang Land" today is placed on territorial claims of ethnicity, through "Indian Territory" guaranteed by the Federal Constitution (FC / 88), in a territory almost entirely occupied today by the "projects" of the fóg, "farms","plantations","growing crops","white homes","highway","cities","industries "and or" parks "and other" public areas".

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:57:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MarceloLAS_DISSERT.pdf: 5058687 bytes, checksum: 8e0b13c88b148a83cb5f035a70c6da26 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-18 / Studies on the urban landscape and on the changes of the urban space are relevant, since they reveal the economic dynamics and the way of life in the cities. Research on small towns, in particular, can display particular aspects and by so doing broaden the comprehension of this theme. The purpose of this research is to analyze the changes in the urban landscape and in the way of life of the inhabitants of the town of Tenente Ananias-RN that have been taking place since the 1990s up to the present (2013) and which result mainly from the commercial activity of credi?rio. The study is, therefore, a reflection on the impact of credi?rio economy on the urban landscape and on the way of life of a small town located in the hinterland of the State of Rio Grande do Norte. For this reason, it was necessary to study the landscape and the way of life found in Tenente Ananias in two moments: a) before the rise of the credi?rio, a period of time ranging from the town‟s initial emergence until the beginning of the 1990s; b) during the progress of credi?rio activity, from the beginning of the 1990s, when it starts, up to the present (2013). For this research, primary data (interviews, local survey visits) and secondary data (books, articles, reports, census data) were used. As a result of this study, it was possible to conclude that credi?rio plays a fundamental role for the explanation of the changes taking place in Tenente Ananias-RN, especially in the urban landscape and in the way of life of people. We have attempted, through this research, to contribute to the studies of a historical, social and economic process related to the urban landscape and space of a small town in the State of Rio Grande do Norte / Os estudos sobre a paisagem urbana e sobre as modifica??es do espa?o urbano s?o importantes, pois revelam a din?mica econ?mica e o modo de vida nas cidades. A pesquisa sobre as pequenas cidades, em particular, pode revelar aspectos particulares e ampliar, assim, a compreens?o dessa tem?tica. O objetivo desta pesquisa ? analisar as mudan?as na paisagem urbana e no modo de vida dos habitantes na cidade de Tenente Ananias-RN, que v?m ocorrendo da d?cada de 1990 aos dias atuais (2013) - em fun??o, principalmente, da atividade comercial do credi?rio. O estudo ?, portanto, uma reflex?o sobre o impacto da economia do credi?rio na transforma??o da paisagem urbana e do modo de vida de uma pequena cidade do interior potiguar. Para isso, foi necess?rio estudar a paisagem e o modo de vida da cidade de Tenente Ananias em dois momentos: a) antes de chegada do credi?rio, per?odo que se estende da forma??o inicial da cidade, em 1944, at? meados da d?cada de 1990; b) durante a vig?ncia do credi?rio, que se estende da metade da d?cada de 1990, quando ele se inicia, at? o momento atual (2013). Na elabora??o da pesquisa foram utilizadas fontes prim?rias (entrevistas, levantamento in loco) e secund?rias (livros, artigos, relat?rios, dados censit?rios). Como resultado desse estudo, constatamos que a atividade crediarista tem um papel fundamental na explica??o das mudan?as verificadas em Tenente Ananias-RN, principalmente na paisagem urbana e no modo de vida das pessoas. Com essa pesquisa buscamos contribuir com os estudos do processo hist?rico-social-econ?mico da produ??o da paisagem de do espa?o urbano de uma pequena cidade do Rio Grande do Norte

Orientador: Fernando Kolleritz / Resumo: A Ação Integralista Brasileira constituiu-se na década de 1930, no mais importante movimento político de direita e no primeiro partido de massa do país. Influenciada pela ideologia fascista italiana, a A.I.B. criou núcleos espalhados por todo o Brasil, como na cidade de Olímpia, encravada nos anos 30 no então sertão de São Paulo. O núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista foi fundado em 1934 por Ruy do Amaral e teve no jornal "Cidade de Olympia" uma espécie de porta-voz não oficial do movimento. Entre 1932 e 1937, o semanário publicou 93 artigos e notícias dos mais diversos matizes sobre o movimento integralista, inclusive uma contundente entrevista com Plínio Salgado. É a partir da análise desses artigos e notícias e da história oral de dois dos principais camisas-verdes do sertão, Ruy do Amaral e Ítalo Galli, que tornou-se possível reconstruir parte da história de um núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista no interior do país. Tanto os textos escritos como as entrevistas, apresentam um movimento impregnado pelo fascismo e pelo anti-semitismo. A maioria dos camisas-verdes que escreveram artigos para o "Cidade de Olympia", deixou clara sua adesão à A.I.B. por considerar o movimento uma cópia do fascismo e por adotar a posição anti-semita. Por outro lado, o movimento integralista em Olímpia ignorou o fato de atuar numa região de vida rural e teve uma inserção no campo insignificante. Mesmo portador de um discurso fascista, os integralistas do sertão, profissionais liberais em sua maioria, preferiram elitizar esse discurso, desprezar ações de mobilização das massas e perpetuar uma relação de "compadrio" com os coronéis que dominavam a vida política em Olímpia, constituindo, assim, uma espécie de "fascio de intelectuais" / Abstract: The Brazilian Integralist Action was formed in the decade of 1930, at the most important right political movement and at the first mass party of the country. Influenced by the Italian Fascist Ideology, the Brazilian Integralist Action created cores spread all over Brazil, like in the city of Olimpia, embedded in the 30s, then called "Sertão" (a less inhabited part in a country) of São Paulo. The Integralist Action Municipal Core was founded in 1934 by Ruy do Amaral and had in the newspaper "Cidade de Olympia" a type of non-official spokesman of the movement. Between 1932 and 1937, the weekly paper published 93 articles and news of the most diverse shades about the integralist movement, including an aggrieved interview with Plínio Salgado. It is from the analysis of these articles and news and the oral history of two of the main "green-shirts" from "Sertão", Ruy do Amaral e Italo Galli, that it was possible to re-create part of the history of an Integralist Action Municipal Core at the inland country. The written texts, as well as the interviews, present a movement permeated by the Fascism and by the Anti-Semitism. Most of the "green-shirts" who wrote articles for the "Cidade de Olympia", made clear their adhesion to the Brazilian Integralist Action for considering the movement a copy of fascism and for adopting the anti-semit position. On the other hand, the integralist movement in Olimpia ignored the fact of acting in a rural life region, and had an insignificant insertion in the country life. Even holding a fascist speech, the integralist from "Sertão", liberal professionals mostly, preferred to select this speech, disregard mass mobilization actions and perpetuate a "compadrio"relation (close relation) with the Colonels who dominated the political life in Olimpia, building up, this way, a kind of "intelectual fascio" / Mestre

Através da etnografia entre interlocutores da etnia kaingang, a tese trata das “lutas” destes em busca de seus “direitos civis”. Esta problemática kaingang vem sendo percebida a partir de suas relações conflitivas com um denominado “mundo dos brancos”. Este conflito é percebido desde o tempo de fugas ancestrais em êxodo, até a contemporaneidade do atual “tempo das retomadas”. Os “brancos”, “não-índios”, ou os não-kaingang, em “idioma” da etnia, os fog, vem consolidando sua “civilização” sobre território kaingang, através de suas “frentes pioneiras” de “colonização” e “expansão”. Se percebeu estruturalmente uma presente colonialidade do poder nas redes de relações entre os fog e os kaingang, que perspassaram tempo e espaço. Um processo inicial de acumulação primitiva de capital, o denominado “colonialismo”, sobre os povos indígenas e seus territórios, passou a um “capitalismo”, de caráter “ordenador”, “progressivo” e “desenvolvimentista”, a partir de uma metafísica fundada em uma economia da “posse”. Estes processos econômicos fog vem sendo aplicados num processo de conquista dos territórios ancestrais da etnia, o Planalto Meridional Brasileiro. O outrora “mundo indígena kaingang”, o mundo dos “tronco-velhos”, de uma totalidade de densas matas, campos e afluentes de água doce em abundância, de seres e coisas, é progressivamente ocupado pelo “mundo dos brancos”, infra-estrutural antrópico, da ordem cultural da “racionalidade”, refletida na “materializada” instrumentalidade técnica baseada na “funcionalidade” de “materiais” e recursos de uma dita “natureza”. Esta instrumentalidade gera um mundo de destruição ambiental, somado a regimes territoriais de “propriedades” dos fog, que restringem a livre circulação dos grupos comunitários kaingang por sobre suas terras até a busca por um total confino destes últimos em “reduções” territoriais. A etnografia acompanhou a “luta pela Terra” dos grupos cosmopolíticos da etnia, onde agentes kaingang mantém um modo de vida baseado em uma cosmologia de “pertença a Terra”, em choque e conflitos com o “mundo dos brancos” e seus agentes fog, que mantém um modo de vida baseado no individualismo, numa lógica dita “racional”, de “mercado” e de “ciência” e “posse” da Terra. Esta “luta pela Terra kaingang” hoje está colocada em reivindicações territoriais da etnia, através de “Territórios Indígenas” garantidos pela Constituição Federal (CF/88), em um território em sua quase totalidade hoje ocupado pelos “empreendimentos” dos fog, “fazendas”, “granjas”, “lavouras de cultivo”, “moradas dos brancos”, “rodovias”, “cidades”, “indústrias” e ou mesmo “parques” e demais “áreas públicas”. / Through Ethnography between interlocutors kaingang ethnicity, the thesis deals with the "struggles" of those in the quest of their "civil rights". Kaingang this problem has been perceived from their conflictual relations with a so-called "white world". This conflict is perceived since the time of ancient trails in exodus until nowadays the current "time of the land retakes". "Whites", "non-Indians", or non-kaingang in "language" of ethnicity, the fóg, has been consolidating its "civilization" on kaingang territory, through its "pioneer fronts" of "colonization" and "expansion". It's been realized structurally a present coloniality of power in networks of relations between fóg and kaingang that came throught time and space. An initial process of primitive accumulation of capital, the so-called "colonialism" over indigenous peoples and their territories became to a "capitalist" character "originator", "progressive" and "developmental", from a metaphysics founded at a cost of "ownership". These fog economic processes has been applied to a conquest process of the ancestral territories of ethnic, the Brazilian Southern Plateau. The once "kaingang indigenous world", the world of "old trunk", a totality of dense forests, fields, and freshwater tributaries in plenty, of beings and things, are gradually occupied by the "white world", infra-anthropic structural, cultural order of "rationality", reflected in the "embodied" technical instrumentality based on the "functionality" of "material" and features a so-called "nature." This creates a world of environmental destruction, coupled with territorial regimes "properties" of the fóg, which restrict the free movement of kaingang community groups over their lands to search for a total confine of the latter in territorial "reductions". Ethnography accompanied the "struggle for land" of cosmopolitic ethnic groups, where kaingang agents maintains a way of life based on a universe of "belonging to Land" in shock and conflicts with the "white world" and their fóg agents, that maintains a way of life based on individualism, in a logic that dictates it's self as "rational", "market" and "science" and "ownership" of the Earth. This "struggle for kaingang Land" today is placed on territorial claims of ethnicity, through "Indian Territory" guaranteed by the Federal Constitution (FC / 88), in a territory almost entirely occupied today by the "projects" of the fóg, "farms","plantations","growing crops","white homes","highway","cities","industries "and or" parks "and other" public areas".

Através da etnografia entre interlocutores da etnia kaingang, a tese trata das “lutas” destes em busca de seus “direitos civis”. Esta problemática kaingang vem sendo percebida a partir de suas relações conflitivas com um denominado “mundo dos brancos”. Este conflito é percebido desde o tempo de fugas ancestrais em êxodo, até a contemporaneidade do atual “tempo das retomadas”. Os “brancos”, “não-índios”, ou os não-kaingang, em “idioma” da etnia, os fog, vem consolidando sua “civilização” sobre território kaingang, através de suas “frentes pioneiras” de “colonização” e “expansão”. Se percebeu estruturalmente uma presente colonialidade do poder nas redes de relações entre os fog e os kaingang, que perspassaram tempo e espaço. Um processo inicial de acumulação primitiva de capital, o denominado “colonialismo”, sobre os povos indígenas e seus territórios, passou a um “capitalismo”, de caráter “ordenador”, “progressivo” e “desenvolvimentista”, a partir de uma metafísica fundada em uma economia da “posse”. Estes processos econômicos fog vem sendo aplicados num processo de conquista dos territórios ancestrais da etnia, o Planalto Meridional Brasileiro. O outrora “mundo indígena kaingang”, o mundo dos “tronco-velhos”, de uma totalidade de densas matas, campos e afluentes de água doce em abundância, de seres e coisas, é progressivamente ocupado pelo “mundo dos brancos”, infra-estrutural antrópico, da ordem cultural da “racionalidade”, refletida na “materializada” instrumentalidade técnica baseada na “funcionalidade” de “materiais” e recursos de uma dita “natureza”. Esta instrumentalidade gera um mundo de destruição ambiental, somado a regimes territoriais de “propriedades” dos fog, que restringem a livre circulação dos grupos comunitários kaingang por sobre suas terras até a busca por um total confino destes últimos em “reduções” territoriais. A etnografia acompanhou a “luta pela Terra” dos grupos cosmopolíticos da etnia, onde agentes kaingang mantém um modo de vida baseado em uma cosmologia de “pertença a Terra”, em choque e conflitos com o “mundo dos brancos” e seus agentes fog, que mantém um modo de vida baseado no individualismo, numa lógica dita “racional”, de “mercado” e de “ciência” e “posse” da Terra. Esta “luta pela Terra kaingang” hoje está colocada em reivindicações territoriais da etnia, através de “Territórios Indígenas” garantidos pela Constituição Federal (CF/88), em um território em sua quase totalidade hoje ocupado pelos “empreendimentos” dos fog, “fazendas”, “granjas”, “lavouras de cultivo”, “moradas dos brancos”, “rodovias”, “cidades”, “indústrias” e ou mesmo “parques” e demais “áreas públicas”. / Through Ethnography between interlocutors kaingang ethnicity, the thesis deals with the "struggles" of those in the quest of their "civil rights". Kaingang this problem has been perceived from their conflictual relations with a so-called "white world". This conflict is perceived since the time of ancient trails in exodus until nowadays the current "time of the land retakes". "Whites", "non-Indians", or non-kaingang in "language" of ethnicity, the fóg, has been consolidating its "civilization" on kaingang territory, through its "pioneer fronts" of "colonization" and "expansion". It's been realized structurally a present coloniality of power in networks of relations between fóg and kaingang that came throught time and space. An initial process of primitive accumulation of capital, the so-called "colonialism" over indigenous peoples and their territories became to a "capitalist" character "originator", "progressive" and "developmental", from a metaphysics founded at a cost of "ownership". These fog economic processes has been applied to a conquest process of the ancestral territories of ethnic, the Brazilian Southern Plateau. The once "kaingang indigenous world", the world of "old trunk", a totality of dense forests, fields, and freshwater tributaries in plenty, of beings and things, are gradually occupied by the "white world", infra-anthropic structural, cultural order of "rationality", reflected in the "embodied" technical instrumentality based on the "functionality" of "material" and features a so-called "nature." This creates a world of environmental destruction, coupled with territorial regimes "properties" of the fóg, which restrict the free movement of kaingang community groups over their lands to search for a total confine of the latter in territorial "reductions". Ethnography accompanied the "struggle for land" of cosmopolitic ethnic groups, where kaingang agents maintains a way of life based on a universe of "belonging to Land" in shock and conflicts with the "white world" and their fóg agents, that maintains a way of life based on individualism, in a logic that dictates it's self as "rational", "market" and "science" and "ownership" of the Earth. This "struggle for kaingang Land" today is placed on territorial claims of ethnicity, through "Indian Territory" guaranteed by the Federal Constitution (FC / 88), in a territory almost entirely occupied today by the "projects" of the fóg, "farms","plantations","growing crops","white homes","highway","cities","industries "and or" parks "and other" public areas".

Cette étude se propose de traiter le tiers-lieu en tant qu'objet. De le saisir dans toute sa complexité pour essayer d’en dégager toute la simplicité. Elle appréhende le tiers-lieu comme un concept à définir. Pour y parvenir elle construit une enquête qui se déplie en trois parties. Dans un premier temps, l’objet est approché sous l’angle de la terminologie par une étude des usages courants, professionnels et littéraires du terme, suivi de réflexions sur les notions de lieu et de tiers. Des représentations historiques des tiers-lieux sont ensuite analysées au travers des troisièmes lieux de Ray Oldenburg et de certaines structures sociales de la sphère publique habermassienne notamment les salons et les cafés de la bourgeoisie au XVIIIe siècle. Ce passage en revue permet de délimiter l’objet, d’en clarifier les propriétés et les usages. Il constitue également le point de départ et l’hypothèse d’une enquête exploratoire qui a déterminé la construction d’une posture d’investigation originale nécessairement engagée. Cette enquête s’est déroulée entre 2010 et 2015 auprès de services – espaces de coworking, fablabs, hackerspaces, makerspaces, biohackerspaces, etc. dans leur composition et recomposition successives - qui se désignent ou se présentent explicitement comme des tiers-lieux. Les singularités de ces tiers-lieux, la manière dont ils traduisent des valeurs qualitatives en valeurs juridiques et aussi en valeurs quantitatives, les rapports d’échange et les habitudes critiques des usagers contributeurs ainsi que les régimes de conception sont ensuite théorisés. À partir de l’ensemble de ces informations, une proposition de définition conceptuelle du tiers-lieu est formulée. Celle-ci envisage le tiers-lieu comme une configuration sociale particulière où se produit une rencontre entre des entités individuées qui s’engagent intentionnellement à la conception d’une représentation commune, c’est-à-dire à responsabilité partagée. Des invariants sont enfin posés comme l’esquisse d’une logique opératoire supposée déterminer la présence de la configuration en tiers-lieu. Cette procéduralisation présente une manière d’intervenir sur les règles par la conception de services. C’est ce dépassement de la discursivité qui distingue le tiers-lieu de l’espace public politique. / The object of this research is the tiers-lieu, with the aim of grasping it in all its complexity in order to draw out its simplicity. The research treats the tiers-lieu as a concept to be defined. In order to achieve this, it sets out an investigation in three parts. Firstly, the object is approached from the perspective of terminology through a study of current users, professionals and literary writers’ use of the term, following reflections on the ideas of “lieu” and “tiers”. Historic representations of tiers-lieu are then analysed, through the “third places” of Ray Oldenburg and certain social structures of the Habermasian public sphere, particularly the salons and cafés of the 18th century bourgeoisie. This section, through examination, allows the delimitation of the object, clarifying its characteristics and its uses. It also establishes the starting point and the hypothesis of an exploratory enquiry which necessarily required a research approach involving active engagement. This enquiry was conducted between 2010 and 2015 though active involvement in services – coworking spaces, fablabs, hackerspaces, makerspaces, biohackerspaces, etc. in their composition and subsequent re-composition – which are labelled or present themselves explicitly as tiers-lieux. The singularities of tiers-lieux, the way in which they translate their qualitative values into legal values and quantitative values, the exchange relationships and the critical habits of contributing users together with design structures are then analysed. From all this information, a proposed conceptual definition of tiers-lieu is formulated. This envisages the tiers-lieu as a particular social configuration which produces a meeting between individual entities who engage intentionally in the design of a common representation, that is to say a shared responsibility. Patterns are finally set out in order to outline an operating logic for determining the presence of a tiers-lieu configuration. This procedural approach provides a way of intervening in regulations through the design of services. It is this going beyond discursivity that distinguishes tiers-lieux from the public political arena.

Die Bundeskonferenz der schwulen, schwul-lesbischen und queeren Referate und Hochschulgruppen Deutschlands arbeitet als Zusammenschluss von Hochschulreferaten aus zwölf Bundesländern an der Akzeptanz und Gleichberechtigung schwuler, lesbischer und queerer Lebensweisen. Sie besteht sei 1993 und fungiert als Diskussionsforum, Interessenvertretung und politisches Instrument zur Stärkung der Rechte der schwulen, schwul-lesbischen und queeren Referate und Hochschulgruppen.

Summaries in German and English / Die Zielgruppe der jungen Erwachsenen erhalt in evangelischen Kirchengemeinden und Jugendverbanden wenig Aufmerksamkeit. Zudem liegt kaum wissenschaftliche oder gemeindliche Literatur vor - noch weniger im direktem Bezug auf Mitarbeiterforderung der Altersgruppe 18- bis 22-Jahriger. Folglich hat die vorliegende Arbeit sich der Aufgabe gewidmet, eine Theorie der Mitarbeiterforderung zu entwickeln. Sie wird in Form von Prinzipien abgebildet, die eigens auf die Bedurfnisse von Nachwuchsmitarbeitern innerhalb der Teenagerarbeit eingehen. Die zu entwickelnden Leitlinien bilden sich zunachst aus zwei Quellen. Sie ergeben sich zum einen aus dem neutestamentlichen Befund zu 2Tim 2,2, zum anderen aus der Untersuchung von Literatur aus Gemeindepadagogik, CVJM und evangelischer Landeskirche sowie der Personalfuhrungslehre. Die durch Synopse gebildeten Prinzipien werden an der Empirie gepruft und erganzt. Das geschieht durch eine qualitative Vergleichsstudie innerhalb eines CVJM Ortsvereins in Baden. Auf der Basis der erarbeiteten Prinzipien der Mitarbeiterforderung entwickelt die Miterarbeit Anstosse fur die Praxis. / The target group of young adults (18-22 years) receives little attention in protestant churches and youth associations. Hardly any literature at all is available, even less on the training and support of voluntary leaders. Therefore, this dissertation attempts to develop a theory for training and supporting voluntary workers, portrayed in the form of principles aiming at the needs of upcoming junior leaders in teenage work. The developed guidelines originate from two sources, namely the New Testament findings around 2Tim 2,2 and the research literature in the areas of theory and methodology of Christian education, YMCA work, state church publications and personnel management and leadership. These principles, worked out through a textual comparison, are verified and complemented by empirical knowledge gathered from a qualitative study within a local YMCA group in Baden. Based on the theoretical findings, this dissertation offers practical help for the training and support of voluntary workers. / Practical Theology / M. Th. (Practical Theology)