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Text in Afrikaans / Alhoewel die lokvalstelsel as misdaadbekampingsmetode lank reeds bestaan, is die toepassing daarvan nog altyd kontroversieE!I. Hierdie omstredenheid is die laaste paar jaar op die voorgrond gedryf deur 'n Regskommissie-ondersoek, sowel as deur die aanvaarding van 'n Handves van Menseregte. Ondersoek word ingestel na hierdie omstredenheid deur te kyk na die inhoud en toepassing van die stelsel, sowel as na die rol wat private persona, die polisie en die hot by die stelsel speeL Die gevolgtrekking waartoe gekom word, is dat die omstredenheid van die stelsel te danke is aan die feit dat dit verband hou met pro-aktiewe regshandhawing, wat in wese bestaan uit die gebruik van misleiding ten einde die pleging van 'n misdaad teweeg te bring. Die probleem met pro-aktiewe regshandhawing is dat dit 'n geleentheid skep vir die uitoefening van polisiediskresie wat grootliks sonder beheer geskied, met potensiele wanoptrede aan die kant van regshandhawers en die ondermyning van die publiek se vertroue in die billikheid van die strafregspleging. Ondersoek word gevolglik ingestel na metodes om diskresie-uitoefening by die lokvalstelsel te regverdig, aangesien daar wei ruimte is vir diskresionere magte wat behoorlik begrens, gestruktureer en gekontroleer is. Die vernaamste metodes van beheer oor diskresie­ uitoefening by die lokvalstelsel, naamlik die uitsluiting van getuienis en weerstand in 'n strafgeding, word grondig ondersoek met verwysing na die Engelse-, Amerikaanse- en Kanadese reg. Dit is egter die uitgangspunt van hierdie proefskrif dat wetgewende strukturering van diskresie-uitoefening by die lokvalstelsel die mees effektiewe oplossing bied vir meeste van die problema van die stelsel. Die enigste aanvaarbare basis waarop die lokvalstelsel kan funksioneer, is om deur middel van wetgewing die trefwydte van toelaatbare lokvaltegnieke en die beperkinge waarbinne regshandhawers regsonderdane mag beweeg om misdade te pleeg, te definieer. Daar is dus 'n behoefte aan die kodifisering van standaarde waaraan voldoen moet word voordat enige lokvaloperasie behoort te begin. / Although the system of trapping has long been used as a method of preventing crime, its employment has always been controversial. In the recent past, this controversy has come to the front due to an investigation by the South African Law Commission and the acceptance of a Bill of Rights. This thesis investigates this controversy by looking at the contents and application of the system, as well as the role which private persons, the police and the court play in the system. The conclusion arrived at, is that the controversy surrounding the system is due to the fact that it has to do with pro-active law enforcement, which consists of the use of deception to induce the performance of a criminal act. The problem with pro-active law enforcement is that it creates an opportunity for the exercise of police discretion which is mainly uncontrolled, with potentialmisconduct on the part of law enforcement officials and the subversion of public trust in the reasonableness of the criminal justice system. Consequently, methods by which the exercise of discretion in the system of trapping can be justified are investigated, since there is room for discretionary powers which are properly circumscribed, structured and controlled. The main methods of control over the exercise of discretion in the system of trapping, namely the exclusion of evidence and a defence in a criminal proceeding, are fully investigated with reference to English, American and Canadian law. Having considered the above, the conclusion is advanced that legislative structuring of the exercise of discretion in the system of trapping offers the most effective solution for most of the problems underlying the system. The only acceptable basis on which the system can function, is to define the scope of acceptable trapping techniques and the confines within which law enforcement officials may prevail on someone to commit a crime. This must be done by means of legislation. Accordingly, there is a need for codification of standards which have to be complied with before any trapping operation may commence. / Criminal & Procedural Law / LL.D. (Criminal & Procedural Law)

Stressors stemming from tactical policing such as social isolation and increased work responsibilities often spill over into the home and affect personal relationships. Using attachment theory as the guiding framework, this mixed methods study aimed to obtain a better understanding of the factors involved in maintaining long-term relationships between tactical officers and their romantic partners. Phase I consisted of surveys administered to tactical officers in Kentucky and measured romantic partner attachment, organizational and operational police stressors. Research questions examined how operational and organizational stress correlated with attachment while controlling for demographics. Analysis indicated that holding a rank above an officer has a significant relationship to both operational and organizational stress. Influenced by the findings from phase I, phase II consisted of 30 qualitative interviews with both tactical officers and their romantic partners. Using elements of attachment theory, symbolic interactionism, and components comprising the spirit of grounded theory, four primary themes with supporting subthemes were discovered: (1) communication, a key component of successful relationships; (2) isolation, particularly from socializing with those outside policing or tactical policing; (3) job related stress, where participants indicated more stress with tactical duties; and (4) tactical team as family and trust where participants indicated that personal support among team members was essential to building the mutual trust needed for the dangers of tactical policing. These themes indicated important findings including better communication between couples who had a romantic partner working in a criminal justice related field and discovery of stressors unique to tactical policing including increased job-related stress pertaining to the higher physical, moral and intellectual standards needed for tactical policing. Participant-based advice and recommendations for more tailored support services for tactical officers and their families were also developed from the findings of phase II and included a need for family notification systems and creation of family-oriented trainings. Relationships between the phases highlighted unique aspects of police subculture within tactical policing and its effects on the personal and occupational lives of tactical officers.

This research focuses on the association between law enforcement training and implementation of hate crime legislation. The Anti-Defamation League's state hate crime statutory provisions and the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Hate Crime Reporting by States data are examined. Section one includes the following: What Constitutes Hate?, The History of Hate Crime Legislation, and Issues Facing Hate Crime Legislation. Section two surveys literature on both Hate Crime Legislation and the training of law enforcement officers. Section three discusses the Anti-Defamation League and FBI data in detail and explains the methods used to test the association between law enforcement training and reporting of hate crime legislation. Findings yield a statistically significant association between law enforcement training and reporting of hate crime legislation.

The purpose of this study is: to explore and analyze the Communication Assistance for Law Enforcement Act of 1994 (CALEA), to identify problems related to CALEA, to identify solutions devised by other countries to overcome problems similar to CALEA's, and to propose feasible solutions to CALEA problems.

CHDS State/Local / Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis argues that first preventers are not limited to law enforcement and/or intelligence personnel. Private security officers are our true first preventers because they control access to the myriad of facilities we enter and exit every day. They are the individuals with their boots on the ground in our efforts to recognize abnormal or unusual activity. Based on the observation by President George W. Bush in the National Strategy for Homeland Security that 85% of the nation's critical infrastructure is owned by private agencies and organizations, one conclusion is incontrovertible: No one is in a better position to be a first preventer than the private security officer in America. In New York State, a professionally trained and licensed security officer's primary directive is defined as detecting, deterring and reporting on conditions which might harm life or property. It is incumbent upon government public security officials, and private security executives themselves, to cultivate and exploit this undervalued segment of our efforts to combat terrorism on a national basis. In order to do so, and to assure the public of the competency of the private security workforce, it is imperative that private security officers be mandated to meet minimum standards. Therefore, this thesis makes the argument that advocating nationwide, state controlled licensing and training of private security officers is essential to the efforts of the Department of Homeland Security to employ 'First Responder' and 'First Preventer' strategies in the war on terrorism. / Civilian, Chief of Staff, New York City Police Pension Fund

The intent of the author is to establish a methodology for future forcible interventions in the affairs of failed, failing or rogue and terrorist sponsoring states in order to stabilize and democratize these nations in accordance with stated United States' goals. The argument follows closely current and developing United States military doctrine on stabilization, reconstruction and counterinsurgency operations. Further the author reviews several past interventions from 1844 to the present. Conducting a survey of colonial, imperialist as well as pre and post World War II, Cold War, post Cold War and post September 11th interventions to determine the techniques and procedures that proved most successful, the author proposes a program of intervention and reconstruction called Progressive Reconstruction that incorporates many of the successful activities of these past and present doctrines. The cornerstone of the methodology is the combination of rapid decisive combat and stabilization operations leading into a series of governmental transitions from foreign direct and indirect to indigenous independent rule.

American policing is shaped by an array of challenges. Police are expected to address crime and engage the community, yet police are held to higher expectations of accountability, effectiveness, and efficiency than ever before. Police legitimacy is the ability of the police to exercise their authority in the course of maintaining order, resolving conflicts, and solving problems (PERF, 2014). The procedural justice and police legitimacy literature suggest that by exhibiting procedurally just behaviors within police-citizen encounters, officers are considered legitimate by the public (PERF, 2014; Tyler, 2004, Tyler & Jackson, 2012). This study examines procedural justice through systematic observations of police-citizen encounters recorded by body worn cameras in one mid-Atlantic police agency. The four elements of procedural justice (participation, neutrality, dignity and respect, and trustworthiness) are assessed to examine police behavior and its outcomes. The research questions concern how police acting in procedurally just ways may influence citizen behaviors. Descriptive statistics indicate high levels of procedural justice. Regression analyses suggest that procedural justice may predict positive citizen behaviors within police-citizen encounters. This study highlights the significance of procedural justice as an antecedent to police legitimacy and offers a new mode of observation: body worn camera footage.

Le droit de la famille constitue un sujet très sensible dans les pays musulmans et donne lieu à une controverse récurrente, principalement structurée autour des pôles islamique et féministe. C’est le cas au Sénégal et au Maroc où l’option retenue par le législateur - qui vise à renforcer les droits des femmes dans le cadre d’un texte cherchant à concilier impératifs islamiques et injonction à la modernité - est loin de faire l’unanimité. En prenant les débats sur le droit de la famille comme point de départ, ce travail se propose - à partir d’une analyse croisant action publique et sociologie politique du droit - de voir comment l’Etat cherche à réguler l’intime pour s’affirmer comme entreprise totale de domination dans un contexte marqué par un fort pluralisme normatif. La comparaison par contrastes dramatiques permet de centrer l’analyse sur le différentiel de capacité et de légitimité des Etats marocain et sénégalais pour mieux saisir le processus différencié d’institutionnalisation de l’Etat au sud. Dans les deux cas, l’Etat cherche à tirer avantage de la controverse en jouant sur les différents systèmes normatifs et en impliquant l’ensemble des acteurs qui le reconnaissent comme arbitre légitime, ce qui lui permet de conserver le pouvoir déterminant de la mise en forme juridique. Afin de pallier les difficultés d’application du droit, l’Etat s’appuie également sur les acteurs non étatiques pour le diffuser, ce qui confirme le caractère co-produit de la politique du droit de la famille. Si le droit étatique ne constitue pas la norme unique mais une norme mobilisable parmi d’autres, il contribue néanmoins à l’orientation des schèmes de perception et d’action des individus et renforce ainsi la prétention de l’Etat à constituer l’autorité politique ultime. / In Muslim countries, Family Law is a highly sensitive matter, which generates recurrent controversy, mainly polarised around Islamic and feminist positions. This is, for instance, what can be observed in Senegal and Morocco. In both countries, the legislator tried to mediate this tension by strengthening Women’s Rights within a text that conciliates Islamic imperatives and injunction to modernity. But this solution is far from receiving unanimous support.Taking the Family Law debate as a starting point, this work combines public policy studies and political sociology of law to analyse how the State tries to regulate the intimate sphere in order to be viewed as the sole domination apparatus within a context of strong normative pluralism. The comparison between the Moroccan and the Senegalese States - a comparison based on ‘dramatic contrasts’- allows to focus the analysis on the differences between the Morocco and Senegalese states in terms of capacity and legitimacy, and thus helps us in better understanding the specificity of state-institutionalisation processes in developing countries.In both cases, the State tries to take advantage from the controversy. It plays on the different normative systems and involves all the actors who acknowledge it as the legitimate arbitrator in order to keep and consolidate its power of law framing. Furthermore, in order to overcome the difficulties linked to law enforcement, the State relies on non-state actors to apply the law. This evidences and confirms the fact that Family Law is the result of a process of co-production. Even if State jurisprudence does not constitute the only normative order, but one amongst others, it nevertheless importantly influences individual behaviour on both the cognitive and the experiential levels. It thus reinforces the State’s pretention to constitute the ultimate political authority.

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