The purpose of this study was to examine ex-offender’s beliefs on the impact of incarceration and societal reintegration on mental health. The study is a qualitative design using interviews that were audio recorded and transcribed for analysis. The study sought to address the relationship between perceptions of mental health and experiences of incarceration and reintegration among formerly incarcerated individuals. The following themes emerged from participant responses: incarceration challenges, mental health stigma, and rehabilitation service accessibility. The findings of this study may contribute to social work practice by providing awareness to the factors impacting ex-offenders’ mental health and interventions needed. The significant importance the findings provide may influence social work advocacy for the services supporting rehabilitative reintegration and may reduce the rate of rearrested offenders, providing overall better mental health resources and services to this population.

海域執法係國家安全的基石，社會及經濟穩定的助力，科技的進步及人權高漲已是國際社會之趨勢。人民對法律執行的要求，已由被動轉而期待法律須符合時代潮流；演變迄今，對法律內容質疑的觀念，執法品質與標準，更而有主動審視能力。依大法官釋字第535 號解釋文要旨，人民對個人擁有基本權利之重視程度，尤其權利限制或禁止，執法人員更應謹慎嚴竣面對及維繋人民擁有之權益。行政院海岸巡防署為我國海域執法專責機構，其執法範圍包括內水、領海、鄰接區、經濟海域、大陸礁層至公海等，兼具國內與國際執法能量的巡防機關。所執行的法律，不僅要迎合國家情勢與社會人民期待，更需要符合國際海洋法所賦予沿海國管轄權利。 接近權、緊追權、登臨檢查權乃海域執法實施態樣中，與人民權利義務關係密切，且會侵害人民各種基本權利，由大法官釋字第535號解釋文可得知其對人民個人基本權利之重視程度，因此，為了維護人民權利，海域執法人員更應審慎面對。如有發生違法或不當情形時，並應給予人民有救濟之機會。 海域執法方式亦可分為對人、對物之執法及對船接近權、緊追權、登臨權方式，並討論海域執法方式及海域執法程序，且因海上執法程序包括攔停、登臨及行政檢查等程序，次再探討海域執法與刑事搜索、行政檢查之區別，最後再分析海巡機關執行行政檢查之相關問題點。巡防機關人員職權之行使困難度甚於陸上警察。基此，訂定專屬海岸巡防機關於執法時所依據之職權行使法律，務必能與法定任務相結合，以保障執法人員自身安全與民眾自由權利。 / Maritime law enforcement is the fundamental issue for the national security as well a great component for the social and economic stability. This is the trend of international society, especially on the aspects of the highly advancement of scientific technology and the upward surge of human right. People become non-passive on the carrying-out of .law enforcement without contortion and actively conform to the quality and standard of laws by the institutional performance. It is noted that people have serious considered their individual rights, especially to the limitation or prohibition of their rights after the release of 535 th solution by the grand justice. It is the obligation of law maker or practitioner to carefully examining people’s right.Coast Guard Administration of Executive Yuan is the sole institution responsible for maritime law enforcement. Its maritime law enforcement scope consists of internal waters, the territorial sea, the contiguous zone, the exclusive economic zone, the continental shelf and the high seas. The CGA enforce the laws and conform to not only the nation, but also the international jurisdiction rights. The right of approaching, hot pursuit, boarding and searching are various types of the maritime power’s implementation,that has a affinity with the rights and obligations of people,often aggrieve human essential rights. From the 535th solution released by the grand justice conference, we can see the importance of human essential rights. Therefore, maritime law enforcement workers should face them more carefully and rigorously in order to protect human rights. When people were damaged by illegal or unmerited action of employees from the Coast Guard Administration that should give people chances to relieve.CGA is one domestic and special maritime enforcement institution, which ambit of law enforcement includes internal waters, territorial sea, contiguous zone, exclusive economic zone (EEZ), continental shelf and high sea. Firstly, the methods of maritime law enforcement could be divided into three aspects: for humans, objects, and the boats including the right of approaching, right of hot pursuit, and boarding and inspection. Besides, the procedure of maritime law enforcement includes sea interception, boarding and inspection. Secondly, this study distinguishes among law enforcement, criminal rummage and detainment. Eventually, it analyzes the problems which occur during the task of coast guard institutions enforcing rummage. Overall, coast guard personal executes the task on the sea is certainly full of various risks and harassment which is more difficult than policemen does on land. Therefore, the exclusive laws of duty should be made for coast guard intuitions to obey in law enforcement and as to unify into statutory missions.

進入全球化的21世紀，對於海上安全議題，個別國家已經無法獨自處理。海上安全議題所牽涉的範圍相當廣泛，尤其是必須面對傳統的與非傳統安全所交織而成的威脅，而這些威脅將對國家安全產生重大影響，因為海洋環境的安全，關係到世界各國的生存發展，如果海洋受到威脅，將對世界政治與經濟安全產生強烈衝擊，並嚴重危害人類社會秩序與穩定。 自1982年聯合國《海洋法公約》公布後，各沿海國家紛紛競逐海洋領土，引發區域內利益衝突，我國為一海洋國家，生存發展必須仰賴海上，當然也受到衝擊，舉凡海洋領土、海上交通、貿易、能源礦藏、漁業資源保育、環境保護等事項，均受到各國海權擴張的影響，囿於我國政治地位及地理環境的特殊性，周邊國家均不願正視我國的存在事實，加上專屬經濟海域與各國嚴重重疊因素，至今無法循正常外交管道協議劃界，進而衍生 “海洋領土爭議”、“漁權爭端”、“海域資源開發與探勘”及“海上犯罪”等影響我國家安全之問題。 目前各國在處理海洋爭端時，用和平與對話的方式是當今現代國家最高指導原則，但其核心仍然離不開海洋控制，所以發展強大的海上武裝力量仍將是實現海權必要步驟和標誌。但是，若動用海軍來處理海上非軍事面向的衝突時，將可能引發戰爭。因此，若要維護國家海權伸張以及降低軍事衝突的可能性，擁有一支足以擔負起海上安全任務、確保國家利益卻又不帶軍事色彩的海域執法機關是不可或缺的，惟有建構強大海上執法實力，我國海上安全與海洋權益才能獲得確保。本論文從中共、韓國、日本、菲律賓與越南等周邊國家，比較我國與各國在海洋事務之推展及海上執法機關能量之現況，發掘問題、分析檢討不足之處，進而提出符合我國國家安全與區域海上安全的對策。 / Maritime security is beyond the ability of each individual country in an era of globalization in 21st century as it involves extensive scope of topics especially for traditional and non-traditional threats they need to face, in which these threats will cause major impact on the national safety as the safety of marine environment is associated with survival and development of various countries in the world, there will be strong impact on the global politics, economy and safety and will severely endanger social order and stability of human beings once the ocean is being threatened. Since “Oceans and Law of the Sea”was announced by the United Nations in 1982, the various coastal countries have been competing for the marine territory and caused conflict of interests within the region, Taiwan is a marine country which relies on the sea for its survival and development and will by all means be affected. Those which are associated with marine territory, marine traffic, trade, energy & mineral resources, fishery resources care, environmental protection matters will be all affected by sea power expansion of various countries. Due to the particularity of our political status and geography, the peripheral countries all ignore the existence of Taiwan, and also, the territorial sea of Taiwan is overlapping with various countries, have led to unavailability of marking off the territory through normal diplomatic channels and further caused “sovereignty of marine territory dispute”, “fishing right dispute”, “resource development & investigation of territorial sea” and “cross-border” crime at sea and other issues that will affect our national security. Currently, the various countries follow principles of peace and conversation when dealing with maritime disputes and mainly stay with maritime control; therefore, developing strong marine force is necessary step to take and a symbol to realize sea power. However, it may cause war if using the navy to handle the non-military conflict at sea, therefore, it is indispensable to have a maritime law enforcement authority that is capability of taking the responsibility of maritime security, ensuring national interest without military influence if you’d like to protect the expansion of sea power of a nation and minimize the military conflict. Only having strong capability in maritime law enforcement will ensure maritime security and marine benefits of Taiwan, in which this paper proceeds comparisons of PRC, Korea, Japan, Philippines, Vietnam and other peripheral countries with Taiwan in terms of promotion of marine affairs and current situation of marine law enforcement authorities so as to discover problems, analyze shortcomings, and to further propose countermeasures that comply with our national security and regional maritime security.

All firearms within the United States are required by the Gun Control Act to be physically marked with a serial number; which is at least 0.003” in depth and 1/16” in height. The purpose of a serial number is to make each firearm uniquely identifiable and traceable. Intentional removal of a serial number is a criminal offense and is used to hide the identity and movements of the involved criminal parties. The current standard for firearm serial number restoration is by chemical etching; which is time & labor intensive as well as destructive to the physical evidence (firearm). It is hypothesized that a new technique that is accurate, precise, and time efficient will greatly aid law enforcement agencies in pursuing criminals. This thesis focuses on using a large chamber scanning electron microscope to take secondary electron (SE) images of a stamped metal plate and analyzing them using the MIRA MX 7 UE image processing software for purposes of depth determination. An experimental peak luminance value of 77 (pixel values) was correlated to the known depth (273 μm) at the bottom of the sample character. Results show that it is potentially possible to determine an unknown depth from a SEM image; using luminance values obtained in the MIRA analysis.

This paper is mainly anchored in assemblies and parades handled by police agency¡¨. First of all, assemblies and parades are the basic human rights protected by our constitution. The purpose of the police¡¦s involvement in the handling of those activities is to safeguard citizens¡¦ exercise of their rights. Secondly, from analysis of practical cases and through verification of experimental activities and modification of theories, reasonable and proper principles of handling such activities can be submitted as a reference for policemen¡¦s law enforcement and education and training. Finally, the study discusses the contents and regulations of the Law of Parade and Demonstration. It also provides directions of modification of the law through theories and experiments in order to make the law more perfect, protect human rights granted by the constitution, and further inspire people¡¦s law-abiding spirit. From my practical experiences in handling assemblies and parades over the years in police organizations of basic level and this study, the author found that the cases of assemblies and parades in Kaohsiung City during the period from 2001 to 2005 were different in their types. Case-by-case analysis, examination of evidence and deductive method were adopted to examine if the police adhere to the principles of ¡§protecting lawful assemblies¡¨, ¡§banning unlawful assemblies, and ¡§imposing sanction against violence¡§, and if they take the positions of ¡§To rule by law¡¨, ¡§administrative neutrality¡¨ and ¡§strict enforcement of law¡¨ at the same time. If not, the results will turn out to be different. In recent years, people¡¦s political consciousness has been rising and the assertion of individual rights and interests has aroused more and more attention. Besides, the two-party system has almost taken shape in Taiwan. Consequently, assemblies and parades become normal in today¡¦s plural and diversified society. The police should know how to play the role of law enforcement and protector correctly. To achieve the goal, the policemen should accumulate their practical experiences and carry out case analysis continuously. By combining ¡§theories¡¨ with ¡§practices¡¨ together, this study reflects the advantages and disadvantages of the police in handling assemblies and parades at current stage, and point out the direction of amendment to the present Law of Parade and Demonstration. Finally, this study submits one set of concrete and feasible plan for the police agency to follow, and I hope that the plan will be helpful in handling assemblies and parades in the future.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2001. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jan. 31, 2007). Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 74-85).

The thesis analyzes how the administrations of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush used force in response to incidents of international terrorism. Key players in each administration and whether they advocated a law enforcement approach or a war paradigm approach to counterterrorism are examined. In addition, Koh's pattern of executive initiative, congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance forms a theoretical lens through which to compare and contrast administrations. An assessment of the role of Congress in making the administrations' counterterrorism policies confirms the vitality of this pattern, and suggests future administrations will adhere to it. During the George W. Bush administration, Koh's pattern of executive initiative (led by personalities like Vice President Cheney), congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance combined with the 9/11 tragedy and pervasive fears of another attack to create a 'perfect storm' known as the 'war on terror'. The research also analyzes to what extent the four administrations were constrained by international legal norms on the use of force, i.e. articles 2(4) and 51 of the UN Charter. On the domestic side, the thesis analyzes the extent to which American legal norms on the use of force constrained the administrations. Although the lack of compelling constraints on the use of force is present in all four administrations, the thesis indicates that the George W. Bush administration embodied an extreme example of this trend.

From 1840 to the present, the Treaty of Waitangi has been a subject of some significance in New Zealand – a distinctive but subtle thread running through the fabric of the country’s history and shaping attitudes to race relations. A conviction strongly held by New Zealanders is that the treaty has made the country different from other nations, that it initiated an experiment in race relationships that has secured reasonable accord over the years. Only as the climate of public opinion has shifted slightly in the last twenty years and as Maori protest about failure to obtain treaty rights has become more strident have these convictions been challenged.

From 1840 to the present, the Treaty of Waitangi has been a subject of some significance in New Zealand – a distinctive but subtle thread running through the fabric of the country’s history and shaping attitudes to race relations. A conviction strongly held by New Zealanders is that the treaty has made the country different from other nations, that it initiated an experiment in race relationships that has secured reasonable accord over the years. Only as the climate of public opinion has shifted slightly in the last twenty years and as Maori protest about failure to obtain treaty rights has become more strident have these convictions been challenged.

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