p. 1 - 115 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-01-22T19:04:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 666666.pdf: 732632 bytes, checksum: 8b30ea3a1c5310492c6fb08c3d686bef (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-01-22T19:04:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 666666.pdf: 732632 bytes, checksum: 8b30ea3a1c5310492c6fb08c3d686bef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / O presente trabalho é um estudo das estratégias de marketing político utilizadas no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral na TV pelas campanhas de Jaques Wagner e Paulo Souto na Eleição de 2006 para Governador da Bahia. Através de um estudo de caso exploratório indutivo e comparativo entre as duas campanhas, a pesquisa contempla a análise de dados secundários coletados dos programas eleitorais, além de entrevistas em profundidade com os principais responsáveis pelas estratégias adotadas. Os resultados obtidos elucidam a participação de cada estratégia no cômputo geral da propaganda de cada candidato e ajudam na análise dos resultados finais obtidos nas urnas. / Salvador

L'Aquitaine se singularise par une instabilité des votes au niveau législatif, paradoxe dans une région où l'on voit la constitution de véritables fiefs municipaux de droite comme de gauche, comme en témoignent les longs mandats municipaux des socialistes René Cassagne, Michel Sainte-Marie ou encore André Labarrère. Des travaux ont étudié les instances nationales du Parti socialiste, les dirigeants et les différents courants, cependant l'analyse de l'implantation du socialisme au niveau régional reste lacunaire. Le sujet d'étude de cette thèse est le maillage et l'implantation du socialisme en Aquitaine de 1958 à 1993. L'objectif est la compréhension de l'influence d'une force politique sur un espace régional donné, les contraintes ou les facteurs facilitateurs de cette implantation. Plusieurs échelles d'analyse semblent pertinentes. Le socialisme dans toutes ses composantes peut être vu en tant que mobilisateur de masse au niveau local, mais l'étude porte également sur les réseaux mis en place afin d'enraciner une implantation et de créer des fiefs politiques. Enfin l'étude tendra à analyser le rapport de la SFIO puis du Parti socialiste en Aquitaine pris entre les aspirations des électeurs et les directives des instances nationales. Une différenciation peut être faite selon l'importance du maillage, la force de l'organisation politique, le déploiement de réseaux d'influence, d'un département à l'autre mais également à l'intérieur d'un même département. / Aquitaine stands out for being unstable in its votes at the legislative elections. This is paradoxical in a region where real local right-wing and left-wing stronghold has developed, as can be seen from the long local mandates of the socialists René Cassagne, Michel Sainte-Marie or André Labarrère. Research has studied the national authorities of the socialist party, its leaders and the different trends, however, the analysis of the reasons of the strong presence of the socialist party in the region remains incomplete. The subject for this thesis is the creation of a regional network and presence of socialism in Aquitaine from 1958 to 1993.The purpose here is to understand how a given regional area was influenced by political forces, the constraint or the factors which made its presence easier. Several levels of analysis seem to be relevant. Socialism in all its various elements can be seen as capable of attracting a large people’s support at a local level, however the study is also about the networks set up to fix the presence and to create political stronghold . Finally, the study will aim at analyzing the attitude of the elected Socialists caught between the hopes of the voters and the directive of the party leadership. A differentiation can be made according to the importance of the territorial coverage, the strength of the political organization, the display of network of influence, from one department to the other but also within a same department.

The purpose of this dissertation was to address the problem expressed in the following question: "Why have the opposition political parties in Lesotho weakened since 1993?" A qualitative approach was used. The researcher interviewed officials of twelve representative parties out of the total of eighteen parties. The responses of the interviewees are in appendix 5. This work reveals the problems of the opposition parties in Lesotho. Among others, the study addressed the following issues: the reform of the electoral system, political party funding, dominance of the ruling party, prohibitive legislation and party leadership. The potential strengths and weaknesses of the opposition parties have been noted. The MMP electoral model, introduced in 2001 and tested in 2002, created a more inclusive party system, but it is not the sole solution for the weakness of the opposition parties. Patronisation and lack of political party funding appear to be major factors. / Political Sciences / M. A. (Politics)

O sistema partidário-eleitoral brasileiro é tido como um dos mais fragmentados do mundo. As inferências para esse diagnóstico são extraídas do padrão de competição nas eleições proporcionais. O propósito da tese é estudar o sistema partidário brasileiro a partir das eleições majoritárias de 1989-2006. A tese tem como foco entender a dinâmica da competição política nessas disputas a partir da ação estratégica das elites partidárias. Do ponto de vista substantivo, o trabalho busca contribuir para o entendimento dos mecanismos que garantiram a dominância de PT e PSDB nas eleições presidenciais a partir de 1994. A tese busca demonstrar, ainda, a existência de estabilidade das clivagens políticas se tomarmos os Estados individualmente. O ponto de partida é que as eleições executivas são as mais importantes, tanto para as elites políticas como para os eleitores. Partidos políticos hierarquizam os diferentes pleitos. O argumento do trabalho é que o mecanismo central que garantiu a estabilidade da clivagem PT-PSDB foi a articulação nacional das candidaturas por meio das eleições para o governo do Estado. Esses dois partidos foram capazes de reproduzir essa clivagem nas diferentes disputas estaduais. A evidência empírica utilizada na análise é a frequência do lançamento de candidaturas dos nove maiores partidos nas eleições executivas. O custo de entrada das eleições majoritárias leva à criação de mercados eleitorais distintos no interior do sistema partidário brasileiro. O alto custo decorrente da baixa magnitude das eleições executivas torna esse mercado bastante concentrado. Assim, o padrão da competição política nas eleições majoritárias não apenas se encontra de acordo com a literatura institucionalista mas também apresenta uma estabilidade na identidade dos competidores tanto nas eleições presidenciais como, em menor medida, nas eleições para o governo estadual. / The brazilian electoral-party system is considered one of the most fragmented in the world. That diagnosis is based on the pattern of competition in proportional elections. The purpose of this thesis is to study the brazilian party system from the perspective of executive elections from 1989 to 2006. This thesis focuses on understanding the dynamics of political competition in these disputes from the strategic action of the party elites. Our central aim is to contribute to the understanding of the mechanisms that ensured the dominance of PT and PSDB in the presidential elections since 1994. This thesis seeks to demonstrate also the existence of stability of political divisions if the states are taken individually. The starting point of this work is that the executive elections are the most important for both political elites and voters. Political parties rank the different types of competition. The argument of this paper is that the central mechanism which ensured the stability of the PT-PSDB cleavage was the articulation of national contest through the elections to the government of the state. These two parties were able to reproduce the various disputes in the states. The empirical evidence used in the analysis is the frequency of the launch of applications of the nine major parties in the executive elections. The cost of entering the elections majority takes the creation of separate markets within the electoral party system in Brazil. The high costs of low executive elections make this market highly concentrated. Thus, the pattern of the executive elections is not only according to the institutionalist literature, but also shows stability in the identity of competitors both in the presidential elections and, to a lesser extent, in elections to the states governments.

A Ciência Política no Brasil tem se preocupado, nos últimos anos, em compreender o comportamento dos partidos surgidos após o período de redemocratização. Dentre as possíveis variáveis capazes de servir para explicar o fenômeno estão as coligações eleitorais, ainda pouco exploradas nos estudos. O objetivo dessa tese é compreender a existência de uma lógica capaz de explicar o comportamento das legendas em seus acordos para a disputa de prefeituras em 2000 e 2004. O universo pesquisado compreende os cerca de 5.560 municípios brasileiros e mais de treze mil candidaturas por ano, onde serão destacados os dez principais partidos brasileiros - PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. Parte-se da hipótese central de que existem variáveis capazes de explicar parte significativa desse ordenamento. Para tanto, realizam-se duas análises cuidadosas: da bibliografia e das questões institucionais. Nessa primeira parte destacam-se os estudos brasileiros sobre as coligações, desenvolvidos a partir do período da redemocratização dos anos 80, e as considerações de dois teóricos dos partidos políticos e suas considerações sobre as alianças: Maurice Duverger e Ângelo Panebianco. Na segunda parte os esforços se concentram na análise das leis que orientam a celebração de acordos eleitorais e os estatutos dos partidos selecionados, uma vez que o quadro institucional do país torna as legendas relativamente livres para a celebração de suas coligações. As duas últimas partes do trabalho se concentram em investigar se o comportamento dos partidos nos seus acordos em eleições majoritárias municipais tem relação com aspectos ideológicos e governamentais no plano federal ou com aspectos ligados ao alinhamento das legendas em cada estado, com destaque para a relação situação x oposição em torno da forte figura do governador. A conclusão caminha no sentido de aceitar esse segundo ambiente. Os partidos se organizam nos estados, e tal questão tem reflexo sobre as eleições municipais. / Brazilian political science has occupied itself for the last few years with analyzing the behavior of political parties. One of the variables that has some explanation power, and as of yet underrated in the field, are pre-electoral coalitions. This PhD thesis aims to check if there is a logic behind the main parties behavior regarding pre-electoral coalitions for mayorships in the elections of 2000 and 2004. Over 5,560 cities and 13,000 candidacies are analyzed and the parties studied are Brazil\'s ten main political parties: PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. We depart from the notion that there are many relevant variables that can explain why certain parties enter coalitions with others. For starters, we review the sparse literature regarding pre-electoral coalitions worldwide and specifically in Brazil and the work of two great political scientists: Maurice Duverger and Angelo Panebianco. Then we analyze the ten parties statutes to see how they regard the issue, since federal electoral laws are relatively permissive. The two last chapters investigate if pre-electoral coalitions in municipal elections are related to ideological and coalitional matters at the federal level or at the state level. The data show that the parties tend to organize themselves according to the governor\'s political position.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Cesar Lorencini.pdf: 1088468 bytes, checksum: f968489110e1050b6a73aacac9176037 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-19 / The financing election is one of the central themes of contemporary political debate in most western democratic states. The reason for this is exactly the growing importance of financial element in the elections and the sensitivity of this field to vices such as corruption and abuse of economic power. The need for the state intervene in this phenomenon, without undermining fundamental rights, such as freedom of expression, justifies a thorough study on the legal system to be adopted, which should elect as premise the control of the financial flow through techniques of transparency. / O financiamento eleitoral é um dos temas centrais do debate político contemporâneo na maior parte dos Estados democráticos ocidentais. A razão disto é exatamente a crescente importância do elemento financeiro nas eleições e a sensibilidade de tal campo a vícios como a corrupção e o abuso de poder econômico. A necessidade de o Estado intervir em tal fenômeno, sem prejudicar direitos fundamentais, como a liberdade de expressão, justifica um estudo minucioso acerca do regime jurídico a ser adotado, o qual deve eleger como premissa o controle do fluir financeiro mediante técnicas de transparência.

Rechercher dans les cinq districts du département des Bouches-du-Rhône, les Justices de paix installées dans tous les cantons, entre 1790 et fin décembre 1792. Etudier les difficultés de leur installation par rapport au système électoral de désignation des juges, des assesseurs, des greffiers, instauré par la Loi d'organisation judiciaire des 16/24 août 1790 et analyser le fonctionnement et l'évolution de ces juridictions pendant la première période de leur existence, entre 1790 et décembre 1792. / Search in the five districts of the Bouches du Rhone Department, the Justices of Peace installed in all cantons between 1790 and December 1792. Examine the difficulties of their installation relative to the electoral procedure of appointment of the judges, assessors, registrars who was established by the Law d'Organisation Judiciaire of the 16 and 24 August 1790. Examine the functioning of these jurisdictions during the first period of their life between 1790 and December 1792.

Le comportement électoral dans les communautés mixtes (Résumé)<p><p>Andreea ZAMFIRA<p><p><p>\ / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis examines the meanings that residents of the township of Hooggenoeg (in Grahamstown, in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa) made of the election coverage in the Grocott’s Mail newspaper during 2011 municipal elections in South Africa. In addition, this study also sought to understand the particular set of ‘normative roles’ played by the paper, both with reference to the well-established body of theory about the normative roles of journalism in a democracy, and in terms of the paper’s own conceptualisation of its role in the functioning of local democracy. Grocott’s Mail, the oldest independent newspaper in South Africa, provided extensive pre-election coverage, which included producing and distributing an unprecedented free edition of the paper. The paper also facilitated a town hall debate in order to encourage residents to vote, and empower them to make a more informed choice about their vote. Three qualitative research methods, namely qualitative content analysis, focus group interviews, and individual interviews were used to examine the relationship between the content provided by the paper and the audience’s process of ‘making sense’ and deriving meaning from the content provided. The study concludes that Grocott’s attempt to encourage democratic culture in Grahamstown, in keeping with the more ‘facilitative’ normative roles that the local media can play, was only partially successful. Much of the election reporting subordinated the voices of the ordinary people, and privileged reporting that focussed narrowly on the voting process, and which foregrounded the views of political parties. Overall this coverage largely failed to resonate with the Grocott’s readers who live in Hooggenoeg (a largely ‘coloured’ area of Grahamstown), whose key concerns in terms of their daily life – such as poverty, unemployment, crime, lack of services – seemed, to them, unaddressed by this election coverage and, consequently, was not as engaging or convincing as the publishers/editors had hoped it would be. It can be also argued that Grocott’s narrow conceptualisation of democracy as entailing only public participation in electoral processes failed to cater for how audiences can be made aware of how they can participate in governance beyond the election period.

This thesis deals with the e-voting implementation in the Free Citizens Party. It contents research and practical part. The research deals with elections and e-voting solutions of elections, while the practical part is about the analysis and the implementation of electronic elections in the Free Citizens Party. The first objective is to provide knowledge that is necessary for the practical part of the thesis by research of these issues and already implemented solutions of electronic elections over the world. The second goal is to prepare the functional implementation of electronic elections in the Free Citizens Party. The analysis and solution proposal of the implementation are made to meet this goal. The author contribution consists in meeting goals of the thesis. During the thesis processing is done a research of elections and electronic elections. After acquiring this knowledge, the author made the analysis, solution proposal of the implementation and the implementation of electronic elections in the Free Citizens Party.