El cine peruano es reconocido a nivel nacional por recrear los momentos más difíciles de los últimos 30 años, en este caso, el conflicto armado interno. Este acontecimiento tuvo mucha acogida en el cine, en donde, se realizaron películas como “La teta asustada” de Claudia Llosa. Esta última, siendo el enfoque de la investigación. El personaje principal de este largometraje vive con un trauma debido al contexto del pasado, el cual se hace referencia como “la teta asustada”. En base a esta afección con la que vive el personaje principal, se realizará un análisis de caracterización, interpretando sus distintas dimensiones (física, psicológica y sociológica). Por otro lado, analizaremos las acciones del personaje en estudio para describir la representación del personaje que ha sido afectado por el trastorno en observación. Por ende, la siguiente investigación busca analizar la caracterización del personaje afectado por el conflicto armado interno en la película “La teta asustada” de Claudia Llosa. / Peruvian cinema is nationally recognized for recreating the most difficult moments of the last 30 years, in this case, the internal conflict in Peru. This event was very well received in the cinema, where films such as “The milk of sorrow” by Claudia Llosa were made. The latter being the focus of the investigation. The main character of this film lives with a trauma due to the context of the past, which is referred to as "the milk of sorrow". Based on this condition with which the main character lives, a characterization analysis will be carried out, interpreting its different dimensions (physical, psychological and sociological). On the other hand, we will analyze the actions of the character under study to describe the representation of the character that has been affected by the disorder under observation. Therefore, the following research seeks to analyze the characterization of the character affected by the internal conflict in the film "The milk of sorrow" by Claudia Llosa. / Trabajo de investigación

Entre los años 1980 al 2000, Perú vivió lo que se denominó el conflicto armado interno (CAI) que, según la Dirección General de Búsqueda de Personas Desaparecidas (DGBPD, 2021) del Ministerio de Justicia dejó 21918 víctimas de desaparición forzada, cuyas familias experimentaron las secuelas del CAI en diferentes ámbitos de su vida, y sobre quienes existe escaso material bibliográfico. Ante este panorama, el objetivo del presente estudio es describir el sentido de vida en los familiares de víctimas de desaparición forzada durante el CAI 1980 - 2000 en Perú. Se hizo uso de un enfoque cualitativo para el estudio, con diseño fenomenológico, donde se entrevistó a seis personas, cuatro mujeres y dos varones, entre 35 y 79 años, que mantenían diferentes tipos de vínculos con el familiar desaparecido (padre, madre, esposos e hijo). Así mismo, se realizó un análisis de contenido que partió de dos categorías: valores y autorrealización e incorporó luego la categoría recursos. Los resultados mostraron que los participantes en su mayoría encontraron un sentido de vida en tres caminos: 1) asumir o impulsar actividades que beneficien a sus familiares u otras víctimas del CAI. 2) En las experiencias o recuerdos de amor con ellos, o 3) Cuando asumen sus dificultades como oportunidades de aprendizajes tanto para sí mismos como para otros. De este modo, tras tener un por qué para vivir obtuvieron satisfacción, siendo sus recursos elementos transversales que lo hicieron posible. / During 80's until 2000, Peru experienced what was called the Internal Armed Conflict (CAI), wich, according to the Disappeared People General Directorate (DGBPD, 2021), until mid-2021, letf 21.918 forced disappearance victims, whose families lived CAI consecuneces in different aspects of life. Considering this background, the objective of this study is to describe the sense of life in forced disappearance victims relatives during CAI 1980 – 2000 in Peru. A qualitative method and a phenomenological design were used for this study; in which six people were interviewed: four woman and two men between 35 and 79 years old. Also, a content analysis was carried out. It started from two categories: values and self-transcendence. The third one, the resouce categorie was introduced later. The results showed that the majority of participants find a sense of life in three ways 1) by doing activities that benefit their relatives or other victims of CAI, 2) in the experiences or memories of love with them or 3) when difficulties are seen as learning opportunities for themselves and for others. In this way, they experienced satisfaction by having a reason to live, becoming their personal and enviromental resources transversal elements that made it possible. / Tesis

This paper will investigate what role human rights can play in the reconstruction of a post-conflict society. The true root causes of conflict are not addressed by prior peace interventions, often governments are unable to deliver to their populations what they were promised. This thesis is guided by an overarching research interest in how during these situations, peacebuilding, human rights, and the construction of a new, accountable social contract can go hand-in-hand. The case study of the Central African Republic’s conflicts will be used to investigate the hypothesis. Nurturing and restoring society’s trust in the peacebuilding process is often underestimated. To break the vicious cycle of self-enforcing conflicts and their recurrence, a revitalisation of the social contract may be a strategy to optimize working towards reconciling the post-conflict society. The research finds that a human rights-rooted social contract approach in a post-conflict society can impact the peacebuilding positively.

The number of children living in a conflict zone in 2021 reached a staggering 449 million, which represents more than one out of every six children (Save the Children, 2022). When children are exposed to armed conflict the experiences can impair cognitive and social and emotional function. These functions can in return challenge and impair the child's learning processes. Through a comparative multiple-case study, using the lens of the Ecological Systems Theory, two humanitarian interventions; BLP in Gaza by NRC and HCT in Lebanon by IRC, the research aims at shining light on the opportunities and challenges with PSS educational interventions targeting children's trauma recovery and academic achievement. The research questions seek to create an understanding about how the interventions are designed and implemented and which strategies are the most impactful and less impactful, and lastly, what recommendations can be derived from the findings to guide similar NGOs in their design and implementation process. The main results showed that both BTP and HCT interventions effectively reduced traumatic stress and improved academic achievement among the beneficiaries. BLP demonstrated strengths in its multi-leveled design, parent involvement, and comprehensive materials for teachers. HCT demonstrated strengths in creating a supportive environment and structured teacher training but had low parent involvement. The findings emphasize the importance of a multi-leveled approach to enrich the child's social ecosystem.

Although the armed conflict-drought nexus has gained increased attention lately, it isstill unclear what the causal mechanism looks like. In order to gain more knowledgeabout this I have attempted to answer the question of why some conflicts escalateduring drought while others do not by conducting a cross case comparison of theconflict between Al-Shabaab and the government of Somalia and the conflict betweenthe Tuaregs and the government of Mali. The results show that drought could lead toboth escalation and de-escalation of armed conflict, acting mostly as a trigger. Themost important thing for people is the access to vital resources, such as food andwater, and their group affiliation can change based on who provides these resources.This could show policy makers what to focus on in order to prevent radicalisation butit first and foremost gives a ground to researchers that want to investigate thedrought-armed conflict nexus further.

No description available.

This research uses the case study of Colombia and more specifically the peace negotiations between the government of Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) to identify the influence that International Humanitarian Law (IHL) can have on a peacemaking process and what its humanitarian implications are.  By linking the humanitarian and peacemaking fields, the main objective of this research is to assess the extent to which IHL has influenced the peace negotiations with the FARC-EP. To conduct this study, desk research and interviews were conducted in order to find out all the subtle elements that were not documented in the literature.  The final aim of this research is to highlight how humanitarian obligations under IHL have become increasingly relevant in peacemaking processes and conflict resolution strategies, particularly in non-international armed conflicts. As found out through this case study on Colombia, IHL can help establishing trust through humanitarian confidence building measures reducing humanitarian crises caused by war. Finally, IHL can strengthen accountability and reparations during and after the peace process and provide a legal framework for consolidating peace agreements.

No description available.

Créée en 2002 en remplacement de l’OUA, l’Union africaine affiche l’ambition de trouver des solutions africaines aux problèmes africains en ajoutant l’article 4 dans son Acte constitutif. Cet article lui donne le droit de déployer une force militaire au sein d’un État membre pour protéger les civils lors de violations de droits de l’homme, de génocide ou de crimes contre l’humanité. Tandis que les conflits intraétatiques continuent de faire rage sur le continent africain, l’UA et ses États membres n’ont jamais autorisé — sans y renoncer — une intervention humanitaire contre l’un de ses membres. Ce mémoire vise à connaitre les raisons pour lesquelles les dirigeants africains ont renoncé à déployer une force militaire pour protéger les civils burundais en 2015, et ce, malgré le fait que l’UA l’a initialement recommandé quelques semaines plus tôt. En s’inspirant de la théorie réaliste des relations internationales, cette étude du conflit burundais de 2015 démontre que la non-intervention de l’UA est avant tout liée à un manque de volonté de la part des dirigeants africains qui ont privilégié leurs intérêts personnels ainsi que les intérêts économiques de leur pays au détriment de l’urgence humanitaire au Burundi. De plus, plusieurs dirigeants africains, qui ont un contentieux avec Paul Kagamé et qui voient le Burundi comme un contrepoids à l’influence rwandaise, se sont positionnés contre la MAPROBU pour léser le Rwanda. Ensuite, l’abandon de la MAPROBU s’explique aussi par le fait que le Conseil de Paix et de Sécurité est totalement dépendant de la volonté des États membres et ne dispose pas de l’autonomie institutionnelle nécessaire pour autoriser le déploiement des troupes de l’UA au Burundi. / Created in 2002 to replace the OAU, the African Union’s desire to find African solutions to African problems was demonstrated by the addition of Article 4 to its Constitutive Act, which gives the Union the authority to deploy a military force within a member state to protect civilians from human rights violations, genocide or crimes against humanity. While intrastate conflicts are still devastating the African continent, the AU has never authorized a humanitarian intervention against one of its members. This master’s thesis seeks to explain why the African leaders did not authorize the deployment of a military force to protect Burundian civilians in 2015, despite the fact that the AU had initially recommended it a few weeks earlier. Based on the realist approach in International Relations, this case study demonstrates that the decision not to intervene in Burundi is primarily due to a lack of commitment from African leaders who have prioritized their own interests as well as economic interests over the humanitarian urgency in Burundi. In addition, many African leaders, who see Paul Kagame as a rival, perceive Burundi as a counterweight to Rwanda’s influence. Therefore, their position against MAPROBU is also intended to undermine Rwanda. Secondly, the decision not to deploy MAPROBU could be explained by the fact that the Peace and Security Council (PSC) is totally dependent on the will of member states and does not have the necessary institutional autonomy to authorize the deployment of AU troops in Burundi.

Soziale, politische und geografische Prozesse der Stadtentwicklung in Konflikt- und Grenzregionen werden in dieser Dissertation durch eine Kombination von Satellitenbildern und Feldforschung analysiert. Das Untersuchungsgebiet ist die Grenzregion zwischen der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DRK) und Ruanda, die seit Anfang der 1990er Jahre von zwischen- und innerstaatlichen bewaffneten Konflikten betroffen ist. Im Fokus der Analyse liegt Goma, die Provinzhauptstadt von Nord-Kivu im Osten der DRK. Zusätzlich wird ein Vergleich mit Gomas Zwillingsstadt Gisenyi in Ruandas Westprovinz gezogen. Die Literatur zu urbanen Räumen im Kongo und in gesamt Subsahara-Afrika bezieht sich häufig auf Primärstädte. Über die Entwicklung von Sekundärstädten in Konfliktzonen, für die es kaum räumlich explizite Studien gibt, ist wenig bekannt. Diese Arbeit bietet zwei sich ergänzende Perspektiven durch die Kombination von Satellitenbildanalyse mit semi-strukturierten Interviews und Beobachtungen aus mehreren Forschungsaufenthalten. Das zweite Kapitel verwendet eine Zeitreihe hochaufgelöster Landsat-Szenen, um die Expansion von Goma zwischen 1986 und 2015 zu analysieren. Dieser Zeitrahmen umfasst internen Konflikt in Ruanda (1990-1994), die Kongo-Kriege (1996-2003) und deren von Gewalt geprägte Folgezeit. Das dritte Kapitel basiert auf der Analyse sehr hochauflösender Satellitenbilder. Eine feinskalige Kartierung von Urbanisierungsmustern zwischen 2005 und 2014 wird mit verantwortlichen Akteursgruppen verbunden. Das vierte Kapitel erweitert die Analyse auf Gomas ruandische Nachbarstadt Gisenyi. Es untersucht und vergleicht, wie sich zwischen- und innerstaatliche Konflikte und die jüngste Phase von Stabilität in Ruanda auf die räumliche Stadtentwicklung über die nationale Grenze hinweg auswirken. Die Arbeit schließt mit einer kritischen Reflexion über Nutzen und Grenzen des angewendeten Methodenmix und zeigt mögliche Bereiche für weitere Forschung auf. / This dissertation combines satellite imagery analysis and field research to investigate the influence of armed conflict on urban spatial development in the eastern periphery of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and western Rwanda. This border region continues to be affected by inter- and intra-state conflict since the early 1990s. The primary study area is the city of Goma in Congo's North Kivu province. Additionally, a comparison is drawn to the adjacent city of Gisenyi in Rwanda's Western Province. The literature on urban areas in Congo and throughout Sub-Saharan Africa often refers to large primary cities. Little is known about urban development of secondary cities in conflict zones, and spatially explicit studies are rare. By combining satellite imagery analysis with semi-structured interviews and observations from field visits, this dissertation provides two complementary perspectives. The second chapter uses a time series of high-resolution Landsat images to analyze Goma's expansion between 1986 and 2015, a timeframe that includes conflict in Rwanda (1990-1994), the Congo Wars (1996-2003), and their violent aftermath. It shows how stages of urban growth relate to waves of forced displacement. The third chapter relies on very high-resolution (VHR) images for a fine-scale mapping of urbanization patterns between 2005 and 2014, and attributes them to groups of key actors. The fourth chapter extends the analysis to Goma’s Rwandan twin-city Gisenyi. It compares how inter- and intra-state conflict, and recent stability in Rwanda affect urban development across a national border. The dissertation concludes by reflecting on the utility and limitations of this methodological combination for conflict regions, highlighting areas for further research.