Les Systèmes d’alerte précoce (SAP) sont des dispositifs d’évaluation de la sécurité alimentaire permettant de guider les décideurs humanitaires et gouvernementaux dans le ciblage de l’aide alimentaire d’urgence, grâce à des analyses quantifiées et cartographiées. Analysé au travers du prisme sociologique, le SAP est lu comme un système expert flou permettant de stabiliser des consensus institutionnels dans des environnements incertains, grâce à son investissement de forme chiffré et cartographié. La thèse est articulée autour de l’hypothèse centrale que le SAP éthiopien participe aux stratégies d’extraversion de l’aide internationale par l’État-Parti, renforçant ses capacités de contrôle et d’encadrement des populations et de l’administration. Cette hypothèse est vérifiée au travers d’analyses de jeux d’acteurs – les experts en charge du ciblage de l’aide, agissant comme des courtiers de développement situés aux interfaces institutionnelles multiples – , au travers des normes professionnelles, pratiques et sociales mobilisées lors des exercices d’évaluation, et des jeux d’échelles passant du micro au macro. Une première partie démontre comment le registre technico-scientifique du SAP découle des représentations techniques et apolitiques des famines et de l’évolution du régime de l’aide alimentaire internationale. L’exploration ethnographique de la pratique des agents révèle que les normes officielles du SAP éthiopien relèvent d’une hybridation entre des normes humanitaires et des normes de la bureaucratie éthiopienne. Les généalogies des normes humanitaires et de la bureaucratie éthiopiennes conduites au travers d’analyses sociologiques, anthropologiques et historiques, mettent en exergue comment le registre technique permet d’agréger ces deux mondes institutionnels, en occultant toute dimension politique. Un retour ethnographique détaillant les jeux de normes montre comment leur articulation par les agents, le long des échelles de la hiérarchie, est présidée par l’empirisme et la négociation, aménageant les marges de manœuvre aux kadre du Parti, pour influer discrètement sur les résultats et le ciblage de l’aide. À l’échelle villageoise, nous verrons comment le ciblage de l’aide renforce l’encadrement et le contrôle des populations par les kadre. Enfin, nous reviendrons sur les enjeux méthodologiques des enquêtes de terrain conduites par un ancien humanitaire. / Early Warning Systems (EWS) are food security assessment devices that quantify the need of food aid for humanitarian and government decision-makers in the targeting of emergency food aid through quantified and mapped analyzes. Analyzed through the sociological prism, the EWS is a blurr « system of expertise » stabilizing institutional consensus in uncertain environments, thanks to its investment of quantified and mapped form. The thesis is based on the central hypothesis that the Ethiopian EWS participates in strategies of extraversion of the international aid by the State Party, reinforcing its capacities of control and supervision of the populations and the administration. This hypothesis is verified through analyzes of experts in charge of targeting aid, acting as development brokers located at multiple institutional interfaces - through their professional, practical and social norms, and following different steps from micro to macro scales of the device. We shall first recall how the technical-scientific register of EWS derives from the technical and apolitical representations of famines and the evolution of the international food aid regime. A first ethnographic exploration of the practice of agents reveals that these norms are a hybridization between humanitarian norms and bureaucratic norms. We will study these norms separately through sociological, anthropological and historical analyzes, highlighting how the technical register makes possible to aggregate these two universes, hidding political dimensions. An ethnographic study detailing the sets of norms will show how their articulation by the agents, along the hierarchical scales, is presided over by empiricism and negotiation, adjusting the margins of maneuver to the kadre of the Party, to discreetly influence the results and the target of aid. At the village level, we will see how the targeting of aid reinforces the supervision and control of the populations by the kadre. Finally, we will return to the methodological stakes of the field investigations conducted by a former humanitarian.

A última reforma administrativa brasileira de 1998 buscou na iniciativa privada ideias para melhorias em sua gestão, como o princípio da eficiência, o new public management e a maior flexibilidade na contratação e dispensa de trabalhadores. No entanto, a inovação proposta não levou em conta aquilo que as mais modernas teorias adotadas pelas organizações privadas de fato propõem. A noção de que a estabilidade da burocracia na Administração Pública seria perniciosa e menos eficiente não se sustenta, especialmente no tocante ao turnover e à retenção de quadros qualificados. A valorização do capital humano, e não o seu descarte, é que torna melhor a gestão, quer da empresa privada, quer do setor público. / The last Brazilian Public Administration reform in 1998 sought within the private sector ideas to improve its management, such as the principle of efficiency, the new public management and the greater flexibility in hiring and laying off public workers. However, the proposed innovation did not observed what private sectors present-day theories actually proposed. The notion that the bureaucracys stability in public administration would be pernicious and less efficient is inaccurate, especially with regards to turnover and retention of qualified staff. The enrichment of human capital, and not its disposal, is what makes managing better, whether in the private enterprise or in the public sector.

Esta tese analisa a política na regulação da saúde suplementar, conduzida pela Agência Nacional de Saúde Suplementar (ANS). De modo específico, investigamos como as disputas de poder no setor entre sanitaristas e liberais foram transpostas para o interior da agência a partir das nomeações políticas para os cargos de direção e como isso influenciou a regulação empreendida pela ANS desde 2000, data de sua criação. Para a caracterização dos grupos políticos nas distintas gestões da agência, montamos redes de conexões entre políticos e diretores da ANS, observamos o papel das operadoras de planos de saúde no financiamento de campanhas e no apoio a dirigentes da agência e examinamos o perfil dos diretores indicados. Com vistas a identificar os resultados regulatórios, analisamos as decisões-chave tomadas pela agência e o padrão de votos de seus diretores. A pesquisa amparou-se fortemente em análise documental e em inúmeras entrevistas aprofundadas com atores-chave do mercado, da ANS, da política e da sociedade civil. Para o descortino das coalizões de sustentação política dos diretores indicados, utilizamos análise de redes. O estudo revelou que, após anos de domínio sanitarista na ANS, grupos de perfil mais liberal começaram a ganhar espaço na agência, refletindo as transformações mais gerais na coalizão de apoio ao governo federal. No entanto, as alterações na composição da diretoria colegiada da ANS não parecem ter se traduzido, até o momento, em mudanças no direcionamento mais geral da agência, no sentido de se aprovar regulações mais flexíveis que beneficiem o empresariado em detrimento do consumidor. Para compreender esse fenômeno, é preciso ir além do jogo político da ANS e considerar o papel de fatores institucionais e setoriais. Dentre eles, destacamos a burocracia sanitarista da ANS, que funciona como freio a possíveis medidas liberalizantes dos dirigentes, o arcabouço regulatório que limita o poder da agência no tocante a ações de interesse do setor regulado e a própria heterogeneidade do mercado, que dificulta a formação de consenso entre os grupos empresariais / This thesis analyses the politics on health insurance regulations, which is conducted by the National Regulatory Agency for Private Health Insurance and Plans (ANS). More specifically, it investigates how the power struggles between sanitarists and liberais were transferred to the agency by means of political appointments made to top positions and how this influenced ANS\' regulation as of 2000, when the agency was created. In order to characterize the political groups throughout the administrations of ANS, we built connection networks between politics and ANS\' directors, observed the role of the health plan\'s companies in financing campaigns and in supporting directors and examined the appointees\' profiles. Aiming at identifying the regulatory results, we analyzed the main decisions enacted by the agency and the directors\' votes pattem. The research was strongly based on document analyses and on severa!in-depth interviews with the key players in business, inside ANS, in politics and in civil society. In order to understand the political coalitions that support the appointees, we used network analyses. The study has revealed that, after years of sanitarist rule, liberal groups have started to seize more power at the agency, reflecting the more general transformations in the federal govemment\'s coalition. Nevertheless, the changes in the compositions of ANS\' board of director do not seem to have caused, so far, a liberal shift, with flexible policies that would benefit business in detriment of consumers. To understand this phenomenon, it is necessary to go beyond the political game at ANS and consider the role of institutional and policy domain\'s variables. Among them, we highlight the sanitarist bureaucracy at ANS, which works as a check to more liberal policies, the legal framework that limits the agency\'s mandate, especially regarding business\' interests, and the heterogeneity of the health plan\'s industry, which hampers consensus among business groups.

Este trabalho se insere nas discussões sobre governança global ambiental e debate o papel dos líderes burocráticos nas organizações para o meio ambiente, em face à condições externas que desafiem o exercício de sua função política, sob a hipótese exploratória de a despeito de um ambiente desafiador, o tipo de liderança e características pessoais e de formação do líder podem contribuir para a criação e fortalecimento do poder de agenda de uma organização. O caso a ser estudado é o do Programa das Nações Unidas para o Meio Ambiente, no qual se analisa a liderança de três Diretores Executivos (Maurice Strong, Mostafa Tolba e Achim Steiner) durante três marcos históricos (Conferência de Estocolmo, Rio 92 e Rio+20). A forma de liderança empregada é estudada através da tipologia de Oran Young. Características pessoais serão analisadas através do conceito de liderança transformacional. Neste estudo, a formação profissional destes líderes também serão consideradas a fim de compreender sua contribuição para o fortalecimento da função politica ou técnica desta organização. A análise tem como base produções acadêmicas sobre o tema, materiais oficiais e relatórios acerca dos momentos históricos, declarações públicas e percepções de personalidades acerca da atuação e formação dos líderes, além de entrevistas realizadas exclusivamente para esta dissertação. / This dissertation is inserted in the discussions on global environmental governance and it debates the role of international leadership in international organizations for the environment, under the assumption that in face of challenge external conditions, the kind of leadership and the leaders\' personal characteristics and background can positively impact the power of agency of an organization. The case of study is the United Nations Environment Program, analyzing the leadership of three Executive Directors (Maurice Strong, Mostafa Tolba and Achim Steiner) over three historical milestones (Stockholm Conference, Rio 92 and Rio + 20). The kind of leadership performed by individuals is studied using Oran Young\'s typology. Personal characteristics will be analyzed through the concept of transformational leadership. Besides, in this study, leader\'s professional experiences will, also, be considered in order to understand their contribution in strengthening organizations political or technical function organization. The analysis is based on academic contributions on the subject, official materials and reports on the milestones, public statements and perceptions of individuals about leaders\' performance and professional background, as well as interviews conducted exclusively for this dissertation.

Este trabalho aborda a política científica e tecnológica brasileira no período do regime militar (1964-1985). As questões às quais ele se refere dizem respeito às idéias e aos interesses de alguns dos seus atores fundamentais: os militares, a comunidade científica e os técnicos responsáveis pela condução da área econômica dos governos. Esses atores, com interesses e idéias distintas e muitas vezes conflituosas acerca dos rumos do desenvolvimento, embora buscassem objetivos diferentes construíram uma trajetória única com projetos ambiciosos para organizar internamente uma rede de instituições que visassem a produção e a aquisição de ciência e tecnologia de ponta. Antes de econômicas, as decisões acerca das políticas de ciência e tecnologia possuíram uma natureza fundamentalmente política e privilegiaram os interesses dos governos e das elites que os sustentaram. Para o Estado, o desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico nem sempre foi um propósito em si; às vezes foi parte de um intento, às vezes um meio para alcançar determinados objetivos. Como meio, essas políticas podiam ser dispensáveis quando se acreditava que era possível ou desejável se chegar aos mesmos resultados percorrendo caminhos mais curtos e menos tortuosos. Seja como meios ou como fins, só é possível entender as políticas do setor quando se tem um horizonte amplo, capaz de deixar perceber quais são os objetivos finais e como eles são perseguidos; para compreender melhor essas relações, dois aspectos são fundamentais: a) as idéias que conduziram à formação, estruturação, organização e atuação do sistema nacional de ciência e tecnologia e dos rumos do desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico no Brasil e, b) os interesses e objetivos que os principais atores possuíam e como esses são, ou não, levados a cabo dentro da estrutura burocrática, e nas ações dos governos, de acordo com as limitações impostas pelos contextos políticos e econômicos internos e externos. / The present thesis approaches the science and technology Brazilian politicses during the period of the military regime (1964-1985). Their main matters tell respect to the ideas and to the interests of some of your central personages: the militaries, the scientific community and the technocrats responsible for the administration of the Government economic sector of that period. Such personages, with interests and distinct thoughts - and many times locking conflicts concerning about of the bearings of the national development, although they sought different goals, they built a single trajectory with ambitious projects to foment internally a joint of institutions with sights to the production and to the acquisition of a science and an advanced technology. Before being economics, the decisions concerning the science and technology policies had a political fundamentally profile and privileged governments\' interests and of the elites that sustained them. For the State, the scientific and technological development not always it was a purpose only; sometimes was a goal, and in at other times was a form of if reach specific goals. Thought as a way, these political can be dispensable from the moment in which it is possible or desirable to reach the same results traversing smaller and less problematic paths. Like means or as ends, only is possible to comprehend the policies of the sector at issue when there is a wide horizon in which is possible to realize whats are the goals and how they are demanded. To comprehend better these relations, two aspects are important: a) the thoughts that led to the formation, structuring and performance of the science and technology national system, as well as of the bearings of the scientific and technological development in Brazil and, b) the interests and objectives that the main personages detained, how were - or were not - carried of radical way inside the bureaucratic structure and in the governments\' lawsuits according to the limitations imposed by the political and economic contexts, both internal and external.

The aim of this study is to enhance the understanding of the possibilities and limitations of using the swedish law; SoL 5 kap. 2 §, among child- welfare workers and social workers within foster- care. The purpose of this law is to be able to prohibid or limitate inadequate foster-homes from taking care of foster-children. Qualitative interviews were conducted with three child-welfare workers and three social workers within foster-care, from three different municipalities. We have used hermeneutic interpretation to look at the empirical material and the theoretical framework of the study consists of Michael Lipskys theory about street-level bureaucracy. We also took part of previous research and other relevant literature in the field of foster-care to analyze the material. The result we found was that the knowledge and use of the law; SoL 5 kap. 2§ was limited. Some of our respondents had never heard about the law and none of our respondents had experience of using the law in their cases. Our respondents then, started to resonate about why they think that they have little knowledge about the law, and connected it to that there are deficiencies within the organization that create limitations in the social secretary's work in foster-home care. This limitations results in the social-workers having little knowledge about the law and not using it, even though they have high discretion in their everyday- job. To limitate inadequate foster-homes from having- and receiving placements, the social workers moved the child from the foster-home, and later gave negative references if other municipalities called, when they were thinking of placing a child in that specific foster-home. Our results show that this was not an optimal way of trying to limitate inadequate fosterhomes. Our respondents had experiences of other municipalities placing children in fosterhomes that they had given bad references about.

Saudi Arabia, along with other Gulf oil monarchies, represents an original politico- economic system. Huge revenues in the form of oil rent, flowing to the Treasury since the oil boom in the early 70's, have fundamentally changed the socio-economic structure, which was in literature termed the rentier state. The origin, development and description of typical characteristics of rentier state are the main topic of this thesis. The first section discusses the theoretical foundations and approaches to the issue. The second chapter provides a historical background in order to position the study in the context of previous political, economic and ideological development. In an analysis of the formation of state structures, the work deals with the relationships between members of the ruling house of Saud, between the government and social elites, with functioning of clientelist structures and interactions within the bureaucratic apparatus. Based on the study of these relationships the thesis marks out particularities of the Saudi politico-economic system that distinguish it from the classical concept of rentier state model. The main distinctive feature is the diminished autonomous ability of state to regulate the functioning of state institutions and to encourage individual agencies to cooperate actively...

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-05-09T20:34:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ClaudiaArcher.pdf: 2499542 bytes, checksum: c3798aae30fc8474ef1bf7a811476f49 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-09T20:34:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ClaudiaArcher.pdf: 2499542 bytes, checksum: c3798aae30fc8474ef1bf7a811476f49 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / This thesis analyzes how the reconfiguration of the state's bureaucracy occurred with the introduction of information and communication technologies (ICTs) into the brazilian's Stated. It begins with the contextualization of this moment through the history of "cognitive capitalism" and the "reform of the Brazilian's state of 1995". Because these are two facts that led the Brazilian state to introduce ICT in its bureaucratic routines, reconfiguring them. This change in routines leads state workers to adapt to the introduction of ICT in their work processes. This generates a hierarchy through the various levels of adaptation found in the burearacy. One has, therefore, those bureaucrats who have not adapted and leave the State, whether by retirement, or Programs of voluntary dismissals, they do not feel able to renew their knowledge, or even have no interest. Another type of bureaucrat is one who can‘t adapt, but continues in the public service, but calls on the help of another to help him, creating the micro regulations of power, and delaying the task. This relation it was called by Crozier (1981) of "power of the expert", that the power of the one that knows. Finally, from the categorization of the adapted bureaucrats, they are those who developed the skills necessary to carry out the reconfigured bureaucratic routines. In addition to the adapted bureaucrats, based on Haraway's theory of cyborgs (2000), another category of bureaucrats is identified, those who arrive at the state already inserted in cyberspace, they are the cyberbureaucrats. / Esta tese analisa como ocorreu a reconfiguração da burocracia estatal com a introdução das tecnologias da informação e da comunicação – TICs – no Estado brasileiro. Parto da contextualização desse momento através do histórico do “capitalismo cognitivo” e da “reforma do estado brasileiro de 1995”, por serem estes dois fatos que levaram o Estado brasileiro a introduzir as TICs em suas rotinas burocráticas, reconfigurando-as. Esta mudança que acontece nas rotinas, leva os trabalhadores do Estado a se adaptarem à introdução das TICs em seus processos de trabalho. Isso gera uma hierarquização mediante os diversos níveis de adaptação que se encontram na burocracia. Há, portanto, aqueles burocratas que não se adaptaram e saem do Estado, seja por aposentadoria, ou programas de demissões voluntárias, e não se sentem capazes de renovar o seu conhecimento, ou mesmo não têm interesse. Outro tipo de burocrata é aquele que não consegue se adaptar, mas continua no serviço público, porém, solicita a ajuda de outro, criando as microrrelações de poder, além de retardar a realização da tarefa. Essa relação foi chamada por Crozier (1981) de “poder do perito”, que é o poder daquele que conhece. Por fim, da categorização dos burocratas adaptados, são aqueles que desenvolvem as habilidades necessárias para realização das rotinas burocráticas reconfiguradas. Além dos burocratas adaptados, baseando-se na teoria dos ciborgues de Haraway (2000), identifica-se outra categoria de burocratas, aqueles que chegam ao Estado já inseridos no ciberespaço, são eles, os ciberburocratas.

Pour encourager les actions en faveur des énergies renouvelables, le gouvernement algérien a lancé en 2011 « le programme de développement des énergies renouvelables et d’efficacité énergétique » qualifié d’ambitieux. Pour décoder les enjeux de cette politique publique énergétique, surtout en matière de réception, nous avons mobilisé l’approche de « gouvernance publique » ainsi que « la théorie des parties prenantes ». La réception de cette politique « polities » en termes de projets se traduit par deux dimensions. La première dimension nous a conduit à construire une typologie des projets déployés. La deuxième nous a permis de construire une typologie des stratégies d’influence. Ces stratégies ont été mobilisées à l’occasion de l’appropriation de cette politique publique dans les grands projets et les petits projets. Il s’agirait de les caractériser dans l’hypothèse qu’elles seraient de nature très différente entre les deux types de projets observés.Nous avons constaté que les grandes entreprises, au niveau local, utilisent un certain nombre de stratégies similaires mais limitées. En revanche les petites entreprises locales combinent plusieurs stratégies d’influence démontrant une forme de créativité stratégique. / To encourage actions in favour of renewable energies, in 2011, the Algerian government launched "program to develop renewable energies and promote energy efficiency”, which described it as ambitious. To decode the stakes of this energetic public policy, especially in terms of polity, we have mobilized the “public governance” approach as well as “stakeholdertheory”. The reception of this “policy” in terms of projects is reflected in two dimensions. The first dimension led us to construct a typology of the projects deployed. The second dimension allowed us to construct a typology of the influence strategies implemented when this public policy was appropriated in large and small projects. They would have to be characterized with the assumption that they would be of a very different nature between the two types of projects observed. We found that large companies, at the local level, use rather similarly limited strategies. On the other hand, small local companies combine several influencing strategies that demonstrate a form of strategic creativity.

Souvent conçus à l'extérieur des organisations, la question de l'appropriation des outils de gestion à l'intérieur des organisations se pose. Comprendre l'appropriation d'un outil de gestion ne se limite pas à en observer l'usage. Les étapes préalables à l'usage, qui ont conduit à l'adoption de l'outil, doivent être appréhendées. Afin de ne pas occulter les interactions entre outil(s) et acteur(s), il est essentiel de considérer l'outil comme inséré dans un dispositif, un ensemble d'objets, de règles et d'acteurs. Enfin, observer le passé et le présent sans envisager le futur est en contradiction avec une conception de l'organisation comme en perpétuelle construction. Afin de prendre en compte l'ensemble de ces aspects, cette thèse développe une méthode d'observation, pour caractériser la trajectoire d'appropriation d'un dispositif de pilotage dans une organisation. Trois étapes sont essentielles : la caractérisation des dispositifs, une analyse ex ante de ce qui a conduit à cet état, et l'identification des capacités de l'organisation en termes d'appropriation. Ces trois analyses combinées permettent d'envisager une trajectoire appropriative pour le dispositif étudié. Appliquée aux dispositifs de pilotage de la recherche à l'université, cette méthode révèle un découplage de forme et de sens entre les dispositifs de pilotage des laboratoires et celui de l'administration centrale. Ce découplage, certes inévitable du point de vue institutionnel et organisationnel, est en fait utile pour le processus d'appropriation ; c'est un temps de latence qui permet la construction de sens et de forme. Pour prolonger ce processus d'appropriation, l'université doit développer les capacités d'appropriation, en favorisant les interactions. En effet, sans un re-Couplage lâche des dispositifs de pilotage de la recherche, un processus de déconstruction de sens risque de s'enclencher. / Often designed outside organizations, questions on the appropriation of management tools within organizations emerge. Understanding the appropriation of a management tool goes beyond observing its use. The stages prior to its use – which have led to the adoption of a tool – must be addressed. To avoid obscuring the interaction between the tool(s) and the stakeholder(s), it is essential to consider the tool as embedded in an arrangement, a configuration of objects, rules and stakeholders. Finally, analyzing the past and the present without looking to the future conflicts with the concept that an organization is constantly evolving. To take account of all these aspects, this PhD thesis develops an observation method to identify the trajectory of appropriation of control arrangements within an organization. There are three essential phases: the characterization of the arrangements, an ex ante analysis of what led to the situation, and the identification of the organization's capacity as regards appropriation. Combining these three analyses makes it possible to envisage a trajectory of appropriation relative to the arrangement studied. Applied to the control arrangement of research in a university, this method reveals the decoupling of form and sense between laboratories' control arrangements and those of central administration. This decoupling is undoubtedly inevitable considering the institutional and organizational perspectives. It is also useful for the appropriation process; it is a latency period which enables the construction of sense and form. To extend the appropriation process, the university must develop its appropriation capacities by promoting interactions. Indeed, without loosely re-Coupling management control arrangements relative to research, a process of deconstruction of sense could be triggered.