The aim of this study is to gain insight into the leadership processes and dynamics operative in the early Pauline churches. The study is based on Paul’s Early Letters (i.e. 1 & 2 Thessalonians, Galatians, 1 & 2 Corinthians, and Romans) and uses a combination of socio-historical and exegetical approaches. The idea that leadership in the early Pauline churches was determined by wealth, social status, and patronage is prominent in the literature, and is examined in detail. Recent research on the economic stratification of first-century Graeco-Roman society challenges the idea that leadership in the early Pauline churches was exercised by wealthy patrons. It can be observed in the Early Letters that Paul’s leadership role was the most prominent one, and that other leaders, both local and itinerant, were regarded as his coworkers. The study therefore examines Paul’s thinking about his own leadership role, especially his ministry aims and methods. Two aims stand out: (a) that believers appear blameless at the return of Christ; and (b) that the body of Christ be built up. Paul saw himself as an apostle and as God’s coworker; he was convinced that the gospel, as God’s power for salvation, received through faith, was the means by which these aims would be accomplished. Therefore his ministry was first and foremost a ministry of the gospel which aimed to establish people in faith. Passages relating to Paul’s coworkers show that they were ministers of the gospel in their own right, and that they shared in all aspects of Paul’s ministry except those pertaining specifically to his apostleship. Paul often refers to his ministry as a grace that he has received from God. The ministry of others is similarly understood in terms of grace (Rom 12:3-6). This observation leads to a study of divine equipping in the ministry of Paul and his coworkers. I conclude that, for Paul, the work of the Holy Spirit in empowering leaders and making their work effective was fundamental to authentic ministry/leadership. Finally, theoretical perspectives from leadership studies and social psychology are used to bring conceptual unity to the exegetical results. A definition of leadership is formulated and the wellknown power/interaction model of French and Raven is adapted and used to analyse leadership in the early Pauline churches. The aim is to understand both theological and socio-historical aspects of leadership and how they interacted in the early Pauline communities. I conclude that leadership in these communities entailed a social process in which the most important forms of influence were spiritual and empowering. A local leadership role had begun to develop, but was not yet formalized into an official structure. Overall, I conclude that the gospel of Jesus Christ, as God’s power for the salvation of all who believe, was the central dynamic of leadership in the early Pauline churches. / PhD (New Testament), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Initiée par Wolfgang J. Mommsen (1930-2004), la réception dominante de la pensée politique de Max Weber (1864-1920) conclut qu’il aura été un penseur précurseur au fascisme allemand. Ce mémoire revient aux textes politiques de Weber, écrits entre 1895 et 1919, afin de dégager le sens qu’il voulait leur conférer, indépendamment du rôle historique qu’ils purent jouer après sa mort. Il s’agit donc de reconstituer la pensée politique wébérienne dans le contexte social qui l’a vu naître et de saisir l’origine politique de la sociologie wébérienne de l’action. Pour y parvenir, un détour par l’histoire s’impose. Ce n’est que par la mise en relation, proposée dès le chapitre I, entre les écrits politiques et la configuration historique particulière de l’Allemagne wilhelmienne qu’il est possible de concilier deux dimensions dont l’une ou l’autre est souvent écartée des études wébériennes : l’étude d’acteurs historiques précis (Max Weber et ses contemporains) et la pensée wébérienne à proprement parler (les écrits). Nous verrons que Weber craint le processus de bureaucratisation inhérent à la sphère politique moderne de peur qu’il n’en vienne à pétrifier l’existence humaine. Le chapitre II examine l’opposition de Weber à cette « possibilité objective » afin de préserver les conditions d’une liberté individuelle authentique. C’est par la figure du chef charismatique, initialement développée dans le cadre de ses travaux scientifiques et présentée au chapitre III, que Weber croit pouvoir prévenir les pires conséquences du processus de bureaucratisation. Il s’agira alors de produire un édifice institutionnel propice à l’émergence de tels hommes politiques. Le dernier chapitre (IV) du mémoire cherche à démontrer comment Weber tente d’instrumentaliser la césarisation, second processus constitutif de la sphère politique moderne, pour l’opposer à la bureaucratisation. Sous le régime monarchiste, c’est par un renforcement des pouvoirs parlementaires qu’il compte y parvenir, mais la proclamation de la République de Weimar l’oblige à adapter son projet constitutionnel ; il propose alors la démocratie plébiscitaire de chef (Führerdemokratie). Si la conception wébérienne de la démocratie surprend, notamment par l’importance qu’elle accorde au chef, il n’en demeure pas moins que Weber met de l’avant un système politique démocratique. Loin de l’abandon de son projet politique auquel certains critiques ont conclu, la Führerdemokratie se révèle plutôt – c’est la thèse de ce mémoire — le fruit de la fidélité de Weber à ses idéaux politiques, et ce malgré les importants changements sociaux qui marquent la fin de sa vie. / Initiated by Wolfgang J. Mommsen (1930-2004), the dominant understanding of Max Weber’s (1864-1920) political thought concludes that it ultimately led to German fascism. This master’s thesis reflects upon Weber’s political texts, written between 1895 and 1919, in order to grasp the meaning their author intended to give them, notwithstanding the historical role these texts may have played after his passing. We will therefore reconstitute the Weberian political thought in the social context that witnessed its coming and understand the political origin of Weberian theory on social actions. To that end, we must review history. Only by establishing a relationship, as described as early as Chapter I, between political writings and Wilhelmine Germany’s specific historical configuration is it possible to reconcile two dimensions, as either is often disregarded in Weberian studies: the study of specific historical characters (Max Weber, the man and his contemporaries) et Weberian thought itself (Weber’s writings). We will see that Weber fears that the bureaucratization process inherent to the modern political sphere as it may well petrify human existence. Chapter II reviews Weber’s opposition to such an objective possibility in order to preserve the basis to a true individual liberty. According to Weber, it is through the political direction of a charismatic leader, a figure initially developed his scientific works and presented in Chapter III, that the direst consequences of the bureaucratization process can be averted. An environment favorable to such political men will then have to be institutionalized. The last chapter (IV) of this master’s thesis will demonstrate how Weber tries to use caesarization, the second constitutive process of the modern political sphere, as a means against such a bureaucratization. Under the monarchy, he intends to succeed by strengthening the parliamentary powers. However, the Weimar Republic forces him to adapt his constitutional project: hence his suggestion of a plebiscitary leader democracy. Because of the focus on the leader one might be surprised by Weber’s conception of democracy. What Weber proposes is a democratic political system nonetheless. Far from abandoning his political project, as some critics may conclude, Weber remained true to his ideals, despite the major social changes that occurred at the end of his life.

Cette thèse se propose d'étudier, à travers le cycle charismatique et à partir d'une comparaison avec le nassérisme, la relation que le charisme entretient avec la construction étatique. La première étape du cycle concerne la période pré-charismatique. Elle correspond à une crise aiguë de l'Etat patrimonial qui débouche en définitive sur la question de la souveraineté à partir de laquelle se révéleront les qualités charismatiques du leader. La carrière charismatique, quant à elle, est étroitement associée à l'attestation charismatique. La situation exceptionnelle permet d'asseoir la volonté populaire grâce à un leader charismatique mandaté par la nation pour mener le pays à l'indépendance. La révolution par le haut amorce une rupture qui permet à la fois le passage de l'empire à la république et le transfert du pouvoir en faveur d'une nouvelle oligarchie composée de bureaucrates et d'officiers militaires. Le passage à une situation autoritaire se traduit par l'emprise d'un Etat tutélaire prenant en charge la modernisation de la société et suivant une socialisation conservatrice sur le plan politique. Enfin la période post-charismatique est associée au processus de routinisation du charisme, étape à travers laquelle prend forme l'institutionnalisation de l'Etat. Au cours de cette étape, le passage du pluralisme limité à un pluralisme élargi n'a pas entamé l'ombre tutélaire qu'exerce Atatürk sur le système politique turc. Si les prétoriens ont renoncé à l'exercice direct du pouvoir et si le parti républicain a perdu de son hégémonie, l'héritage kémaliste est suffisamment prégnant pour structurer un espace politique qui s'ouvre de plus en plus à la société civile. / This thesis will explore, through the charismatic cycle and by a comparison with Nasserism, the relationship between the charisma and the maintain of the state-building. The first step of the cycle is the pre-charismatic period. It concerns an acute crisis of the patrimonial state that ultimately leads to the question of sovereignty, revealing in turn the charismatic qualities of the leader. The charismatic career, meanwhile, is closely associated with the charismatic assertion. The exceptional situation allows establishing the popular will through a charismatic leader appointed by the nation to lead the country to independence. The revolution from above suggests both the passage from the empire to the republic and the transfer of power in favor of a new oligarchy of bureaucrats and military officers. The transition to an authoritarian situation leads to the tutelary state dominance supporting the modernization of society and pursueing conservative socialization on the political level. Finally, the post-charismatic period is associated with the routinization of charisma, the step in which the institutionalization of the state is shaped. During this step, the passage from limited pluralism to a greater pluralism has not initiated the tutelary shadow that Atatürk exerted on the Turkish political system. If the Praetorians have renounced the direct exercise of power and if the Republican Party has lost its hegemony, the Kemalist legacy is sufficiently strong to structure a political space that opens increasingly to civil society.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-03-07T12:03:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ISRAEL SERIQUE DOS SANTOS.pdf: 1767343 bytes, checksum: 8ab38c3ebd7bcc910e8f3a807d5c6b0a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-07T12:03:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ISRAEL SERIQUE DOS SANTOS.pdf: 1767343 bytes, checksum: 8ab38c3ebd7bcc910e8f3a807d5c6b0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-14 / This thesis presents results of the research on the Christian glossolalia phenomenon in the first century from the First Epistle to the Corinthians (1Cor 12,12-26), having as focal point of analysis the relation between social status, charisma and relations of power. The data were analyzed under the prism of Conflict Analysis, using the instruments of bibliographic and exegetical research. This work is divided into three chapters. In the first chapter, it is discussed the history of the Roman Empire and the city of Corinth, trying to indicate the points of connection between them and how it, as an imperial colony, reproduced the values and social structures of Rome. In the second chapter, it is discussed the Christian church in Corinth, explaining the historical context of its origin, its ethnic, economic and social composition. Finally, in the third chapter, it is defended the idea that the glossolalia phenomenon was a symbol of power, in which part of the religious agents that belonged to the church, who had high status in Corinthian society, aligned themselves with the values and the social structure of the Roman Empire. / Esta Tese apresenta resultados da pesquisa sobre o fenômeno glossolálico cristão no primeiro século a partir da Primeira Epístola aos Coríntios (1Cor 12,12-26), tendo como ponto focal de análise a relação entre status social, carisma e relações de poder. Os dados foram analisados sob o prisma da Análise Conflitual, utilizando instrumentos da pesquisa bibliográfica e exegética. O trabalho está dividido em três capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, discorre-se sobre a história do Império Romano e da cidade de Corinto, procurando indicar os pontos de conexões entre eles e de que forma esta, como colônia imperial, reproduzia os valores e estruturas sociais de Roma. No segundo capítulo, disserta-se sobre a igreja cristã em Corinto, explicitando o contexto histórico de sua origem, sua composição étnica, econômica e social. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, defende-se a ideia de que o fenômeno glossolálico era um símbolo de poder, no qual parte dos agentes religiosos pertencentes à igreja, os quais possuíam status elevado na sociedade coríntia, se alinhavam aos valores e à estrutura social do Império Romano.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:48:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ISRAEL SERIQUE DOS SANTOS.pdf: 1008807 bytes, checksum: ac152cafdd0aa05f84d73a08845e9f86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-28 / This research examines 1 Corinthians, with the central element for the analysis of the phenomenon known as glossolalia, treated in Chapters 12, 13 and 14 of this epistle. While prophetic charism, a developer of unjust power relations, glossolalia is searched, taking as a tool to interpret those that are proper and related to the exegesis of the concepts of religious studies at the prospect of conflictual analysis. This study is divided into three chapters. At first, it held a bibliography on the topic and presents the basic concepts (symbol, charisma, prophet, conflictual analysis, local social) by which the object of research will be analyzed. On the second chapter has the exegetical analysis of the proposed text to search, giving emphasis to the historical context from which it emerges, the grammatical structures in which it was formatted and the possible interpretations to the glossolalic question. In this chapter, is the conflictual model of analysis of Christian sacred texts, with its emphasis on local social and historic-critical method, which guide this research on power relations in the church at Corinth. The third chapter examines how the glossolalia was elevated to the status symbol of spirituality among the Corinthians, that the deleterious effects of this feature of community life and thought and positioning of the Apostle Paul, before the conflictual situation. Research will define the ideas by which a freeing reading can be presented to readers of this dissertation. Finally, in conclusion, it is the opinion that relates to the phenomenon glossolalic into ideological structure of power and its implications for the current religious situation charismatic. / Esta pesquisa investiga 1 Coríntios, tendo como elemento focal para análise o fenômeno denominado glossolalia, tratado nos capítulos 12, 13 e 14 da referida Epístola. Enquanto carisma profético, fomentador de relações injustas de poder, a glossolalia será pesquisada tendo-se como ferramenta de interpretação aquelas que são próprias da exegese e relacionadas com os conceitos das Ciências da Religião, sob o prisma da análise conflitual. Este estudo divide-se em três capítulos. No primeiro, faz-se um levantamento bibliográfico sobre a temática e são apresentados os conceitos basilares (símbolo, carisma, profeta, análise conflitual, local social) através dos quais o objeto de pesquisa será analisado. No segundo capítulo, tem-se a análise exegética do texto proposto para pesquisa, dando-se destaque ao contexto histórico do qual ele emerge, as estruturas gramaticais nas quais ele foi formatado e as interpretações possíveis para a questão glossolálica. Neste capítulo, é o modelo conflitual de análise dos textos sagrados cristãos, com sua ênfase no local social e o método histórico crítico, que norteiam esta pesquisa sobre as relações de poder na igreja de Corinto. O terceiro capítulo estuda como a glossolalia foi elevada a símbolo de status de espiritualidade entre os coríntios, quais as conseqüências deletérias desta ação para a vida comunitária e o pensamento e o posicionamento do apóstolo Paulo diante desta situação conflitual. Procurar-se-á delinear as ideias pelas quais uma leitura libertadora possa ser apresentada aos leitores desta dissertação. Por fim, na conclusão, há o parecer que relaciona o fenômeno glossolálico à estrutura ideológica de poder e suas implicações para a atual conjuntura religiosa carismática.

A pesquisa teve como objetivo realizar uma investigação sócioistórica do processo de cotidianização do carisma no mormonismo procurando apreender a transformação do carisma religioso-profético e, assim reunir elementos que possibilitem consolidar, a partir de um caso particular, uma teoria mais geral da ocorrência de tais processos sociais. A investigação buscou encontrar, no emaranhado de lutas por poder e chances de prestígio, o fio condutor pelo qual se desenrolou o processo de transformação de um movimento religioso carismático, de religiosidade altamente emotivo-pneumática a uma religião desencantada, hierarquizada e institucionalizada. Para isso utilizou-se farta documentação e interpretação histórica que permitiu uma observação mais detalhada dos fenômenos sociais investigados. No plano teórico-metodológico empregou-se como instrumental teórico fundamental de pesquisa, primeiramente a teoria da dominação carismática de Max Weber, sua teorização dos processos de transformação do carisma e sua sociologia da religião. O outro referencial teórico imprescindível encontra-se na obra do sociólogo alemão Norbert Elias, a saber, seus conceitos de psicogênese e sociogênese, figuração, processo de monopolização, equilíbrio das tensões entre outros, que permitiram um acesso privilegiado ao processo de longo prazo que conformou e solidificou o carisma genuíno do profeta-fundador Joseph Smith em uma religião ritualizada e uma instituição hierarquizada. / The research has aimed to accomplish a social-historical investigation of the process of routinization of charisma in Mormonism, seeking to perceive the change of the religious-prophetic charisma, and thus gathering elements which can enable to consolidate, considering a particular case, a more general theory of the occurrence of such social processes. The investigation sought to find, in the struggle for power and chances of prestige, the leading thread with which the process of change of a religious charismatic movement has developed, from highly emotional-pneumatic religiosity to a disenchanted, hierarchical and institutionalized religion. In order to achieve that, thorough documentation and historical interpretation has been applied, this way allowing a more detailed observation of the social phenomena investigated. The primarily theoretical instrument used in the research has been Max Weber theory of the charismatic domination, the theorization of the processes of charisma change and sociology of religion. The other essential theoretical reference can be found in the German sociologist Norbert Elias, including his concepts of psychogenesis and sociogenesis, figuration, monopolization process, balance of tension among others, which allow a privileged access to the long-term process which conformed and solidified the genuine charisma of the founder-prophet Joseph Smith in a ritualized religion and a hierarchic institution.

A pesquisa teve como objetivo realizar uma investigação sócioistórica do processo de cotidianização do carisma no mormonismo procurando apreender a transformação do carisma religioso-profético e, assim reunir elementos que possibilitem consolidar, a partir de um caso particular, uma teoria mais geral da ocorrência de tais processos sociais. A investigação buscou encontrar, no emaranhado de lutas por poder e chances de prestígio, o fio condutor pelo qual se desenrolou o processo de transformação de um movimento religioso carismático, de religiosidade altamente emotivo-pneumática a uma religião desencantada, hierarquizada e institucionalizada. Para isso utilizou-se farta documentação e interpretação histórica que permitiu uma observação mais detalhada dos fenômenos sociais investigados. No plano teórico-metodológico empregou-se como instrumental teórico fundamental de pesquisa, primeiramente a teoria da dominação carismática de Max Weber, sua teorização dos processos de transformação do carisma e sua sociologia da religião. O outro referencial teórico imprescindível encontra-se na obra do sociólogo alemão Norbert Elias, a saber, seus conceitos de psicogênese e sociogênese, figuração, processo de monopolização, equilíbrio das tensões entre outros, que permitiram um acesso privilegiado ao processo de longo prazo que conformou e solidificou o carisma genuíno do profeta-fundador Joseph Smith em uma religião ritualizada e uma instituição hierarquizada. / The research has aimed to accomplish a social-historical investigation of the process of routinization of charisma in Mormonism, seeking to perceive the change of the religious-prophetic charisma, and thus gathering elements which can enable to consolidate, considering a particular case, a more general theory of the occurrence of such social processes. The investigation sought to find, in the struggle for power and chances of prestige, the leading thread with which the process of change of a religious charismatic movement has developed, from highly emotional-pneumatic religiosity to a disenchanted, hierarchical and institutionalized religion. In order to achieve that, thorough documentation and historical interpretation has been applied, this way allowing a more detailed observation of the social phenomena investigated. The primarily theoretical instrument used in the research has been Max Weber theory of the charismatic domination, the theorization of the processes of charisma change and sociology of religion. The other essential theoretical reference can be found in the German sociologist Norbert Elias, including his concepts of psychogenesis and sociogenesis, figuration, monopolization process, balance of tension among others, which allow a privileged access to the long-term process which conformed and solidified the genuine charisma of the founder-prophet Joseph Smith in a ritualized religion and a hierarchic institution.

Doctor of Philosophy / This study considers the adequacy of explanatory accounts of recruitment to New Religious Movements [NRMs], defined by their doctrinal innovation or importation from another culture, and formed around a charismatic leader. It considers the coercive persuasion paradigm [brainwashing] which assumes no predisposing features of those who become involved in NRMs and a sociological account by Snow Zurcher and Ekland-Olsen (1980) which seeks to redress overly exclusive attention to psychological variables by emphasising the importance of structural variables such as the existence of 'discretionary time' and having a friend involved in the NRM. It is suggested that a psychological focus in explaining movement involvement need not entail a de-emphasis of the relevance of current life circumstances, such as social bonds, and life stress, nor a failure to acknowledge the importance of the group's ideology in lending definition to a person’s felt difficulties. A new model of personal change is proposed, termed the Rites de Passage model, which entails the disruption, transition and reincorporation of a socially sustained sense of identity and suggests conversion can be viewed as an example of re-socialisation. The historical lineage of the model is traced from Van Gennep's (1908) anthropological work to studies of brainwashing in the work of Schein (1957) and Lifton (1961). Since the emphasis is on the profile of a seeker, specific focus is placed on the early phases of this process where disruption occurs in existing coping techniques and social supports as a result of disruptive life events, and consideration is given to other relevant precursors of movement involvement. Lofland and Stark's (1965) model forms the conceptual framework from which literature regarding differences in life stress, social bonds, prior behavioural involvement in NRMs, and prior cognitive spiritual orientation can be addressed. The work of Galanter (1980, 1989), Barker (1981, 1984), Heirich (1977) and Snow and Phillips (1980) provides substantial evidence for the existence of pre-existing differences between affiliates (who make contact with such movements) and nonaffiliates (who do not). In this thesis two facets of differential involvement are addressed: i) why does one individual rather than another become involved ii) with a given genre of movement rather than another? The Rites de Passage model proposed here, which is a modified version of Lofland and Stark's (1965) account of cult conversion, is tested placing NRMs in a comparative context with a secular self-help agency: a therapy group. People with disrupted social identities might seek movement involvement, but what distinguishes whether they seek out a secular or spiritual movement, and if spiritual – what determines the appeal of eastern or western spiritual groups? To explore these questions, four groups of affiliates to three different eastern NRMs are compared to a therapy group, (Richardson and Kilbourne, 1984), two control groups (a student sample, and a sample from the general population) and a western NRM. There are 160 subjects overall, who completed a battery of questionnaires at point of first contact with the movement, to distinguish the precursors for movement involvement from the sequelae. Exceptions to this prospective data collection were the western NRM and the inclusion of a graduate rebirthing group. The latter was deliberately included to facilitate pre-involvement and post-involvement comparisons. The former's adept status was due to the leader's reluctance to burden new members with a three hour test battery. Measures were taken regarding life events and their psychological impact using Henderson, Byrne and Ducan-Jones (1981) recent life events inventory and impact scales using a twelve month time frame. A modified version of the Interview Schedule for Social Interaction (by Henderson et al, 1981) was used to assess the availability and adequacy of acquaintance-level and intimate bonds in the recent past. Mental health was assessed using Galanter's (1980) General Wellbeing Scale and Tellegen's Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire (1982). Recollections of early family relations were assessed using Likert scales derived from the detailed comparative study by Ullman (1982) which suppported the psychoanalytic hypothesis regarding troubled early parental relations, suggesting that current life difficulties re-evoked early life problems. Since disruption is seen as a necessary but not sufficient condition for movement involvement (Greil, 1977) the therapy and eastern groups were not expected to differ from each on the disruption and loneliness measures, and they did not differ. They were expected to have experienced more disruption in greater isolation than the control groups and those already belonging to a spiritual group – namely the western NRM. The therapy and eastern NRM groups did differ from the others in these respects. The value-added form of the model merely specifies that a substrate of stress and disruption suffered in relative isolation and loneliness will increase the probability that some for of social agency will be sought. Disruption experienced in relative loneliness is the first component of differential recruitment to movement involvement, or ‘differential openness’ as it is termed here. So the brainwashing model does not hold as there are differences between those drawn to movements compared to control groups. Do personality differences contribute to which movement genre appeals? A strikingly different personality profile emerged of those drawn to eastern NRMs. Differences were predicted and found between the eastern groups on the one hand and therapy group, control groups and western group on the other, when personality variables were considered. Relevant features of the profile included: a lack of traditionalism, a challenging attitude to conventional authority (assessed by Ray's (1971) balanced F scale) and absorption - a tendency to experience perceptual phenomena indicative of an absorptive or mystical tendency (Tellegen's MPQ was used to assess this personality feature). The eastern groups have a personality profile of being: unconventional, somewhat impulsive and highly absorptive in perceptual style. This profile distinguished them from all other groups. When the additional feature of the model was considered the profile of a potential seeker was more strongly delineated: the consonance between an individual’s intensity and orientation of spiritual beliefs and the orientation of movement ideology was highly influential. This was assessed by a spiritual orientation scale [the SOS] developed by the author across three pilot studies using Coombs Unfolding Technique (Coombs, 1964) to produce a metric ordinal scale which assesses general spiritual beliefs (which underlie any spiritual worldview), eastern and western spiritual beliefs. A major finding of the study was that a markedly distinctive feature of those drawn to NRMs is a spiritual orientation consonant with that of the movement approached. The SOS revealed a strongly demarcated pre-existing eastern spiritual orientation in those drawn to make contact with Eastern NRMs, which set them apart significantly from all other groups. The Western NRM, (already members of their group) had a western spiritual orientation, to the exclusion of an eastern orientation, while the eastern groups were more eclectic. Both eastern and western NRMs were spiritually more intense on the general spiritual items of the SOS, suggesting these items are central to any spiritual worldview. All of the major predictions of the Rites de Passage model were supported. The model provides a welcome link between a sociological and psychological focus on movement involvement. The systematic differences between affiliates and non-affiliates of NRMs at point of first contact, suggest (contra contemporary brainwashing models, though not the sophisticated models of Schein and Lifton) that recruitment is unlikely to be completely due to NRM design: the results suggest participants are likely to be interested and consenting. In summary, it is shown that those drawn to New Religious Movements of an eastern kind are indeed non-traditional, have a high incidence of recent life events and suffer a sense of community isolation, and loneliness which are considered as factors which might lead a person to modify an unfulfilling lifestyle. A portrait of a seeker is lightly (sketched against a background of this dissatisfaction) which includes personality variables like an impulsive, present-oriented pleasure/pain regulatory style, being high on absorption -a mystical perceptual style, and having both an intensity and a congruence of spiritual orientation with that of the ideology of the movement approached. These are considered potential influences on the genre of movement contacted, and are suggested as explanatory of the second facet of differential openness to movement involvement. Disruption sets a person seeking; personality shapes to which appeals s/he is open. The relative privilege of the Western NRM in terms of reduced stress, availability of community and intimate social support suggests that involvement does provide a relief effect, though caution must be exercised in interpreting this difference as these groups differ in membership status and spiritual orientation. The distress and neediness of those contacting movements for the first time is apparent, which suggests that movement contact might be a response to felt dissatisfaction interpreted within a spiritual worldview. An eastern spiritual worldview is a highly significant distinguishing feature of affiliates, and is the final phase of the Rites de Passage Model. Speculative theoretical consideration is offered of the data's implications for a psychoanalytic consideration of movement involvement, in the light of Cushman (1986), Deutsch (1983), Halperin (1983) Doi (1971) and Kohut's (1977). Theory and research is adumbrated concerning differential openness to charismatic appeal.

The aim of this study is to gain insight into the leadership processes and dynamics operative in the early Pauline churches. The study is based on Paul’s Early Letters (i.e. 1 & 2 Thessalonians, Galatians, 1 & 2 Corinthians, and Romans) and uses a combination of socio-historical and exegetical approaches. The idea that leadership in the early Pauline churches was determined by wealth, social status, and patronage is prominent in the literature, and is examined in detail. Recent research on the economic stratification of first-century Graeco-Roman society challenges the idea that leadership in the early Pauline churches was exercised by wealthy patrons. It can be observed in the Early Letters that Paul’s leadership role was the most prominent one, and that other leaders, both local and itinerant, were regarded as his coworkers. The study therefore examines Paul’s thinking about his own leadership role, especially his ministry aims and methods. Two aims stand out: (a) that believers appear blameless at the return of Christ; and (b) that the body of Christ be built up. Paul saw himself as an apostle and as God’s coworker; he was convinced that the gospel, as God’s power for salvation, received through faith, was the means by which these aims would be accomplished. Therefore his ministry was first and foremost a ministry of the gospel which aimed to establish people in faith. Passages relating to Paul’s coworkers show that they were ministers of the gospel in their own right, and that they shared in all aspects of Paul’s ministry except those pertaining specifically to his apostleship. Paul often refers to his ministry as a grace that he has received from God. The ministry of others is similarly understood in terms of grace (Rom 12:3-6). This observation leads to a study of divine equipping in the ministry of Paul and his coworkers. I conclude that, for Paul, the work of the Holy Spirit in empowering leaders and making their work effective was fundamental to authentic ministry/leadership. Finally, theoretical perspectives from leadership studies and social psychology are used to bring conceptual unity to the exegetical results. A definition of leadership is formulated and the wellknown power/interaction model of French and Raven is adapted and used to analyse leadership in the early Pauline churches. The aim is to understand both theological and socio-historical aspects of leadership and how they interacted in the early Pauline communities. I conclude that leadership in these communities entailed a social process in which the most important forms of influence were spiritual and empowering. A local leadership role had begun to develop, but was not yet formalized into an official structure. Overall, I conclude that the gospel of Jesus Christ, as God’s power for the salvation of all who believe, was the central dynamic of leadership in the early Pauline churches. / PhD (New Testament), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Doctor of Philosophy / This study considers the adequacy of explanatory accounts of recruitment to New Religious Movements [NRMs], defined by their doctrinal innovation or importation from another culture, and formed around a charismatic leader. It considers the coercive persuasion paradigm [brainwashing] which assumes no predisposing features of those who become involved in NRMs and a sociological account by Snow Zurcher and Ekland-Olsen (1980) which seeks to redress overly exclusive attention to psychological variables by emphasising the importance of structural variables such as the existence of 'discretionary time' and having a friend involved in the NRM. It is suggested that a psychological focus in explaining movement involvement need not entail a de-emphasis of the relevance of current life circumstances, such as social bonds, and life stress, nor a failure to acknowledge the importance of the group's ideology in lending definition to a person’s felt difficulties. A new model of personal change is proposed, termed the Rites de Passage model, which entails the disruption, transition and reincorporation of a socially sustained sense of identity and suggests conversion can be viewed as an example of re-socialisation. The historical lineage of the model is traced from Van Gennep's (1908) anthropological work to studies of brainwashing in the work of Schein (1957) and Lifton (1961). Since the emphasis is on the profile of a seeker, specific focus is placed on the early phases of this process where disruption occurs in existing coping techniques and social supports as a result of disruptive life events, and consideration is given to other relevant precursors of movement involvement. Lofland and Stark's (1965) model forms the conceptual framework from which literature regarding differences in life stress, social bonds, prior behavioural involvement in NRMs, and prior cognitive spiritual orientation can be addressed. The work of Galanter (1980, 1989), Barker (1981, 1984), Heirich (1977) and Snow and Phillips (1980) provides substantial evidence for the existence of pre-existing differences between affiliates (who make contact with such movements) and nonaffiliates (who do not). In this thesis two facets of differential involvement are addressed: i) why does one individual rather than another become involved ii) with a given genre of movement rather than another? The Rites de Passage model proposed here, which is a modified version of Lofland and Stark's (1965) account of cult conversion, is tested placing NRMs in a comparative context with a secular self-help agency: a therapy group. People with disrupted social identities might seek movement involvement, but what distinguishes whether they seek out a secular or spiritual movement, and if spiritual – what determines the appeal of eastern or western spiritual groups? To explore these questions, four groups of affiliates to three different eastern NRMs are compared to a therapy group, (Richardson and Kilbourne, 1984), two control groups (a student sample, and a sample from the general population) and a western NRM. There are 160 subjects overall, who completed a battery of questionnaires at point of first contact with the movement, to distinguish the precursors for movement involvement from the sequelae. Exceptions to this prospective data collection were the western NRM and the inclusion of a graduate rebirthing group. The latter was deliberately included to facilitate pre-involvement and post-involvement comparisons. The former's adept status was due to the leader's reluctance to burden new members with a three hour test battery. Measures were taken regarding life events and their psychological impact using Henderson, Byrne and Ducan-Jones (1981) recent life events inventory and impact scales using a twelve month time frame. A modified version of the Interview Schedule for Social Interaction (by Henderson et al, 1981) was used to assess the availability and adequacy of acquaintance-level and intimate bonds in the recent past. Mental health was assessed using Galanter's (1980) General Wellbeing Scale and Tellegen's Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire (1982). Recollections of early family relations were assessed using Likert scales derived from the detailed comparative study by Ullman (1982) which suppported the psychoanalytic hypothesis regarding troubled early parental relations, suggesting that current life difficulties re-evoked early life problems. Since disruption is seen as a necessary but not sufficient condition for movement involvement (Greil, 1977) the therapy and eastern groups were not expected to differ from each on the disruption and loneliness measures, and they did not differ. They were expected to have experienced more disruption in greater isolation than the control groups and those already belonging to a spiritual group – namely the western NRM. The therapy and eastern NRM groups did differ from the others in these respects. The value-added form of the model merely specifies that a substrate of stress and disruption suffered in relative isolation and loneliness will increase the probability that some for of social agency will be sought. Disruption experienced in relative loneliness is the first component of differential recruitment to movement involvement, or ‘differential openness’ as it is termed here. So the brainwashing model does not hold as there are differences between those drawn to movements compared to control groups. Do personality differences contribute to which movement genre appeals? A strikingly different personality profile emerged of those drawn to eastern NRMs. Differences were predicted and found between the eastern groups on the one hand and therapy group, control groups and western group on the other, when personality variables were considered. Relevant features of the profile included: a lack of traditionalism, a challenging attitude to conventional authority (assessed by Ray's (1971) balanced F scale) and absorption - a tendency to experience perceptual phenomena indicative of an absorptive or mystical tendency (Tellegen's MPQ was used to assess this personality feature). The eastern groups have a personality profile of being: unconventional, somewhat impulsive and highly absorptive in perceptual style. This profile distinguished them from all other groups. When the additional feature of the model was considered the profile of a potential seeker was more strongly delineated: the consonance between an individual’s intensity and orientation of spiritual beliefs and the orientation of movement ideology was highly influential. This was assessed by a spiritual orientation scale [the SOS] developed by the author across three pilot studies using Coombs Unfolding Technique (Coombs, 1964) to produce a metric ordinal scale which assesses general spiritual beliefs (which underlie any spiritual worldview), eastern and western spiritual beliefs. A major finding of the study was that a markedly distinctive feature of those drawn to NRMs is a spiritual orientation consonant with that of the movement approached. The SOS revealed a strongly demarcated pre-existing eastern spiritual orientation in those drawn to make contact with Eastern NRMs, which set them apart significantly from all other groups. The Western NRM, (already members of their group) had a western spiritual orientation, to the exclusion of an eastern orientation, while the eastern groups were more eclectic. Both eastern and western NRMs were spiritually more intense on the general spiritual items of the SOS, suggesting these items are central to any spiritual worldview. All of the major predictions of the Rites de Passage model were supported. The model provides a welcome link between a sociological and psychological focus on movement involvement. The systematic differences between affiliates and non-affiliates of NRMs at point of first contact, suggest (contra contemporary brainwashing models, though not the sophisticated models of Schein and Lifton) that recruitment is unlikely to be completely due to NRM design: the results suggest participants are likely to be interested and consenting. In summary, it is shown that those drawn to New Religious Movements of an eastern kind are indeed non-traditional, have a high incidence of recent life events and suffer a sense of community isolation, and loneliness which are considered as factors which might lead a person to modify an unfulfilling lifestyle. A portrait of a seeker is lightly (sketched against a background of this dissatisfaction) which includes personality variables like an impulsive, present-oriented pleasure/pain regulatory style, being high on absorption -a mystical perceptual style, and having both an intensity and a congruence of spiritual orientation with that of the ideology of the movement approached. These are considered potential influences on the genre of movement contacted, and are suggested as explanatory of the second facet of differential openness to movement involvement. Disruption sets a person seeking; personality shapes to which appeals s/he is open. The relative privilege of the Western NRM in terms of reduced stress, availability of community and intimate social support suggests that involvement does provide a relief effect, though caution must be exercised in interpreting this difference as these groups differ in membership status and spiritual orientation. The distress and neediness of those contacting movements for the first time is apparent, which suggests that movement contact might be a response to felt dissatisfaction interpreted within a spiritual worldview. An eastern spiritual worldview is a highly significant distinguishing feature of affiliates, and is the final phase of the Rites de Passage Model. Speculative theoretical consideration is offered of the data's implications for a psychoanalytic consideration of movement involvement, in the light of Cushman (1986), Deutsch (1983), Halperin (1983) Doi (1971) and Kohut's (1977). Theory and research is adumbrated concerning differential openness to charismatic appeal.