Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o desenvolvimento urbanístico de Selinonte desde a implantação do assentamento colonial em meados do século VII a.C. na costa ocidental da Sicília até o final do século VI a.C. focalizando especialmente a especialização dos espaços que compõem a khóra e a ásty desta pólis. Interessa-nos sobretudo compreender os mecanismos de apropriação de territórios e estratégias de reivindicação de soberania de áreas conquistadas mediante projeção de uma paisagem de poder. As mudanças na inscrição de espaços sagrados da paisagem, a definição das áreas de habitação e necrópoles e por fim o traçado da malha urbana são os dados materiais fundamentais desta pesquisa. Posteriormente opera-se uma analise que contrasta elementos da urbanística das pólis Mégara Hibléia e Mégara Nisea, tidas como cidades-mãe de Selinonte a fim de compreender possíveis replicações de paisagem urbana e respectiva importância para o desenvolvimento da pólis colonial. / This research aims to analyze the urban development of Selinus in a period that goes from the mid-7th Century BC, with the beginning of the colonial settlement on the Western coast of Sicily, until the end of the 6th Century BC, focusing the specialization of the spaces that compound the khóra and the ásty of this polis. Our main intention is to understand the mechanisms of appropriation of territories as well as the strategies of sovereignty claim in conquered areas through the projection of a landscape of power. The changes on the inscription of sacred spaces, the urban landscape and the definition of inhabitation and necropolis areas are the fundamental material data of this research. Thereafter, we follow with a contrastive analyses of the poleis Megara Hyblaea and Megara Nisaea, seen as mother-cities of Selinunte, in order to understand possible replications of the urban landscape and its respective importance to the development of the colonial polis.

En 1955, la commission Maspétiol du gouvernement français faisait un bilan économique négatif de la colonisation en Algérie. Ce bilan a été analysé par des historiens de l’économie sous l’angle des coûts/bénéfices pour la métropole et la colonie. Selon ce courant dit des coûts de la colonisation, les investissements et dépenses publiques effectuées en Algérie ont été financées par la métropole et par conséquent supportés par le contribuable métropolitain. La thèse défendue ici est quela principale cause de la négativité du bilan réside dans la structure de l’économie coloniale qui ne permettait pas de dégager assez de recettes publiques pour financer le développement économique et social, lequel nécessita l’appui financier de la métropole (plan de Constantine, 1958). Le bilan est dès lors envisagé comme le résultat de politiques poursuivies sur l’ensemble de la période coloniale, plus précisément de l’intervention de l’État dans l’activité économique depuis les débuts de la colonisation.Ce travail, en s’appuyant sur la littérature sur le bilan économique et plus largement sur l’économie de l’Algérie coloniale ainsi que sur des données d’archives inédites, montre que la politique dite de mise en valeur fut préjudiciable aux niveaux économique et social (1830-1900). Les mesures budgétaires,législatives et monétaires appliquées dans le cadre d’investissements publics économiques et sociaux ont été désavantageuses pour les finances publiques d’une part, et pour le développement humain de la population autochtone d’autre part. Les équipements réalisés (essentiellement dans les chemins de fer)ont plombé les dépenses publiques de la colonie sans contribuer à faire baisser les coûts de transport.L’investissement privé dans la viticulture d’exportation, soutenu par l’État, n’a pas participé au financement des recettes publiques en raison de l’absence d’imposition. Quant à la politique menéeenvers la population autochtone, elle s’est traduite par la dégradation de son patrimoine suite auxopérations d’expropriations des terres, ainsi qu’aux amendes et à la fiscalité appliquées parl’administration à son égard. Est posée ensuite la question contrefactuelle de savoir ce qu’aurait étél’économie algérienne en l’absence de la colonisation. Pour y répondre, il est supposé que le systèmecolonial se matérialisait dans la discrimination entre autochtones et européens, dont le fondement légalétait le code de l’indigénat. Sous cette hypothèse, la question se reformule ainsi : la croissanceéconomique (Pib/tête) de l’Algérie aurait-elle été plus importante si les dépenses publiques d'éducationet de santé n'avaient pas été discriminatoires entre indigènes et européens ? La base de donnéesconstruite pour tenter de donner une réponse empirique à cette question identifie les dépensespubliques d’éducation et de santé et les répartit entre les deux types de population sur la période 1901-1937. Les données obtenues illustrent clairement au niveau descriptif le lien entre la politiquecoloniale et le bilan (répartition des dépenses d’éducation et de santé entre autochtone et européen etrevenu par tête). Mais sur le plan économétrique, les obstacles à l’établissement d’une relation decausalité entre les dépenses en capital humain et la croissance économique ont empêché cetterecherche d’arriver au stade de la simulation contrefactuelle. Cet inachèvement est expliqué, d’unepart, par l’état de l’art théorique sur la question, d’autre part, le fait que les limites des donnéesdisponibles ne permettaient pas d’aller plus loin dans la construction d’une relation de causalité, enremplaçant notamment le Pib/tête par un indicateur de développement humain... / In 1955, the Maspétiol commission of the French government made a negative economic balance sheet of colonization in Algeria. This balance sheet has been analyzed by historians of the economy in terms of costs / benefits for the metropolis and the colony. According to this current of colonization costs, the investments and public expenditures made in Algeria were financed by the metropolis and therefore borne by the metropolitan taxpayer. The thesis defended here is that the main cause of the negativity of the balance sheet lies in the structure of the colonial economy which did not generate enough public revenue to finance economic and social development, which required the financial support of the metropolis (plan de Constantine, 1958).The balance sheet is therefore envisaged as the result of policies pursued throughout the colonial period, more precisely the intervention of the state in economic activity since the beginning of colonization. This work, based on the literature on the economic balance sheet and more broadly on the economy of colonial Algeria as well as on unpublished archive data, shows that the so-called development policy was detrimental to the economic and social levels (1830-1900). Budget, legislative and monetary measures applied in the framework of public economic and social investments have been disadvantageous for public finances on the one hand, and for the human development of the native population on the other hand. The equipment realized (mainly in the railways) have stifled public spending in the colony without contributing to lower transport costs. Private investment in export viticulture, supported by the state, did not participate in the financing of public revenues due to absence of taxation. Regarding the policy towards the native population, it has resulted in the degradation of its heritage following land expropriation operations, as well as the fines and the taxation applied by the administration towards it. Is then asked the counterfactual question to know what would have been the Algerian economy in the absence of colonization. To answer, it is assumed that the colonial system materialized in discrimination between natives and europeans, whose legal basis was the code of indigénat. Under this hypothesis, the question is reformulated: Algeria's economic growth (gdp per capita) would have been greater if public spending on education and health had not been discriminatory between natives and europeans? The database constructed to try to give an empirical answer to this question identifies public expenditure on education and health and allocates them to the two types of population over the period 1901-1937. The data obtained clearly illustrate at the descriptive level the link between colonial politics and the balance sheet (dividing of education and health expenditure between natives and european and gdp per capita). But econometrically, the obstacles to establishing a causal relationship between spending on human capital and economic growth have prevented this search from reaching the stage of counterfactual simulation. This incompleteness is explained, on the one hand, by the state of the art theoretical on the question, on the other hand, the fact that the limitations of the available data did not allow us to go further in the construction of a causal relationship, replacing in particular the gdp per capita with a human development indicator. However, incompleteness of the counterfactual scenario does not invalidate the established results by qualitative study from literature and archival documents. This research paves the way by showing the possibility of a cliometric and counterfactual approach on this subject.This thesis calls for a future collaboration between economic economists and historians to construct the missing data.

De 1919 à 1940, le corps des tirailleurs sénégalais s’affirma davantage au sein de l’armée coloniale. Auréolée de ses succès relatifs dans la Grande Guerre, l’armée noire fut dès lors pensée comme une armée permanente, ayant vocation à combattre sur les fronts extérieurs. Dès juillet 1919, le recrutement reposa sur un appel par tirage au sort avec possibilité de remplacement. Des règles précises se mirent donc en place afin d’encadrer l’ensemble des étapes amenant ces soldats depuis l’Afrique occidentale et équatoriale française vers la métropole ou le bassin méditerranéen. L’hivernage et l’alimentation furent ainsi abordés avec davantage de soin. Le corps des sous-officiers africains offre quant à lui un panel de parcours présentant au plus près les carrières de ces hommes, leurs origines et les soldats qu’ils furent. Leur formation et leurs résultats aux différents examens permet également de mieux cerner les attentes de l’état-major et de la 8e direction. En définitive, le corps des tirailleurs sénégalais fut davantage pensé afin de l’améliorer. Pour autant en 1940, ces efforts de pensée n’avaient abouti à aucune réforme en profondeur et l’armée noire connut les mêmes déboires que l’armée française. / From 1919 to 1940, The Senegalese Infantry Corps firmly established itself within the colonial army. Crowned by its relative success in World War I, the black army was subsequently considered a permanent army, tasked with fighting worldwide. After July 1919, recruitment relied on a draft lottery with the possibility of substitution.Detailed rules at the time were put in place to offer a means of placing soldiers from West African and Equatorial French colonies in France itself or in the Mediterranean basin. In this way, winter quarters and food supplies were given greater consideration.The African non-commissioned officer corps offered a training experience to further the careers of these men, considering their origins and their abilities as soldiers. Their training and their results on different tests also helped to better understand the expectations of the French Army General Staff and their respective divisions.In the end, the Senegalese Infantry Corps was assumed to be a stronger component of the French army. But in 1940, it became apparent that none of these efforts bore substancial reform and the black army suffered the same setbacks as the regular French army.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T11:21:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EDIMILSON ROSA BEZERRA.pdf: 2607747 bytes, checksum: 8dc66817b378db056b437030fb90227d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-11 / this study tried to verify, the process of colonization of Maranhão, in the first half of the 19th century, how practices and representations of the social world by its internal logic have been negotiated to influence the choices as regards the model of, the political system of the province. Studied the formation of North and South Maranhão, when the issue was closely more separatist articulated at that moment in two episodes: in the struggles of independence and Balaiada, as troubleshooting decisive in shaping social reality from southern state. To perform this study used as theoretical contribution of representations, approaches that were developed by historians, sociologists and psychologists who underscore the articulation between elements of subjectivity of actors and social structures. In this sense, the study has come to a conclusion that the separatist stance, during that period, only make meanings when they are examined within a network of representations and practices shared between Society and State, touched by all the relationships that are established and operated between them. / Neste estudo se procurou verificar, no processo de colonização do Maranhão, na primeira metade do século XIX, de que modo práticas e representações do mundo social por sua lógica interna foram negociadas no sentido de influenciar as escolhas, no que diz respeito ao amoldamento, do sistema político da Província. Estudou-se a formação do Norte e do Sul maranhense, quando a questão separatista esteve estreitamente mais articulada, naquele momento, em dois episódios: nas lutas da Independência e na Balaiada, como solução dos problemas decisivos na conformação da realidade social do sul do Estado. Para efetuar este estudo utilizou-se como aporte teórico as abordagens das representações, que foram desenvolvidas por historiadores (as), sociólogos (as) e psicólogos (as) que ressaltam a articulação entre elementos da subjetividade dos atores e as estruturas sociais. Neste sentido, o estudo permitiu chegar a uma conclusão de que a postura separatista, durante aquele período analisado, só conformam significados no momento em que são examinadas no interior de uma rede de representações e práticas compartilhadas entre Sociedade e o Estado, aflorada pelo conjunto das relações que se estabeleceram e vigoraram entre eles.

O presente trabalho busca compreender como o Informe do Padre jesuíta Francisco de Figueroa, a respeito dos índios das Missões de Maynas, na Amazônia, se adequa às determinações impostas às atividades evangelizadoras no conjunto sul-americano pelos três primeiros Concílios de Lima, ocorridos entre 1551 e 1583. O objeto de estudo serão as relações de aproximação e de identificação das práticas missionárias no contexto da cristianização dos povos amazônicos da região de Maynas com os decretos das sessões conciliares limenses por meio da análise da situação das missões feita por Figueroa em seu relato. As fontes para este trabalho são o informe do Padre Figueroa, redigido entre os anos de 1659 a 1661 e republicado na coleção Monumenta Amazónica em 1986 e os decretos conciliares de Lima completos publicados por Rubén Vargas Ugarte em 1951 e por Francesco Leonardo Lisi em 1990, disponíveis em castelhano e latim na Biblioteca Provincial dos Redentoristas. / This study aims to understand how the Report of the Jesuit Father Francisco de Figueroa, about the Indians of the missions of Maynas, in the Amazon, suits to the determinations imposed on evangelizing activities in the South American group the first three councils of Lima, occurred between 1551 and 1583. The object of study will be the relations of approaching and identification of the missionary practices in the context of Christianization of Amazonian tribes of Maynas region with the decrees of Lima´s council sessions by analyzing the situation of the missions made by Figueroa in his report. The sources for this work are the report of Father Figueroa, written between the years 1659-1661 and republished in Monumenta Amazónica collection in 1986 and the complete conciliar decrees of Lima Councils published by Rubén Vargas Ugarte in 1951, and by Francesco Leonardo Lisi in 1990, available in Spanish and Latin in the Provincial Library of the Redemptorists.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a colonização do oeste paulista, mais especificamente, a partir dos anos trinta do século XX, situando-a no contexto geral da expansão do capital no âmbito mundial. A análise busca centrar-se no caráter contraditório do processo de colonização que, ao expandir o agrário como forma de superação aos entraves à reprodução do capital, advindos da grande crise de 1929, simultaneamente, estaria a reproduzir um conjunto de relações sociais sob o qual repousaria o próprio fundamento da crise. Nesse sentido a superação se constituiria, de antemão, na reprodução da própria crise, problema que remete à lógica da valorização como fundamento fundante da sociabilidade moderna. Sendo a reprodução do capital balizada pelo encadeamento lógico de seus momentos, a sociedade se põe a reboque de inexorável. Partindo desse pressuposto, questionaremos a racionalidade que, como forma de consciência indivíduos reproduzam a si e a sua sociedade. Despido de sua racionalidade, o capital revela o seu caráter imanentemente crítico, o que se evidencia pela sua forma contraditória de expansão, sendo essa movida, simultaneamente, pela acumulação e crise de acumulação de valor. / The present study aims to analyze the colonization of western São Paulo, more specifically from the thirties of the twentieth century, placing it in the overall context of capital expansion at the global scenario. The analysis focus on the contradictory nature of the colonization process, which, in order to expand the agrarian as a way of overcoming the obstacles to the reproduction of capital, coming from the 1929 crisis, simultaneously, would be playing a set of social relations under which would rest the very foundation of the crisis. In this sense, the overcoming would constitute, in advance, on the reproduction of the crisis itself, a problem that leads to the logic of the valorization as a fundamental basis of the modern sociability. Being the reproduction of capital guided by the logical sequence of its moments, the society begins to tow a process that goes behind it,\" and which imposes itself on her in an inexorable way. Based on this assumption, we shall question the rationality that, as a form of modern consciousness, puts the mediation of the goods as a \"sine qua non\" condition, to make the individuals to reproduce themselves and their society. Stripped of its rationality, the capital reveals its immanently critical character, which is evidenced by its contradictory form of expansion, which is moved simultaneously by the accumulation and value accumulation crisis.

Historic preservationists have struggled with how to best interpret the diverse history of the United States. This is especially true when faced with sites that represent the continued colonization of American Indian populations. While preservationists are continually striving to provide a more inclusive history, historic sites remain where preservationists are omitting Native voice, perpetuating stereotypes, and telling history with an emphasis on damage within communities. Whiteclay, Nebraska offers a case study of a site with a complex history where multiple cultures have embedded the same place with different meaning. This thesis argues that through the incorporation of agency, the challenging of stereotypes, and the addition of desire-based research into the historic preservation field, a re-interpretation of Whiteclay, as well as other sites with multifaceted pasts, can emerge and places of colonization can become places of healing.

In the broadest sense, the three essays that form this dissertation address certain normative features in John Locke’s philosophy. “On Revolution: Arendt, Locke, and Republican Revisionism” deals with Hannah Arendt’s early republican revisionism that removes Locke’s influence from the American revolutionary period. Her (mistaken) belief is that Locke’s political philosophy encourages social disengagement and political apathy. In “One Body of People: Locke on Amerindians, Protestant Evangelism, and the Colonization of North America” I take seriously Locke’s religious devotion and reassess his colonial philosophy through an “evangelical” lens. It turns out his colonial thought was not motivated by “punishment” but by a perceived collective good. In “Friends in the State of Nature: John Locke and the Formation of Security Communities,” I explore the routinely overlooked fact that Locke characterizes humans as highly sociable and prone to friendship. To be sure, friendship and trust not only exist in the state of nature, they are what precipitate the contractual movement into civil society. This is particularly relevant given the fact that the realist tradition within International Relations almost reflexively characterizes the relationship between states as one of ruthless self ­interest. The way Locke speaks about the formation of political communities is highly reminiscent of “security communities,” a term popularized by Karl Deustch in the late 1950s, which describes groups of people who have integrated to such an extent that conflict can be managed in nonviolent ways. Locke characterizes the international community both in terms of moral communities (where different regions of the world share different values), and also in terms of economic communities of varying degrees of interdependence.

There has been excellent academic research, not only on diaspora, but also on postconflict Bosnia and Herzegovina in regards to transitional justice and peacebuilding. However, the factors that play a role vis-à-vis diaspora mobilization and transitional justice have been explored less. Theorizing has been ad hoc. Thus, the guiding question of this thesis is: How do diaspora utilize the political environments in their hostlands when they mobilize towards issues of transitional justice, in what ways and why? I develop a typological theory of diaspora mobilization, focusing on transitional justice claims, to systematize understanding and to develop midrange level explanations. Four types of diaspora mobilization (engaged, involved, reactive, and inactive) are theorized based on three independent variables: citizenship regimes, collective claims, and the presence or absence of ‘translocalism’ within diaspora communities. In particular, the more open citizenship regimes are, the higher the potential for diaspora mobilization will be. The thesis builds on the idea of translocal communities being an important factor in helping to determine the level of diaspora mobilization, along with the presence of collective claims in relation to transitional justice processes in the post-conflict homeland environment. The study is based on a qualitative research design using a unique two-level comparative lens, focusing on three countries in Europe (Sweden, France, and Germany) as well as four different cities within Bosnia and Herzegovina (Sarajevo, Banja Luka, Prijedor, and Srebrenica). The research methods include semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and process tracing with multi-sited fieldwork. Thus, transnational, translocal, host country, and homeland influences are incorporated into analysis. The study provides comparative rigor to research on diaspora mobilization that is particular and rare. It establishes diaspora as an important actor to consider in transitional justice based efforts and provides a new perspective on the idea of translocalism.

This study addresses how the UK and the Swedish Iraqi diaspora mobilised towards state-building in Iraq following the 2003 US led intervention. It explores why some diaspora mobilised towards state-building processes through institution-building and governance while others through civil society. While the literature has explored diasporic development and peace-building, it has not systematically addressed diaspora mobilisation for state-building. Neither has it paid sufficient attention to the factors that shape diasporic political choices in intervention and conflict settings. My thesis contributes to this body of literature and argues that an overlooked dimension of state-building, is that of civil society. State-building involves top-down approaches of institution-building but also bottom-up approaches of participatory politics that encourage democratic practices. I thus develop a new two-category operationalization of state-building to capture the interventions and transnational fields of different diaspora groups and individuals. My findings show that during different time periods, three factors have shaped the mobilisation of the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora towards state-building; diaspora profiles, hostland foreign policies towards the homeland and links to homeland political parties in Iraq. Theoretically these findings demonstrate that diaspora's socio-economic profiles and networks are key to understanding the type of politics that diaspora can engage in. Meanwhile, hostland foreign policies can shape diasporic interventions by creating different relationships with homelands and thus different opportunities for engagement. Furthermore, in divided societies, diaspora connected to homeland political parties, or represented by them, are more likely to be involved in the apparatus of the state, where as those excluded are more likely to engage outside the structures of power through civil society. Finally, my study demonstrates that temporal vii dimensions are crucial for understanding, which factors mattered, when and why. Empirically, this thesis also contributes original knowledge about the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora. It sheds new light into the myriad ways that diaspora in these two countries have been attempting to rebuild the country after the 2003 intervention by illustrating their efforts and experiences, and how it has informed their current relationship to Iraq.