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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

O trabalho do apenado e a (des)marginalização do direito laboral : a possibilidade do liame empregatício do trabalho extramuros em prol da iniciativa privada

Oliveira, Laura Machado de January 2015 (has links)
Apesar da sistemática constitucional advinda em 1988, na qual é vedada a pena de trabalhos forçados, o sistema de execução penal vigente no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro prevê a obrigatoriedade do trabalho do apenado à pena privativa de liberdade em caráter definitivo como forma de ressocialização da pessoa e para evitar o ócio carcerário, dentre outros fins. Tal trabalho sofre a não incidência dos direitos trabalhistas previstos na CLT, possuindo, o apenado, resguardo apenas a alguns benefícios previstos na legislação penal, além da remição da pena em razão do trabalho prestado. Todavia, esse não deveria ser o tratamento conferido ao preso ao trabalhar externamente para a iniciativa privada, pois nessa situação o apenado poderá possuir todos os elementos essenciais configuradores da relação de emprego. Porém, o mesmo tratamento marginalizado continua a ser conferido para essas relações. O Estado, ao possuir a custódia do condenado, deverá devolvê-lo para a sociedade como um cidadão capaz de coexistir em condições de convivência pacífica com os demais. Contudo, a conjuntura carcerária brasileira está calcando o caminho contrário, pois há o desrespeito à dignidade da pessoa humana, condição primordial para o tratamento de reabilitação. / Despite the constitutional systematic arising in 1988, in which the forced labor penalty is prohibited, the system of criminal enforcement force in Brazilian law provides for compulsory labor of the convict to the closed regime as a form of rehabilitation of the person and to avoid idleness prison. Such work does not suffer the impact of labor rights provided for in the Labor Code, possessing, the convict, just a few benefits guard provided for in criminal law, beyond redemption penalty by reason of the work provided. But, this should not be the treatment given to the prisoner, because the convict to work externally to the private sector may have all configurators essential elements of the employment relationship. However, it remains marginalized treatment given to these relations. Brazil bans the death penalty, therefore, the State has custody of the convict, it must return to society as a citizen able to coexist in conditions of peaceful coexistence with others. However, the Brazilian prison situation is to occur the other way, as there is a lack of respect for human dignity, precondition for rehabilitation treatment.
2

O trabalho do apenado e a (des)marginalização do direito laboral : a possibilidade do liame empregatício do trabalho extramuros em prol da iniciativa privada

Oliveira, Laura Machado de January 2015 (has links)
Apesar da sistemática constitucional advinda em 1988, na qual é vedada a pena de trabalhos forçados, o sistema de execução penal vigente no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro prevê a obrigatoriedade do trabalho do apenado à pena privativa de liberdade em caráter definitivo como forma de ressocialização da pessoa e para evitar o ócio carcerário, dentre outros fins. Tal trabalho sofre a não incidência dos direitos trabalhistas previstos na CLT, possuindo, o apenado, resguardo apenas a alguns benefícios previstos na legislação penal, além da remição da pena em razão do trabalho prestado. Todavia, esse não deveria ser o tratamento conferido ao preso ao trabalhar externamente para a iniciativa privada, pois nessa situação o apenado poderá possuir todos os elementos essenciais configuradores da relação de emprego. Porém, o mesmo tratamento marginalizado continua a ser conferido para essas relações. O Estado, ao possuir a custódia do condenado, deverá devolvê-lo para a sociedade como um cidadão capaz de coexistir em condições de convivência pacífica com os demais. Contudo, a conjuntura carcerária brasileira está calcando o caminho contrário, pois há o desrespeito à dignidade da pessoa humana, condição primordial para o tratamento de reabilitação. / Despite the constitutional systematic arising in 1988, in which the forced labor penalty is prohibited, the system of criminal enforcement force in Brazilian law provides for compulsory labor of the convict to the closed regime as a form of rehabilitation of the person and to avoid idleness prison. Such work does not suffer the impact of labor rights provided for in the Labor Code, possessing, the convict, just a few benefits guard provided for in criminal law, beyond redemption penalty by reason of the work provided. But, this should not be the treatment given to the prisoner, because the convict to work externally to the private sector may have all configurators essential elements of the employment relationship. However, it remains marginalized treatment given to these relations. Brazil bans the death penalty, therefore, the State has custody of the convict, it must return to society as a citizen able to coexist in conditions of peaceful coexistence with others. However, the Brazilian prison situation is to occur the other way, as there is a lack of respect for human dignity, precondition for rehabilitation treatment.
3

O trabalho do apenado e a (des)marginalização do direito laboral : a possibilidade do liame empregatício do trabalho extramuros em prol da iniciativa privada

Oliveira, Laura Machado de January 2015 (has links)
Apesar da sistemática constitucional advinda em 1988, na qual é vedada a pena de trabalhos forçados, o sistema de execução penal vigente no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro prevê a obrigatoriedade do trabalho do apenado à pena privativa de liberdade em caráter definitivo como forma de ressocialização da pessoa e para evitar o ócio carcerário, dentre outros fins. Tal trabalho sofre a não incidência dos direitos trabalhistas previstos na CLT, possuindo, o apenado, resguardo apenas a alguns benefícios previstos na legislação penal, além da remição da pena em razão do trabalho prestado. Todavia, esse não deveria ser o tratamento conferido ao preso ao trabalhar externamente para a iniciativa privada, pois nessa situação o apenado poderá possuir todos os elementos essenciais configuradores da relação de emprego. Porém, o mesmo tratamento marginalizado continua a ser conferido para essas relações. O Estado, ao possuir a custódia do condenado, deverá devolvê-lo para a sociedade como um cidadão capaz de coexistir em condições de convivência pacífica com os demais. Contudo, a conjuntura carcerária brasileira está calcando o caminho contrário, pois há o desrespeito à dignidade da pessoa humana, condição primordial para o tratamento de reabilitação. / Despite the constitutional systematic arising in 1988, in which the forced labor penalty is prohibited, the system of criminal enforcement force in Brazilian law provides for compulsory labor of the convict to the closed regime as a form of rehabilitation of the person and to avoid idleness prison. Such work does not suffer the impact of labor rights provided for in the Labor Code, possessing, the convict, just a few benefits guard provided for in criminal law, beyond redemption penalty by reason of the work provided. But, this should not be the treatment given to the prisoner, because the convict to work externally to the private sector may have all configurators essential elements of the employment relationship. However, it remains marginalized treatment given to these relations. Brazil bans the death penalty, therefore, the State has custody of the convict, it must return to society as a citizen able to coexist in conditions of peaceful coexistence with others. However, the Brazilian prison situation is to occur the other way, as there is a lack of respect for human dignity, precondition for rehabilitation treatment.
4

[pt] COLUNA DE JORNAL, GRADE DE CADEIA: A INVENÇÃO OITOCENTISTA DAS CLASSES PERIGOSAS NOS TERMOS DE BEM VIVER (1870 – 1890) / [en] NEWSPAPER COLUMN, JAIL GRID: THE NINETEENTH CENTURY INVENTION OF THE DANGEROUS CLASSES IN TERMOS DE BEM VIVER (1870-1890)

MARIA FERNANDA RIBEIRO CUNHA 07 February 2023 (has links)
[pt] Os termos de bem viver, medida preventiva presente no Código de Processo Criminal de 1832, são elaborados como um instrumento da lei que pretendia prevenir a criminalidade. Pessoas acusadas de embriaguez, vadiagem e perturbação da ordem assinavam nas delegacias um comprometimento de, a partir daquela ocorrência, bem viverem em comunhão com a lei, e apareciam nas folhas da imprensa periódica como ociosos suspeitos. A legislação emancipacionista e a crise da ordem escravocrata, especialmente a partir da década de 1870, apontam para o fortalecimento dos termos de bem viver enquanto mecanismo de coação ao trabalho. Usada como ferramenta no combate à ociosidade, a medida preventiva passou a fazer parte do esforço de construir novas definições de ocupação e, também, de encarceramento, diante do fim da forma legítima de coação ao trabalho: a escravidão. Essa dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a construção dos elementos de suspeição em torno das pessoas policiadas por termos de bem viver, para pensar o combate à ociosidade e o trabalho compulsório como parte da lógica de Estado do Segundo Reinado. Com o objetivo de ampliar os estudos a respeito da ociosidade no século XIX, é importante examinar as implicações do controle policial a partir dos termos de bem viver na experiência de trabalhadores e trabalhadoras informais. / [en] The terms of good living, a preventive measure present in the Code of Criminal Procedure of 1832, were drawn up as an instrument of the law intended to prevent crime. People accused of drunkenness, vagrancy, and disturbance of order signed a commitment at the police stations, from that occurrence on, to live well in communion with the law, and appeared in the periodic press sheets as idle suspects. The emancipation legislation and the crisis of the slave order, especially from the 1870s on, point to the strengthening of the terms of good living as a mechanism of coercion to work. Used as a tool to combat idleness, the preventive measure became part of the effort to construct new definitions of occupation and, also, of imprisonment, in face of the end of the legitimate form of coercion to work: slavery. This dissertation aims to analyze the construction of the elements of suspicion around the people policed by terms of good living, in order to think the combat against idleness and compulsory labor as part of the logic of the State of the Second Reign. In order to broaden studies of idleness in the nineteenth century, it is important to examine the implications of police control through the terms of good living in the experience of informal workers.
5

Liberdade tutelada : os africanos livres e as relações de trabalho na Fabrica de Polvora da Estrela, Serra da Estrela/RJ (c.1831-c.1870)

Moreira, Alinnie Silvestre 23 February 2005 (has links)
Orientador: Silvia Hunold Lara / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T02:06:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moreira_AlinnieSilvestre_M.pdf: 2145290 bytes, checksum: 4e1ad5f885b3cbb6d2feab08d6f7fcdb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003 / Resumo: Africano livre¿, ¿liberto africano¿, ¿negro de prêmio¿ ou ¿emancipado¿. Estas expressões designavam, no século XIX, o estatuto jurídico de todos os africanos escravizados ilegalmente após a proibição do tráfico atlântico de escravos que tivessem sido resgatados por autoridades em navios negreiros. Uma vez capturados por um governo como o Imperial brasileiro, eles deveriam ser postos ao trabalho na condição de ¿aprendizes¿. A obrigação do Estado Imperial, assumida em acordos com a Coroa inglesa, era manter estes africanos em tutela por 14 anos e então emancipá-los. A regra não foi cumprida, e os africanos livres na maioria vezes serviram a este Estado ou arrematante particular por toda a vida ou por um período muito maior do que aquele determinado. Eram portadores de uma condição sócio-jurídica ambígua: eram africanos livres numa sociedade em que africanos eram, em sua maior parte, escravos; além disso sua liberdade vigorava sob uma tutela cercada por indefinições. O alto grau de particularidade de sua condição forçou o surgimento de um leque de fatos e circunstâncias específicos, principalmente da parte do Estado, para dar conta de administrá-los, conduzi-los e controlá-los. A documentação deixada no rastro destas práticas específicas revela certas brechas de significado no complexo mundo do trabalho do século XIX. Por isso, consideramos os africanos livres como uma importante chave de acesso para um entendimento mais detalhado das transformações das relações de trabalho naquela época. Este estudo focaliza a experiência dos africanos livres na fábrica de pólvora do Império entre os anos de 1830 e 1864, onde tiveram estreito contato com outros grupos sociais, como escravos da nação, trabalhadores livres e soldados artífices / Abstract: ¿Liberated african¿, ¿freed african¿, ¿prize negroes¿ and ¿emancipado¿. These expressions, in the nineteenth century, indicated the juridical status of every ilegally enslaved africans rescued by government authorities in slave trade ships after the slave trade prohibition. Once captured by a government, like Brazil¿s Empire, they should be put to work as ¿apprentices¿. It was the Empire's responsibility to keep liberated africans under guardianship for 14 years, and then release them, according to an agreement between Brazil and the British Crown. His was not accomplished by Brazil's Empire, and so most liberated africans served either the state or private hirers their entire lives. Liberated africans¿ social and juridical condition was two-fold: they were in a society in which africans were mostly slaves and still their freedom was hardly prevented by a guardianship surrounded by uncertainty. Their high level of peculiarity has shaped series of specific facts and circumstances, most of them in state¿s environment, to manage and control them. The documentation this specific administration left behind can reveal new meanings for the complex nineteenth century¿s labor world. That is why liberated africans are a key to understand more about labor relation changes at that time. This paper focuses liberated africans¿ experience in a powder factory owned by the Empire between 1830 and 1864, where they happened to be in touch with different social groups, like government slaves, free workers and military craft workers / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História
6

La France et les Français devant le service du travail obligatoire (1942-1945) / France and its population confronted to the compulsory labor draft (1942-1945)

Spina, Raphaël 29 June 2012 (has links)
Cette thèse représente la première synthèse scientifique à l’échelle nationale sur le Service du Travail Obligatoire (STO). De septembre 1942 à l’été 1944, les lois du régime de Vichy contraignent 600 000 à 650 000 personnes à partir dans le Reich remplacer les mobilisés allemands. Ce drame, tournant majeur de l’Occupation, reste après-guerre sous-étudié, et ses victimes oubliées. Il est reconstitué ici sous l’ensemble de ses aspects : relations franco-allemandes, impacts économiques et sociaux, accentuation du discrédit de l’Etat français et du collaborationnisme, contribution à l’essor de la Résistance et des maquis. Notre travail se clôt sur la vie des exilés en Allemagne, leur retour et leur mémoire amère, portée par l’ex-Fédération Nationale des Déportés du Travail. Un fil conducteur est l’attitude de l’opinion publique face aux prélèvements de main-d’œuvre. Perceptions et comportements dépendent des étapes du STO, des classes sociales, des appartenances religieuses ou des circonstances locales. Malgré bien des contestations (grèves, manifestations), la France est le seul pays d’Europe occupée à fournir tous les hommes demandés, du moins jusqu’à l’été 1943. Les Français paraissent d’abord pris au dépourvu, impuissants, divisés. Les individus, repliés sur eux-mêmes, semblent moins soucieux de se soustraire au travail forcé ou d’aider autrui à s’y dérober que d’exiger que ce tribut impopulaire frappe tous les groupes à égalité. La désobéissance de masse ne s’instaure que dans un second temps. A côté de l’obéissance et du réfractariat, nous étudions ce que nous baptisons la « refusance », c’est-à-dire les moyens de refuser le STO sans recourir à la clandestinité (emplois protégés, faux certificats médicaux, entrée dans les forces de l’ordre, etc.). / This thesis represents the first scientific synthesis nationwide about the Compulsory Labor Draft (Service du Travail Obligatoire, STO) inflicted upon France during the Second World War. Between September 1942 and the summer of 1944, laws enacted by the Vichy Regime forced approximately 600000 to 650000 French people to leave for the Reich in order to replace the German people recruited to the military. This turning point of the Occupation remained underrepresented in post-war research, and the victims felt into oblivion. The STO is reconstructed with special interest to the relationships between France and Germany, the socio-economic impacts, the discredit brought to the Vichy government and the collaborationist parties, the help to the expansion of the French Resistance and of the Maquis. The work ends with a depiction of the exiled people’s lives, their return and their bitter memories, supported by the former Fédération Nationale des Déportés du Travail. The main idea throughout this work is the attitude displayed by the public opinion confronted to the forced labor. Perceptions and behaviors depend on the periods in the history of the STO, of social classes, religion or local contexts. In spite of many protests such as strikes and demonstrations, France is the only country to have delivered all men requested by Germany, at least up to the summer of 1943. The French people seem to have been taken by surprise, powerless and divided. Individuals seem less troubled with dodging the forced labour service or with helping others to do so than with claiming that the whole population should equally be taken by this highly obnoxious toll. The massive disobedience only took over in a second cycle. Alongside the obedience and the réfractariat, the refusal newly coined as “refusance”, is a phenomenon studied in this work. The latter world refers to official actions and dynamics of refusing the STO without having to go underground, i.e. protected workplaces, false medical certificates or the joining of the law polices, to name but a few.
7

Les écoles d' horlogerie de Besançon : une contribution décisive au développement industriel local et régional (1793-1974) / The Besancon watchmaking schools

Briselance, Claude 28 October 2015 (has links)
L’Histoire des écoles d’horlogerie de Besançon est inhérente à la naissance et à la continuité d’une industrie spécifique très localisée sur un territoire. Avec elles nous partons de l’ère « proto-industrielle » qui plonge ses racines dans les idéaux révolutionnaires de 1793 pour aboutir aux bouleversements technologiques de l’électronique et du « quartz » des années 1970… S’inscrivant sur la longue durée, trois « écoles » vont se succéder. Pour répondre aux attentes d’une industrie horlogère qui doit constamment faire face aux évolutions techniques, chacune à sa manière, va innover pour constituer un « corpus » original de formation qui n’est pas sans bousculer les rites et usages du temps. Si les deux premières « écoles » eurent une durée de vie limitée, la dernière entité, née en 1861 de la volonté municipale, va pendant plus d’un siècle, accompagner toute une ville (et sa région) dans sa réussite industrielle. Dès sa création, et au fur et à mesure des adaptations qu’elle a su mettre en place, par la qualité et la spécificité des formations dispensées, elle va irriguer de ses élèves toute une industrie toujours à l’affût de personnels qualifiés. Au plan national elle va diffuser le nom de Besançon comme « capitale française de l’horlogerie » en formant nombre d’horlogers-rhabilleurs tenant boutiques et autres ateliers de réparation par tout le territoire… Elle va servir de référence pour implanter dans la Cité des laboratoires de recherche et d’enseignement supérieur : un Observatoire chronométrique, une École d’ingénieurs, un Centre d’études horlogères et de développement industriel (Cétéhor)… Elle va contribuer à la diversification industrielle de la ville dans des domaines connexes à l’horlogerie, notamment dans le découpage, la micromécanique, l’appareillage et les microtechniques… Nationalisée en 1891, elle fait dès lors partie de la petite élite des Écoles Nationales Professionnelles (par assimilation), qui vont marquer le développement industriel du Pays. En 1933, quand elle intègre ses nouveaux locaux, par le nombre et l’originalité de ses filières (de l’ouvrier qualifié à l’ingénieur), par sa dotation en matériels modernes, elle est signalée comme étant le « premier établissement de l’enseignement technique » en France. Le cheminement de cette dernière école fait aussi ressortir une histoire « humaine », « prosopographique », qui met en exergue les nombreux anciens élèves qui se sont lancés avec grande réussite dans la création d’entreprises. Restés fidèles à leur école, ils ont contribué au renom et au développement de la richesse économique de la cité et de sa région… Avec ces écoles d’horlogerie, on aborde enfin l’histoire de l’Enseignement Technique en France. Pour répondre à la demande d’une industrie horlogère en pleine croissance qui déplorait les carences de l’apprentissage en atelier, elles ont été pionnières en ouvrant la voie de « la scolarisation » de la formation professionnelle. Par leurs innovations pédagogiques, et soutenues par les Anciens Élèves, elles ont su établir un lien « École-Entreprise » des plus fructueux qui marque encore la mémoire collective des Bisontins…En 1974 elle perd toute référence à l’horlogerie pour devenir le Lycée Jules Haag. Le temps de l’histoire est désormais advenu pour tenter de comprendre ce qui a fait la force et la réussite de ces « Écoles d’horlogerie » dans leur participation active, sur la durée, à la prospérité économique et industrielle d’une ville et de sa région… / The history of the watchmaking schools in Besançon is part of the birth and continuous development of a specific industry in a very limited sector of the French territory. When studying those schools we start at the « protoindustrial » time with its roots in the revolutionary ideals of 1793 and end up with the technological upheavals of electronics and the « quartz » technology in the 1970s. Three « schools » followed one another over the long term. Each school aimed at satisfying the demands of a watchmakng industry confronted to rapidly changing technical evolutions ; so it innovated in its own way by creating an original « corpus » in the students training and most of the time upset the practices and common ideas of the time. If the first two « schools » had a limited lifespan, the last one created in 1861 by the town council itself has been supporting the industrial growth of the city and the surrounding region. Since its foundation it has stuck to the industrial reality by placing the emphasis on high standards and opening new specific branches whenever necessary, thus answering the needs of firms always looking for highly qualified staff. For a large number of French people Besançon became the « capital town of the watchmaking industry » thanks to the shops or repair workshops kept by Besançon-trained former students all over France… It served as a background to set up research and university laboratories in the city : Observatoire Chronométrique, Ecole d’Ingénieurs, Centre d’Etudes Horlogères et de Développement Industriel (Cétéhor)… It contributed to the industrial diversification of the town in fields related to watchmaking such as mechanical cutting, micromechanics, equipment and microtechniques. It was nationalized in 1891 and then belonged to the very small elite goup of the Professional National Schools that influenced the future industrial development of the country. In 1933 it moved into sparkling-new premises and was acknowledged as the flagship of technical education in France : it offered a large number of innovating courses ranging from the skilled worker to the engineer and was granted the latest equipments in every field. The path of this new school also enhanced a « humane » and « prosopographical » history ; it highlighted the part played by the numerous former students who created their own successful businesses. Being faithful to their old school they contributed to the renown and economic growth and prosperity of the city and its region… Beyond the local impact we must regard the history of the watchmaking schools as an important part of the history of Technical Education in France. To meet the needs of a soaring watchmaking industry they opened the way to the transfer of professional training from apprenticeship in workshops with its observed shortcomings to education in technical high schools. Their pedagogical innovations, the strong support of their former students created a vital school-business link that still lives on in the collective memory of the town inhabitants.In 1974 its name changed to Lycée Jules Haag thus losing any reference to watchmaking. Let us now try and understand the strong influence and success of those watchmaking schools, the active part they played in the economic industrial prosperity of a town and its surrounding region…

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