Dånet från den blodtörstiga publiken stegrar, förväntan hänger tungt i luften. Det tidigare välfyllda torget utanför arenan töms så sakteliga på folk när massorna väller in för att ta sina platser. Försäljare och matstånd ropar ut sina erbjudanden, och skräp från de tusentals underhållningssugna ligger strött över marmorplattorna. Här låg tidigare en konstgjord sjö med tillhörande trädgårdar, som fick lämna plats för den politiska ledningens nya skrytbygge – i grund och botten ett populistiskt beslut. Säkerligen knotades bland de i lokalområdet boende, när insikten att tusentals skränande besökare på reguljär basis nu skulle dundra förbi deras hus, och kanske att den vackra utsikten över de omkringliggande kullarna förstördes. “Kunde de inte byggt i stadens utkanter istället, så som man brukar?”, tänker de kanske. “Men å andra sidan, den har något ändå, den där Colosseum”.  Arenor har återfunnits i människors städer i tusentals år. De är platser för skådespel, idrott, musik och övrig kultur. Det som lätt glöms bort är det som händer utanför arenaväggarna. Hur formar lokalmiljö, kommers och arenan varandra, och hur påverkas deras estetik. I detta arbete kommer en kvalitativ fallstudie genomföras där nybyggnationen av den multifunktionella arenan på Studenternas IP i Uppsala studeras. Uppsatsen är kulturgeografisk och tar avstamp i byggnadens arkitektur för att analysera hur renoveringsprocessen har sett ut, vilka drivkrafter hos olika aktörer som har varit centrala, och hur dessa nu påverkar platsen.

No / Drawing on recent critical debates concerning the ontology of leadership, this article outlines a radical rethinking of the concept – not as the study of heroic individuals, skilled practitioners, collaborators or discursive actors – but as the marker of a fundamental and productive lack; a space of absent presence through which individual and collective desires for leadership are given expression. Where current critical debates tend to oscillate between variants of the physical and the social in their analyses, this article considers the potential for a negative ontology of leadership; one in which absence, ideological practices and the operation of empty signifiers form the basis for empirical investigation and critical reflection.

Identificar e analisar as demandas de tipo curricular articuladas no discurso do movimento social denominado como Revolução Pinguina, o que luta por uma educação de qualidade, gratuita e equitativa para os chilenos. Utilizo como referencial teórico, com registro pos-estrutural, a teoria do currículo desenvolvida por Alice Casimiro Lopes e Elizabeth Macedo a partir de uma abordagem discursiva e, a teoria do discurso desenvolvida por Ernesto Laclau em parceria com Chantal Mouffe. Entendo que essas demandas se inserem dentro dum conjunto mais amplo de demandas diferenciais que tem por antagonismo o projeto neoliberal do governo, representado pela concertación de partidos por la democracia. Dessa forma existem duas cadeias discursivas, por um lado o discurso dos estudantes, por outro, o discurso do governo, ambos tentam fixar determinados sentidos para o que representa qualidade da educação, desenvolvendo una guerra de representações. Defendo que por essa amplitude da cadeia discursiva a partir da incorporação de novas demandas representativas de diferentes atores sociais, também há um esvaziamento das bandeiras de luta, mas também uma maior força do movimento. Nesse sentido o significante qualidade da educação se transformou num significante vazio que se desprendeu de seus conteúdos concretos e precisos para poder representar provisoriamente a totalidade que a excede, ou seja, deixou de representar apenas um grupo especifico para representar a totalidade do movimento social. Assim, a luta política do movimento estudantil chileno pela educação de qualidade, tem colocado no centro do debate nacional diversas temáticas vinculadas com educação, mobilizando periodicamente á sociedade e conseguindo importantes transformações dentro da estrutura do sistema educativo nacional, significada pelo discurso estudantil como um sistema em crise. / Identify and analyze the articulate curricular demands in the discourse of the social movement known as Penguin Revolution, who struggles in order to achieve a free, egalitarian and quality education for the Chileans. Based on the curricular theory developed by A.Lopes and B.Macedo, and the theory of the discourse developed by Ernesto Laclau in society with Chantal Mouffe. Understanding that these demands are inserted within a broader group of distinguishing demands whose antagonists are the governments neoliberal project, represented by the Concertación de partidos por la democracia. In this way, there are two discursive chain: on one hand, the discourse of the students, on the other hand the discourse of the Chilean government. They both try to establish their own meaning for quality in education, developing a war of representations. I sustain that the broadening of the discourse chain, due to the incorporation of the new demands representing different social actors, has allowed strengthening the movement of the Penguin Revolution, which has permitted the articulation of a chain of equivalences between the demands which has led this discourse to remain hegemonic through time. Precisely thanks to the constant addition of new social demands. In this sense the signifier quality of the education has turned into a empty signifier, unable to represent temporarily the totality of the social movement. This is, the totality of the demands registered in the articulatory chain. In this way, the political struggle of the Chilean student movement for a quality education has put on the national debate the issue of the education, periodically setting in motion the society, and achieving important transformations within the structure of the national education system

Identificar e analisar as demandas de tipo curricular articuladas no discurso do movimento social denominado como Revolução Pinguina, o que luta por uma educação de qualidade, gratuita e equitativa para os chilenos. Utilizo como referencial teórico, com registro pos-estrutural, a teoria do currículo desenvolvida por Alice Casimiro Lopes e Elizabeth Macedo a partir de uma abordagem discursiva e, a teoria do discurso desenvolvida por Ernesto Laclau em parceria com Chantal Mouffe. Entendo que essas demandas se inserem dentro dum conjunto mais amplo de demandas diferenciais que tem por antagonismo o projeto neoliberal do governo, representado pela concertación de partidos por la democracia. Dessa forma existem duas cadeias discursivas, por um lado o discurso dos estudantes, por outro, o discurso do governo, ambos tentam fixar determinados sentidos para o que representa qualidade da educação, desenvolvendo una guerra de representações. Defendo que por essa amplitude da cadeia discursiva a partir da incorporação de novas demandas representativas de diferentes atores sociais, também há um esvaziamento das bandeiras de luta, mas também uma maior força do movimento. Nesse sentido o significante qualidade da educação se transformou num significante vazio que se desprendeu de seus conteúdos concretos e precisos para poder representar provisoriamente a totalidade que a excede, ou seja, deixou de representar apenas um grupo especifico para representar a totalidade do movimento social. Assim, a luta política do movimento estudantil chileno pela educação de qualidade, tem colocado no centro do debate nacional diversas temáticas vinculadas com educação, mobilizando periodicamente á sociedade e conseguindo importantes transformações dentro da estrutura do sistema educativo nacional, significada pelo discurso estudantil como um sistema em crise. / Identify and analyze the articulate curricular demands in the discourse of the social movement known as Penguin Revolution, who struggles in order to achieve a free, egalitarian and quality education for the Chileans. Based on the curricular theory developed by A.Lopes and B.Macedo, and the theory of the discourse developed by Ernesto Laclau in society with Chantal Mouffe. Understanding that these demands are inserted within a broader group of distinguishing demands whose antagonists are the governments neoliberal project, represented by the Concertación de partidos por la democracia. In this way, there are two discursive chain: on one hand, the discourse of the students, on the other hand the discourse of the Chilean government. They both try to establish their own meaning for quality in education, developing a war of representations. I sustain that the broadening of the discourse chain, due to the incorporation of the new demands representing different social actors, has allowed strengthening the movement of the Penguin Revolution, which has permitted the articulation of a chain of equivalences between the demands which has led this discourse to remain hegemonic through time. Precisely thanks to the constant addition of new social demands. In this sense the signifier quality of the education has turned into a empty signifier, unable to represent temporarily the totality of the social movement. This is, the totality of the demands registered in the articulatory chain. In this way, the political struggle of the Chilean student movement for a quality education has put on the national debate the issue of the education, periodically setting in motion the society, and achieving important transformations within the structure of the national education system

Blacks who have descended from the nineteenth century Atlantic slave trade have historically debated and worked to claim a sense of cultural identity that reflects their African heritage and their identity as diasporic. I am particularly interested in how people of the black Atlantic claim their multiple identities since, for people of a diaspora, one main factor is the fact that they inhabit multiple spaces but cannot call any home. How does transnationalism become a better way to describe the cultural identity of those in the "black Atlantic" since these people have to create new or adapted identities as they move from place to place? For Paul Gilroy, the "black Atlantic" applies to people who descended from slaves forced to come to New World (19). In a sense, slavery is a major part of African diasporic history, but I would claim that as time has progressed and people of this lineage came to find homes in the Caribbean, America, and Europe and they have not lost their heritage. Instead, they have retained these identities in a transnational sense. Multiple cultural identities become integrated into each transnational individual, making each person unique to his or her culture without losing sight of his or her common heritage. I explore these identity formations through a close reading of The Butterfly's Way: Voices from the Haitian Dyaspora (sic) in the United States (2001), a collection of short stories, poetry, and personal accounts from Haitian diaspora in the United States, whose stories delve into the issue of transnational identity. The idea of diaspora as read in the text of The Butterfly's Way emphasizes that the more fluid and encompassing terms of hybridity and transnationalism more accurately describe the geographical movements and consequential amassing of black identification within Paul Gilroy's concept of the "black Atlantic." My analysis is supported by a survey of theoretical discourses, particularly those related to black identity. I utilize post-colonial theory while focusing particularly on transnationalism and diasporic studies through Stuart Hall, as well as W.E.B. Du Bois's conception of "double consciousness" to support and develop my argument on how blacks negotiate multiple identities (11). To discuss the formation of a people, I use the work of political theorist Ernesto Laclau, in particular, his arguments in On Populist Reason (2007) on group identity and demand. Gilroy's concept of the "black Atlantic" has many similarities to Laclau’s notion of the "empty signifier" as a way for people to form groups for collective action. I conclude that transnationalism works as better way to describe the black diaspora since black descendants of slaves have retained multiple identities as Africans as well as citizens of their current nations. My paper argues that transnationalism and hybridity function as better terms to describe people who have the Atlantic slave trade in their history.

近年來，台灣社會當中掀起了一股「台客文化」熱潮，不但有越來越多人以「台客」自稱，亦有「台客」為名的書籍出版、以「台客」為名的活動舉辦，形成了一股文化「台」風，本文探究「台客文化」之社會想像的形成及其文化意義。 「台客」這個詞彙最早起自於50年代，外省人嘲笑講國語不標準的本省人是「台客」，近年來則又在青少年次文化場域中興起，指著穿著打扮很俗氣、不入流的人，多半帶有鄙視的意味。不過，2005年八月，歌手伍佰、陳昇等人舉辦「台客搖滾」演唱會，翻轉「台客」一詞原來的負面意涵，將「台客」視為一種「驕傲的認同」，聲言「在台灣，人人都是台客」、「台客就是台灣的文化」，帶動了社會中「以台客為榮」的「新台客」論述，以「台灣特色」形成「台客文化」的想像軸心，使得檳榔西施、歌手伍佰的搖滾樂、傳統的布袋戲……等均接合進入「台客文化」的想像中，形成了一股「台客文藝復興運動」。不同於當前「台客」的研究多半將「台客」的意義固定、本質化的處理，在觀察的取徑上，本文採用拉克勞與慕芙(Laclau&Mouffe)霸權／論述理論中的「空符徵」(empty signifier)概念作為切入此一現象的理論與方法，考察「台客」一詞意義流變的論述軌跡，如何從一個狹義的風格指稱，逐漸擴大成了一個促動關於「我們台灣」之文化共同體的想像的符號。 本文以為，使得「台客」擴大成為代表「我們台灣」的空符徵之所以可能，乃在於「新台客」論述將「台客」建構為一種得以與美、日、韓與之抗衡、代表我們台灣特色的文化想像，吸納了台灣社會流行文化語境當中長期以來始終處於哈韓、哈日、哈美而獨缺哈台的文化認同焦慮情緒以及隨之期望「哈台」的文化民族主義文化主體慾望，成為文化全球化衝擊之下，一種「本土化」力量的抗衡與反撲。另一方面，本文也發現，在「人人都是台客」、「台客就是台灣文化」這樣文化共同體的光明號召論述下，看似「眾聲喧嘩」的「台客文化」想像之中，仍有一個「主音」是被明顯合唱的——那麼便是將在過去國民黨語言政策下所壓制的遭到禁制的台語歌、布袋戲、歌仔戲，在這一波「新台客」論述中以「台客」之名重新被歡呼，一方面是針對「舊台客」論述當中的語言歧視問題藉著「新台客」的意義重整進行象徵鬥爭，另一方面亦顯露了「台客文化」的形構力量，除了相對於「全球化」的「本土化」意識之外，亦顯露了與「中國」相對的「本土化」力量，在兩種「本土化」的交錯張力之中，開啟了通俗文化場域當中「台灣性」(Taiwaness)的想像起點。

[pt] As mudanças contextuais no curso histórico das práticas emergenciais e as possibilidades discursivas delas emergentes têm permitido a diversificação dos atores e do modo com que é feita a entrega da ajuda humanitária. As noções de neutralidade, humanidade e proteção que permeiam o humanitarismo são manejadas de acordo com distintos princípios e interesses. Ao longo do século XX e adiante, o conjunto de significantes que se referia à prática da assistência humanitária deu oportunidade para que novos discursos fossem capazes de criar outras articulações para o que se compreende como humanitário ou ação humanitária. O progressivo agenciamento das Empresas Militares ou de Segurança Privada (EMSPs) neste campo é parte desse fenômeno e desafia o espaço que, na concepção das agências humanitárias tradicionais, se supunha desmilitarizado. A dissertação analisa como se deu o processo discursivo de abertura às EMSPs e como a emergência do novo humanitarismo contribuiu para o cenário de disputas políticas que visam legitimar uma determinada cadeia discursiva em detrimento de outras narrativas no que se propõe como campo geral da discursividade humanitária. / [en] The contextual changes in the historical course of the practices of emergency and the discursive possibilities resulting from that, have yielded the diversification of actors and the way in which the humanitarian aid is delivered. The notions of neutrality, humanity and protection that pervade the humanitarianism are managed in accordance to different principles and interests. Throughout the twentieth century and on, the set of signifiers referring to the practice of humanitarian assistance have opened up the opportunity for new discourses to be creating other articulations to what is understood as humanitarian or humanitarian action. The progressive agency of Private Military or Security Companies (PMSCs) in this field is part of that phenomenon and defies the space that, according to the traditional humanitarian agencies, was supposed to be demilitarized. The dissertation examines how the discursive process of openness to PMSCs have taken place and how the emergence of the new humanitarianism contributed to the scenario of political disputes that seek to legitimize a particular discursive chain rather than other narratives within what I propose as the general field of humanitarian discursivity.

In an era when adversarial politics is condemned for either being archaic or right-wing extremism, proposing that incivility can be used to counter existing hegemonies, despite its potential to incite violence, is proposing an unorthodox project. By rejecting foundationalist approaches to the current incivility crisis, this study sees an opportunity for it to act as a populist rapture that defies simple binary categorisation and deconstructs incivility, at an ontological level, to reveal the deep meanings and concealed causes that contrast the grand narrative of hate speech. After an overview in chapter one, the study continues with a theoretical review of literature on incivility, guided by the works of radical democracy theorists who universalise what seems particular to Kenya. This review is followed by the description of Bakhtin’s concept of carnivalesque as utani, a joking relationship common in East Africa. For its theoretical perspective, the study is guided by Mouffe’s theory of agonistic democracy and a research method developed by transforming Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) work in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic, into a method for Discourse Analysis. Various concepts from Laclau and Mouffe’s work are used to innovate an explanation of how political practices in social media, both linguistic and material texts, enhance incivility and the struggle to fix a regime’s preferred meaning. Guided by Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Analysis, the study describes how the government is using linguistic tools and physical technologies to repair the dislocation caused by incivility in social media in its attempts to re-create hegemonic practices. Without engaging in naïve reversal of the polarities between acceptable and unacceptable speech, and considering that at the ontological level politics is a friend—enemy relation, the study argues that incivility in social media is part of the return of politics in a post-political era, rather than simple unacceptable speech. While remaining aware of the dangers of extreme speech, but without reinforcing the anti-political rational consensus narrative, incivility is seen as having disruptive counterhegemonic potential, that is, if we consider the powerplay inherent in democracy. It means that binary opposition is blind to the way power produces, and is countered through unacceptable speech. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

[pt] Esta dissertação propõe uma leitura da especificidade do laço social na atualidade, assim como propõe uma maneira como, a partir deste laço, poderia ser decantada uma política contemporânea. Para esta costura, uma leitura do sociólogo Zygmunt Bauman fornece balizas para delimitarmos o estado atual do laço social. Em seguida, algumas das perspectivas de Sigmund Freud, com relação ao social e aos modos de organização grupal, especialmente quanto ao lugar que estes dão ao líder, são contrapostas à descrição de Bauman. Jorge Alemán e Ernesto Laclau trazem, então, elementos para a aplicação de conceitos desenvolvidos por Jacques Lacan, a partir de Freud, ao momento político atual, especialmente no que concerne às concepções de solidão comum, significante vazio e ato instituinte. Por fim, os conceitos lacanianos de nó borromeano e sinthome são examinados para localizar em que se apoiam os conceitos de Alemán e Laclau, com referência ao ensino de Lacan. Amarra-se, assim, nossa dissertação, propondo alguma orientação dentro do campo demarcado. / [en] This dissertation proposes a reading of the specificity of the social tie in the present time, as well as proposes a way where, from this tie, a contemporary politics could be decanted. For this seam, a reading by sociologist Zygmunt Bauman provides reading beacons for delimiting the current state of the social tie. Next, some of Freud s perspectives on the social and modes of group organization, especially as to the place they give to the leader, are opposed to Bauman s description. Jorge Alemán and Ernesto Laclau bring elements for the application of concepts developed by Jacques Lacan from Freud s work to the present political moment, especially in what concerns his conceptions of common solitude, empty signifier and institute act. Finally, the Lacanian concepts of the Borromean node and sinthome are examined with the objective of locating in which the concepts of Alemán and Laclau are supported in the teaching of Lacan. Thus, our dissertation is tied, proposing some orientation within the demarcated field.