The controversial performance of the Czech head of state - Miloš Zeman, during his first term in the office, offers reflection on whether the Czech president should or should not be politically responsible for his actions. The absence of mechanisms, by which could be the acting president recalled from his office allows Czech head of state to straighten out the scope of constitutional powers attributed to the head of the state with no real consequences. The master thesis will attempt to present the mechanisms and circumstances that led to the withdrawal of presidents (or governor) of selected countries - specifically Lithuania, Romania and California. The aim of the thesis will be to assess the circumstances in which it would be appropriate to introduce similar mechanisms designated for withdrawing directly elected Czech head of the state from its office, and to analyze the tools for the dismissal of presidents, which have already been used in practice.

[pt] Suspeitas de compra de votos e barganha de favores políticos marcaram os processos de impedimentos presidenciais no Brasil. É o toma-lá-dá-cá no Congresso. Essas atividades são menos relevantes nos processos de impedimento norte americanos e nos votos de desconfiança em regimes parlamentaristas. Nesta dissertação, desenvolvo um modelo no qual o tomalá-dá-cá no Congresso implementa o mecanismo ótimo de incentivos a chefes de governo sujeitos a risco moral na execução de suas plataformas políticas. Há um tradeoff entre a execução da plataforma vitoriosa nas eleições e tomalá-dá-cá no Congresso. Se a base aliada é capaz de induzir o presidente a governar conforme suas promessas de campanha, o desenho ótimo inclui a possibilidade de impedimento, mas votos no Congresso sobre o impedimento refletem o desempenho de governo. / [en] Vote-selling and bargaining over congressional votes are part of impeachment trials in Brazil. Both activities are less prevalent in impeachment trials in the US and in motions of no confidence in parliamentary systems. I develop a model in which congressional bargaining implements the optimal incentives mechanism to Presidents and Prime Ministers who have moral hazard in their electoral political platforms. A tradeoff between the execution of the elected platform and congressional bargaining arises. If the elected platform has no cost to the president, the optimal incentives scheme includes the possibility of impeachment, but votes in Congress reflect government performance.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-02-20T16:50:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiano Müller_.pdf: 1264032 bytes, checksum: 8bd9d4bafc942616dd3f97000001ca91 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-20T16:50:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiano Müller_.pdf: 1264032 bytes, checksum: 8bd9d4bafc942616dd3f97000001ca91 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-19 / Nenhuma / No ano de 2016 houve o segundo processo de impeachment sob os auspícios da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, ora vigente. Novamente, esse processo, que aflora paixões e divide o país em facções, causa polêmica ao tencionar a relação entre o poder político e a normatividade da Constituição. Essa questão toma vias mais complicadas pois o julgamento ocorre em um Tribunal político que, muitas vezes, decide por argumentos de política sem cumprir a imputação dos critérios jurídicos necessários à configuração do crime de responsabilidade. Diante desse contexto, pergunta-se se é possível a Jurisdição Constitucional limitar a atuação do poder político nos casos de impeachment? Busca-se, assim, reconstruir a função do instituto do impeachment dentro do paradigma novo do Constitucionalismo Contemporâneo, no qual o epicentro da condução da democracia ocorre por meio da Constituição, que vincula a atuação de todos os atores estatais. Para realizar a pesquisa, utilizou-se como referencial teórico Habermas-Streck, na linha da construção da Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito, fazendo uso da metodologia fenomenológico-hermenêutica. Os marcos teóricos empregados possuem “o chão” comum a crítica aos perigos da juristocracia e não coadunam com uma atuação inerte diante de violações do procedimento democrático, instituindo espaços blindados à atuação jurídica. Desse modo, como resultado final constata-se que cabe ao Poder Judiciário a intervenção em processos de impeachment quando houver violações de índole constitucional, como a ausência do requisito jurídico, ao devido processo legal, a ampla defesa, cumprindo a função principal do documento normativo maior, que é a limitação dos abusos do poder. / In 2016 there was the second process of impeachment under the auspices of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988, in effect. Again, this process, which blossoms passions and divides the country into factions, causes controversy when it intends the relation between the political power and a normativity of the Constitution. This issue becomes more complicated because the judgment occurs in a political court that will often decide by policy arguments without following to an imputation of the legal criteria for the configuration of the crime of responsibility. Given this context, it is asked whether it is possible for the Constitutional Jurisdiction to limit the performance of political power in the processes of impeachment? It seeks, therefore, to reconstruct a function of the impeachment institute within the new paradigm of contemporary constitutionalism, where the epicenter of the conduction of democracy occurs through the Constitution, which links the performance of all state actors. In order to carry out a research, Habermas-Streck was used as theoretical reference, in the construction of the Critique of Hermeneutics of Law, making use of the phenomenological-hermeneutic methodology. The theoretical frameworks used have the common ground to evaluate the dangers of the jurisdiction and do not correspond with an inert action of violations of the democratic procedure, establishing armored spaces to the legal action. Thus, as a final result, it is noted that the Judiciary is responsible for intervention in the process of impeachment when there are violations of a constitutional nature, such as the absence of the legal requirement, a broad defense, fulfilling a major function of the larger normative document, which is a limitation of abuses of power.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to produce a reflection and observation that conduce to understand the functioning of some photographic images spread by the media, which constitute the research corpus. It makes reference to the governments Fernando Collor de Mello, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Yeda Crucius. The two first images was published in the Veja Magazine and the last of them in a student blog on the internet. From this, the work weaves some observations about the process constitution historical-discursive of these materialities, where emerge meanings (supplied by interdiscourse), looking at them while social practices (PETRI, 2010), arranged according with the designation discursive articulation that gathers image + writing. In this perspective, the research investigates how occurs the meanings produce process and the functioning of these discourses that emerge the 1992 impeachment process, in the Brazil. So, the research has by theoretical support the Discourse Analysis of French line (DA) and is constituted by three chapters. The first (Chapter I), approaches the theoretical and methodological principles of Discourse Analysis. Then, it highlights the analytical dispositive and proceedings that mobilize the development of this work. The second chapter (Chapter II), refers to the analysis object construction and also makes an appointment of the production conditions that constituency the object, as the impeachment word, the media discourse and its spread by printed way (also available electronically HTML), and the place that the photographic images are inscribed: the urban space. The third and last chapter (Chapter III), carries the analysis, approaching the linguistic-discursive constitution of the photographic images, considering them as social practices that articulates discursively gathering image and writing to produce meanings. / This work aims to produce a reflection and observation that conduce to understand the functioning of some photographic images spread by the media, which constitute the research corpus. It makes reference to the governments Fernando Collor de Mello, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Yeda Crucius. The two first images was published in the Veja Magazine and the last of them in a student blog on the internet. From this, the work weaves some observations about the process constitution historical-discursive of these materialities, where emerge meanings (supplied by interdiscourse), looking at them while social practices (PETRI, 2010), arranged according with the designation discursive articulation that gathers image + writing. In this perspective, the research investigates how occurs the meanings produce process and the functioning of these discourses that emerge the 1992 impeachment process, in the Brazil. So, the research has by theoretical support the Discourse Analysis of French line (DA) and is constituted by three chapters. The first (Chapter I), approaches the theoretical and methodological principles of Discourse Analysis. Then, it highlights the analytical dispositive and proceedings that mobilize the development of this work. The second chapter (Chapter II), refers to the analysis object construction and also makes an appointment of the production conditions that constituency the object, as the impeachment word, the media discourse and its spread by printed way (also available electronically HTML), and the place that the photographic images are inscribed: the urban space. The third and last chapter (Chapter III), carries the analysis, approaching the linguistic-discursive constitution of the photographic images, considering them as social practices that articulates discursively gathering image and writing to produce meanings.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-04-26T12:15:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 cibelesilvaesouza.pdf: 2149141 bytes, checksum: eb8ec8bba19f31645d99ca1f4e6777ff (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: on 2018-05-04T15:32:37Z (GMT) / Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-05-04T15:33:10Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-07T15:09:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T15:09:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2018-02-22 / Como efeito das interações entre o campo da comunicação e o campo político, este trabalho parte do pressuposto de que as eleições contemporâneas são marcadas pelo processo da personalização política, definido como o uso dos supostos atributos pessoais dos atores políticos, constituindo o cerne da argumentação eleitoral, com o objetivo de conquistar e manter apoios. Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo das estratégias da construção da imagem de Dilma Rousseff (PT) e Aécio Neves (PSDB) em dois momentos: o primeiro, durante o segundo turno das Eleições 2014 (em debates televisionados); o segundo, no período do Impeachment 2016 (em pronunciamentos públicos). A investigação busca verificar, no contexto de uma nova ambiência eleitoral, quais imagens foram construídas dos dois primeiros colocados nas eleições, e o quanto houve de alterações dessas personas nos dois anos analisados (2014 e 2016). Busca-se testar a hipótese de que os políticos assumem papéis e posicionamentos discrepantes nos debates e nos pronunciamentos, em função de variações dos contextos. O corpus é dividido em dois recortes: o primeiro, composto por debates veiculados nos quatro principais canais de comunicação do País, no contexto do pleito do segundo turno das Eleições 2014; o segundo, do recorte de pronunciamentos públicos emitidos em vídeo, no contexto político do impeachment da presidente da república, em 2016. Como base metodológica, recorreu-se à Análise de Conteúdo, tal como operada por Laurence Bardin (2009), com o propósito de identificar as confluências e dissonâncias recorrentes entre os dois momentos, em perspectiva comparativa. Observou-se que, apesar das especificidades identificadas em cada um dos contextos (por exemplo, o aumento da preocupação de Dilma em destacar nos discursos qualidades positivas de si mesma em 2016, comparativamente a 2014), nos dois cenários analisados (o auge da eleição e a crise política), Dilma e Aécio, de modo geral, adotaram uma estratégia fortemente focada na desconstrução da imagem do adversário político. / In the context of an effect of the interactions between the field of communication and the political field, this work assumes that contemporary elections are marked by the process of political personalization, defined as the use of the supposed personal attributes of political actors as the core of electoral argumentation, with the aim of winning and maintaining support. The dissertation presents a study of the image-building strategies of Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Aécio Neves (PSDB) in two moments: the first during the second round of the 2014 elections (in televised debates) and the second in the 2016 impeachment period (in public pronouncements). The purpose of the investigation is to verify, in the context of a new electoral environment, which images were constructed of the first two placed in the last elections, and how much these political characterse were altered in the two analyzed years (2014 and 2016). We try to test the hypothesis that politicians assume discrepant positions in debates and pronouncements, due to variations in contexts.The ‘corpus’ of the analysis is divided into two cutouts: the first consists of debates conveyed in the four main channels of communication in the context of the second round of elections in 2014; the second in the political context of the impeachment of the president of the republic in 2016 from the cut of public forecasts issued on video. For this, as a methodological basis, we used the Content Analysis, conceptualized by Laurence Bardin (2009), with the purpose of identifying the confluences and recurrent dissonances between the two moments, in a comparative perspective. It was observed that, despite the specificities in each of the contexts - for example, the increase in Dilma's concern to highlight in the speeches positive qualities of herself in 2016 compared to 2014 - in the two scenarios analyzed (the peak of the election and the political crisis), Dilma and Aécio, in general, adopted a strategy strongly focused on deconstructing the image of the political adversary.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-05-04T12:57:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 mayrareginacoimbra.pdf: 1528464 bytes, checksum: 758593d3fbb18a086bd014dc8e1db481 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-07-25T11:27:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 mayrareginacoimbra.pdf: 1528464 bytes, checksum: 758593d3fbb18a086bd014dc8e1db481 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-25T11:27:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mayrareginacoimbra.pdf: 1528464 bytes, checksum: 758593d3fbb18a086bd014dc8e1db481 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-23 / A partir da relação dialética entre o campo político e a instância midiática, a presente dissertação se propõe a discutir as relações de poder exercidas mutuamente por esses campos. A ideia é enfatizar a centralidade do espaço midiático sobre o campo da política e como esse campo se tornou arena central para as disputas políticas. A seguir, são retomadas a importância do campo midiático na construção de realidade social e as especificidades da política brasileira. A pesquisa desenvolve um estudo de caso sobre a construção imagética criada pela presidente Dilma Rousseff e o enquadramento midiático durante o processo do impeachment sob duas perspectivas: as declarações feitas oficialmente pela presidente e as matérias publicadas no jornal Folha de S. Paulo. Busca-se verificar quais foram as estratégias utilizadas por Dilma Rousseff para construir sua imagem diante de um momento de crise e, em contrapartida, qual enquadramento o jornal fez da imagem da presidente e de seu governo durante o mesmo período. Como corpus de análise, são analisados, primeiramente, os espaços institucionais, quando Dilma ainda estava em exercício e, em seguida, as suas publicações em rede social, quando estava afastada. A proposta é analisar quais artifícios ela mobilizou para fortalecer a sua imagem diante de um período conturbado. O segundo objeto analisado são as matérias publicadas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo durante o mesmo período. Procura-se verificar se a imprensa, por meio de sua cobertura, projetou uma imagem negativa, positiva ou neutra de Dilma Rousseff na posição de presidente investigada. Como estratégia metodológica, recorreu-se à Análise de Conteúdo de Bardin (1977). A partir dela, foi possível analisar separadamente os objetos e identificar os pontos de convergência e divergência na construção da imagem da presidente e de seu governo. Nota-se, portanto, que a presidente se articulou a partir de temas que lhe davam segurança, tais como: a construção da imagem de governo e a construção da imagem do País. Enquanto o jornal se articula de modo oposto, ele não menciona aspectos positivos do governo, nem mesmo detalha o processo de impeachment. Ele faz um recorte que sustenta a importância da ocorrência do processo tomando como recorte três aspectos: a crise econômica, a crise política e a corrupção. / From the dialectic relationship between the political field and the media context, the present dissertation proposes to discuss the relations of power exercised mutually by these fields. The idea is to emphasize the centrality of the media space on the field of politics and how this field has become the central arena of political disputes. Next, the importance of the media field in the construction of social reality and the specificities of Brazilian politics is resumed. The research develops a case study on the imaginative construction created by President Dilma Rousseff and the media framework during the impeachment process from two perspectives: the statements made officially by the president and the articles published in the Folha de S. Paulo newspaper. It seeks to verify what strategies Dilma Rousseff used to construct her image in the face of a crisis and, in contrast, which framework the newspaper made of the image of the president and his government during the same period. As corpus of analysis are analyzed first the institutional spaces when, Dilma was still in exercise and then their publications in social network, when it was away. The proposal is to analyze what devices she has mobilized to strengthen her image in the face of a troubled period. The second object analyzed is the articles published by Folha de S. Paulo newspaper during the same period. It seeks to verify if the press, through its cover, projected a negative, positive or neutral image of Dilma Rousseff in the position of president investigated. As a methodological strategy, we used the Bardin Content Analysis (1977). It was possible to analyze the objects separately and identify the points of convergence and divergence in the construction of the image of the president and his government. It is noted, therefore, that the president was articulated from issues that gave him security, such as: building the image of government and building the image of the country. While the newspaper articulates itself in the opposite way, it does not mention positive aspects of the government, nor even details the process of impeachment. It makes a clipping that supports the importance of the occurrence of the process, taking as a cut three aspects: the economic crisis, the political crisis and corruption.

Tyrimo objektas ir problemos aktualumas Tyrimo objektas. Disertacijoje teisiniu požiūriu tiriamas vienas tarpšakinių teisės institutų – priesaika. Disertacijos tyrimas apima paprotinės ir pozityviosios teisės raidos etapuose susiformavusius teisinius santykius, atsirasdavusius ir tebeatsirandančius priesaikos instituto taikymo ir jo funkcijų įgyvendinimo srityse. Šiame darbe nagrinėjami istoriniai, lituanistiniai šaltiniai; nacionalinių, tarptautinių ir kitų valstybių teisės aktų normos, reglamentuojančios priesaikos institutą, taip pat šią temą nagrinėjanti Lietuvos teisės doktrina. Priesaikos teisinio instituto ir jo socialinio vaidmens tyrimas bendrąja prasme – tai vieno iš seniausių ir gilias tradicijas Lietuvoje turinčio teisinio instituto tyrimas. Priesaikos sampratos (sąvokos) pažinimas yra organiška teisės doktrinos, kaip vienalyčio darinio, dalis, tačiau šio instituto prasmė ir reikšmė teisės normose ir teorijoje (moksle) nėra plačiau tyrinėta. Šiuo tyrimu bandoma atskleisti socialinę teisinę priesaikos esmę, jos evoliuciją ir virsmą į tikrai talpų (vertybių ir atliekamų funkcijų požiūriu) teisinį reguliatorių, kuris laikytinas Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijoje įtvirtintų pamatinių vertybių koncentracija, o kartu ir jų veiksnumą užtikrinančiu įrankiu. Perfrazuojant prof. A. Vaišvilą, „aiškinant teisę (šiuo atveju – priesaiką, kaip koncentruotą teisės išraišką [išskirta disertanto] <...>, neužtenka pasakyti, kad teisė (priesaika) yra elgesio taisyklė (tai tik... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The subject matter of the research and its relevance The subject matter. In the present paper one of the inter-branch law institutes namely – the oath is being under discussion. The treatment of the problem embraces the development of law from time honored stages up to the present state. Within the period the law terms has changed considerately and the process is still in progress, especially in the sphere of the implementation of its functions. In the given paper the objects of research are the historical and native Lithuanian sources; i.e. the norms of national, international legal acts and the acts of other states in which the oath institution is called upon, as well as the Lithuanian law doctrine dealing with this problem. The general approach to the research of the juridical Oath Institution and its social significance has a long standing tradition in Lithuania. The cognition of the concept of the oath is an organic element of the law doctrine, as an integral formation, however has never yet received a deeper research either in legal norms or in theory. The given paper is an attempt to reveal the juridical and social essence of the oath, its evolution and transformation into a really meaningful juridical regulation of values and its fitting functions. It ought to be a concentration of the fundamental values stated in the Constitution and at the same time – an instrument of the assurance of their implementation. Rephrasing prof. A. Vaišvila „when explaining law (in this... [to full text]

Submitted by PPG Comunica??o Social (famecos-pg@pucrs.br) on 2018-04-16T17:44:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DOUGLAS_HINTERHOLZ_CAUDURO_DIS.pdf: 1001008 bytes, checksum: d091703f88bd082e4f9ab118ecbc150b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2018-05-03T20:31:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DOUGLAS_HINTERHOLZ_CAUDURO_DIS.pdf: 1001008 bytes, checksum: d091703f88bd082e4f9ab118ecbc150b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-03T20:34:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DOUGLAS_HINTERHOLZ_CAUDURO_DIS.pdf: 1001008 bytes, checksum: d091703f88bd082e4f9ab118ecbc150b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-20 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The present study describes and analyses the Estado de S. Paulo?s positioning on Fernando Collor de Mello, in 1992, and Dilma Rousseff, in 2016, impeachment process through its editorial. Altogether, there were studied 10 editorials in 1992; 2 in September, one in October, four in November and three in December. Already in 2016, 11 editorial were analyzed; three in April, four in May, one in June, one in July and two on August. This study uses content analysis to unravel two troubled moments of Brazilian political life through one of the largest newspapers in the country point of view. At the end, it is possible to conclude that are differences in the way both cases were treated. On President Fernando Collor de Mello?s impeachment, the publication regrets the end of the former president government while on President Dilma Rousseff?s impeachment they bet the country will be better without it. / O presente trabalho descreve e analisa o posicionamento do jornal Estado de S. Paulo em seus editoriais nos per?odos de processo de impeachment dos presidentes Fernando Collor de Mello, em 1992, e Dilma Rousseff, em 2016. Ao todo, s?o 10 editoriais no ano de 1992; dois em setembro, um em outubro, quatro em novembro e tr?s em dezembro. J? em 2016, 11 editoriais foram analisados; tr?s em abril, quatro em maio, um em junho, um em julho e dois em agosto. Este estudo utiliza a an?lise de conte?do para desvendar os dois momentos conturbados da vida pol?tica brasileira, pela vis?o de um dos maiores jornais do pa?s. Ao final, pode-se concluir uma diferencia??o no tratamento do impresso nos dois casos. Quanto ao presidente Fernando Collor de Mello, a publica??o lamenta o fim do governo do ex-presidente, enquanto que para presidente Dilma Rousseff, o ve?culo aposta que o Brasil se sair? melhor sem ela.

Submitted by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-11-07T18:50:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 EvandroLeoKobersteinDissertacao2018.pdf: 10144836 bytes, checksum: a070cbab7d84e58c286d3af0a6644a90 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-11-07T18:50:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 EvandroLeoKobersteinDissertacao2018.pdf: 10144836 bytes, checksum: a070cbab7d84e58c286d3af0a6644a90 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-07T18:50:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EvandroLeoKobersteinDissertacao2018.pdf: 10144836 bytes, checksum: a070cbab7d84e58c286d3af0a6644a90 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-27 / The following dissertation studies the communication strategies of the virtual communities of the Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL) and the Mídia NINJA (MN) to mobilize citizens to participate in the process of impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in 2016. The research has a descriptive-analytical, qualitative approach and investigates the MBL and MN postings on Facebook between April 11 and 17, 2016. The study follows the methodological framework of Depth Hermeneutics proposed by Thompson (2011), whose includes the stages: (1) Interpretation of Doxa; (2) Socio-historical analysis; (3) Formal Analysis; and (4) Interpretation/Re-interpretation. The first stage includes the theoretical chapters that discuss the paradigm shift in communication and social relations based on the evolution of technologies, focusing on the transformations of the Digital Age. In the second phase, we seek to reconstitute the historical-social context of Brazil between the years of 2013 and 2016 with the focus on the street protests and the political polarization. For the formal analysis of the messages, we used the Content Analysis tool (BARDIN, 1977) with the help of Iramuteq software for the lexical analysis and similarity of the textual corpus. The analytical categories were constructed and adapted from the meaning carriers (JASPER, 2016), the floating reading of the messages and the modes of operation of the ideology (THOMPSON, 2011). In the sequence, we perform the reinterpretation, combining the theoretical framework, the historical-social context, the investigation of the origin and the political tendency of MBL and MN and the analytical categories. In the result, we have identified that both virtual communities have developed similar communication strategies to construct their narratives about impeachment. However, the discourses were dissonant regarding the political position and the role attributed to the state and the market. Tensions between the political, economic, business, media, communication and legal social fields were preponderant for a negative social representation of the Dilma government, of the Partido dos Trabalhadores and for the polarization of opinions. At the end we propose reflections on cyberdemocracy, launching arguments that highlight advances, achievements and challenges that must be faced to build the future with freedom, equality and fraternity. / Essa dissertação estuda as estratégias de comunicação das comunidades virtuais do Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL) e da Mídia NINJA (MN) para mobilizar os cidadãos a participar do processo de impeachment da presidente Dilma Rousseff em 2016. A pesquisa tem caráter descritivo-analítico, abordagem qualitativa e investiga as postagens do MBL e da MN no Facebook entre os dias 11 e 17 de abril de 2016. O estudo segue o referencial metodológico da Hermenêutica de Profundidade (HP) proposto por Thompson (2011), cujo percurso inclui as fases: (1) Interpretação da Doxa; (2) Análise sócio-histórica; (3) Análise Formal; e (4) Interpretação/Re-interpretação. A primeira fase abrange os capítulos teóricos que discutem a mudança de paradigma na comunicação e nas relações sociais com base na evolução das tecnologias, centrando-se nas transformações da Era Digital. Na segunda fase, buscamos reconstituir o contexto histórico-social do Brasil entre os anos de 2013 e 2016 com o olhar nas manifestações de rua e na polarização política. Para a análise formal das mensagens, utilizamos a ferramenta da Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 1977) com o auxílio do software Iramuteq para as análises lexical e de similitude do corpus textual. As categorias analíticas foram construídas e adaptadas a partir dos portadores de significado (JASPER, 2016), da leitura flutuante das mensagens e dos modos de operação da ideologia (THOMPSON, 2011). Na sequência, realizamos a reinterpretação, combinando o arcabouço teórico, o contexto históricosocial, a investigação da origem e tendência política do MBL e da MN e as categorias analíticas. Como resultado, identificamos que ambas as comunidades virtuais desenvolveram estratégias de comunicação semelhantes para construir suas narrativas sobre o impeachment. No entanto, os discursos foram dissonantes quanto ao posicionamento político e o papel atribuído ao Estado e ao mercado. Tensões entre os campos sociais político, econômico, empresarial, midiático, comunicacional e jurídico foram preponderantes para uma representação social negativa do governo Dilma, do Partido dos Trabalhadores e para a polarização de opiniões. Ao final propomos reflexões sobre a ciberdemocracia, lançando argumentos que destacam avanços, conquistas e desafios que precisam ser enfrentados para construirmos o futuro com liberdade, igualdade e fraternidade.

Submitted by Raiane Silva (raianesilva@bce.unb.br) on 2017-07-13T17:40:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AdrianoWarkenFloriani.pdf: 946546 bytes, checksum: ee2f53c394f5fbf8cc5f2872a4b65355 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2017-08-23T21:28:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AdrianoWarkenFloriani.pdf: 946546 bytes, checksum: ee2f53c394f5fbf8cc5f2872a4b65355 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-23T21:28:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AdrianoWarkenFloriani.pdf: 946546 bytes, checksum: ee2f53c394f5fbf8cc5f2872a4b65355 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-23 / A presente tese se desenvolve como estudo do campo jornalístico e de suas intersecções com a política a partir de uma análise da dimensão discursiva. Tendo por objeto o texto jornalístico da Folha de S.Paulo sobre o impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, a pesquisa busca identificar como o jornal construiu significados que resultaram num discurso político relacionado aos acontecimentos. O objetivo geral é analisar de que forma a Folha construiu um discurso sobre o impeachment. Como objetivos específicos, buscamos verificar como o texto jornalístico da Folha incorporou intertextualidades do campo político sobre o impeachment, e, ainda, identificar como essa intertextualidade se expressou na (re)construção de um tipo particular de discurso sobre a realidade sociopolítica brasileira do período em questão. Os dados empíricos evidenciam a presença de diferentes tipos de discurso associados aos campos jornalístico, político, jurídico e econômico, recontextualizados pelo jornal, visto como espaço privilegiado de construção da luta simbólica que se travou no período. O estudo concluiu que, ao não apoiar explicitamente o impeachment de Dilma, o jornal utilizou-se de estratégias discursivas para tentar manter o contrato tácito com o universo de leitores, durante um processo que dividiu o país. Ainda assim, os resultados da análise possibilitam concluir que o discurso da Folha contribuiu com a construção do discurso hegemônico que ampliou o isolamento político de Dilma e levou à sua deposição. / The present thesis evolves as a study of the journalistic field and its intersections with politics based on an analysis of the discursive dimension. Having as the object a selection of the daily newspaper Folha de S. Paulo's articles about Dilma Rousseff's impeachment, the research seeks to identify how the newspaper constructed meanings that resulted in a political discourse related to events. The overall goal is to analyze how the Folha de S. Paulo built a discourse on the impeachment. As specific objectives, we sought to verify how the Folha's journalistic text incorporated intertextualities of the political arena regarding the impeachment, as well as to identify how this intertextuality was expressed in the (re) construction of a specific kind of discourse on the Brazilian sociopolitical reality of the period in question. The empirical data show the presence of different types of discourse associated with the journalistic, political, legal and economic fields, recontextualized by the newspaper, seen as a privileged space for the construction of the symbolic struggle that took place during this time. The study concluded that, by not explicitly supporting Dilma Rousseff´s impeachment, the newspaper used discursive strategies to try to maintain an implicit agreement with the universe of readers during a process that divided the country. Nevertheless, the results of the analysis make it possible to conclude that the discourse of the Folha de S. Paulo contributed to the construction of the hegemonic discourse that increased Mrs. Rousseff´s political isolation and led to her deposition.