Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-10-15T15:20:21Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Maiara Raquel Campos Leal - 2018.pdf: 4582580 bytes, checksum: 6e1e829580ecdd3668d46d0824d2afe9 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-10-15T15:21:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Maiara Raquel Campos Leal - 2018.pdf: 4582580 bytes, checksum: 6e1e829580ecdd3668d46d0824d2afe9 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-15T15:21:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Maiara Raquel Campos Leal - 2018.pdf: 4582580 bytes, checksum: 6e1e829580ecdd3668d46d0824d2afe9 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation sought to portray the controversies present during the cycle of manifestations that took place in Brazil between 2015 and 2017 that had as a banner of struggle two discourses and ideological currents: one against corruption and in favor on the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, who appropriated the slogan as controversy #Vem Pra Rua; and another that was against the “Parliamentary Coup” and who supported in the slogan/controversy #Não Vai Ter Golpe. The general objective is to investigate whether the collectives who joined these discourses and fight flags may or may not be considered net-activist movements in the mold of the Italian sociologist Massimo Di Felice (2013). The specific objectives are to expose some of these controversies through statements, images and speeches proliferated in social networks and during acts on the streets. Our research methodology proposes the interweaving of the Cartography of Controversies with the Discourse Analysis, in order to reveal the discursive networks that were formed around these controversies in the country, during the analyzes period. With this study, we sought a debate about the recent and intense ideological and political polarization and the developments that this dispute has brought to the country, both on the networks, on the streets and in society in general. / Esta dissertação buscou retratar as controvérsias presentes durante o ciclo de manifestações que ocorreram no Brasil entre 2015 e 2017 e que tiveram como bandeira de luta dois discursos e correntes ideológicas: uma contra a corrupção e a favor do impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, que se apropriaram do slogan enquanto controvérsia #Vem Pra Rua; e outro que era contra o “Golpe Parlamentar” e a favor do mandato de Dilma Rousseff e que se apoiaram no slogan/controvérsia #Não Vai Ter Golpe. O objetivo geral é investigar se os coletivos que se filiaram a esses discursos e bandeiras de luta podem ou não ser considerados movimentos net-ativistas aos moldes do sociólogo italiano Massimo de Felice (2013). Os objetivos específicos consistem em expor algumas dessas controvérsias através dos enunciados, imagens e discursos proliferados nas redes sociais e durante os atos nas ruas. A nossa metodologia de pesquisa propõe o entrelaçamento da Cartografia de Controvérsias com a Análise do Discurso, no intuito de revelar as redes discursivas que se formaram em torno dessas controvérsias no país, durante o período analisado. Com esse estudo, buscou-se um debate sobre a recente e acirrada polarização ideológica e política e os desdobramentos que essa disputa acarretou para o país, tanto nas redes como nas ruas e na sociedade em geral.

Submitted by Kenia Bernini (kenia.bernini@ufpel.edu.br) on 2018-08-17T18:25:40Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Letícia_Baron_Dissertação.pdf: 2382740 bytes, checksum: 5daf16c05d548ad8a3ddbf4924f9376e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T18:25:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Letícia_Baron_Dissertação.pdf: 2382740 bytes, checksum: 5daf16c05d548ad8a3ddbf4924f9376e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Amparado nos pressupostos epistemológicos e nas ferramentas da teoria do discurso de Laclau e Mouffe, o presente trabalho busca verificar as relações de equivalência e de diferença estabelecidas entre os movimentos Endireita Brasil, Brasil Livre, Vem pra Rua e Revoltados Online no período em que tramitou o processo de impeachment da Presidente Dilma Rousseff, visando demonstrar suas tentativas de hegemonizar o campo político. A hipótese que se aventa é que os movimentos estabeleceram relações de equivalências em torno do combate à um projeto econômico, político e social de esquerda no Brasil e também no combate á corrupção. As relações de diferenças, por outro lado, se expressam de forma muito sútil na defesa de diferentes projetos políticos para a garantia de desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil. Nesse sentido, compreendendo a crescente importância que as redes sociais assumem para mobilização popular em torno de eventos políticos relevantes, foi desenvolvida uma metodologia de caráter qualitativo baseada na atuação virtual dos quatro movimentos na rede social facebook no período de dezembro de 2015 a agosto de 2016. Ao todo, foram analisados os sentidos discursivos presentes em 5.266 postagens, que demonstraram que os movimentos se colocam em relações de equivalência em torno do antipetismo, do pedido de cassação da Presidente da República, no combate aos partidos e movimentos de esquerda no Brasil e na América Latina. As relações de equivalências, por outro lado, ressaltaram divergências nos projetos políticos e econômicos voltados ao desenvolvimento nacional, bem como sobre a interferência da religião e da moral nos assuntos públicos. Nesse sentido, pode-se dizer que a hipótese se confirmou parcialmente, visto que não abarcou todos os sentidos discursivos que constituíram os movimentos enquanto discursos no período. / Based on Laclau’s Theory of Discourse, this study seeks to verify the relations of equivalence and difference established between the movements Endireita Brasil, Brasil Livre, Vem pra Rua and Revoltados Online when the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff was in progress, showing the hegemony attemps on the political arena. The hypotheses put forward is that the movements estabilished relations of equivalence around the countering of the left-wing political agenda and the fight on governal corruption. The relations of difference expressed themselves in a subtler way in the defense of various political projects to assure the country’s economic development. Acknowledging the importance of the social networks in the social mobilization process aiming relevant political events, we development a qualitative analyses based on the virtual activities of those four movements on Facebook between December of 2015 and August of 2016.Altogheter, this study analysed the discursive sense of 5266 facebook posts,indicating that the movements’ relation of equivalence were focused around the opposition from the Worker’s Party (PT), the nullification request of the President and the fight against left-wing movements and political parties in Brazil and Latin America. The equivalence relations emphasized the divergences on economical and political projects aimed at development in the national level, as well as religious meddling in public affairs. Seen in these terms, we are able to partly confirm the hypotheses, since not all discursive senses were encompassed in constituting the movements’ discourse at the time

[pt] O Brasil passou, em 2016, por um processo de ruptura institucional. Esta dissertação examina o papel desempenhado pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal no processo que culminou com o impeachment da ex-presidente Dilma Rousseff à luz do conceito de Judicialização da Megapolítica, do cientista político Ran Hirschl. Através da análise das decisões do STF e do contexto político em que elas foram tomadas, busco demonstrar que esta corte adotou uma postura ativista que foi decisiva para a queda da ex-presidente. Esta postura ativista do STF contou com o apoio das elites políticas, econômicas e sociais nacionais, dado que abria caminho para viabilizar, de forma encoberta, uma agenda política que fora seguidamente derrotada ao se apresentar mais abertamente nas disputas eleitorais nacionais. Tal desfecho sugere que as leituras positivas do fenômeno da judicialização da política na literatura nacional - no período em que ele se associava à expansão de direitos nos marcos da democratização do país - podem ter subestimado os riscos que esse processo representava para o próprio regime democrático ao se deslocar para temas da megapolítica. / [en] Brazil faced a major institutional rupture in 2016. This dissertation examines the role played by the Brazilian Supreme Court (STF) in the process that led to the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, based on Ran Hirschl s concept of the Judicialization of Megapolitics. I discuss the Court s decisions and the political context in which they were taken. Based on these, I argue that STF s activist stance had a decisive influence on the President s dismissal from office. The Court s activist stance had the support of Brazil s political, economic and social elites, who saw in it an opportunity to forward, in a hidden fashion, a political agenda that had faced successive defeats in the more open terrain of national elections. This outcome suggests that the more favorable initial interpretations of the Judicialization of Politics in Brazilian Social Sciences literature (when the phenomenon was generally associated to the expansion of citizen rights in the context of democratization) might have underestimated the risks it entails for democratic regimes when it penetrates the realm of Megapolitics.

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The control system is an original and sound system of this Country. The Founder of this Country, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, proposed after he established this Republic that the control power should be practiced by an independent body to highlight the functions of such power, rather than putting it under the legislative power as in the 3-Separated Powers common to many Western countries. This thesis begins by examining the status and nature of control power in the 5-Separated Powers as in the constitutional regime of this Country from a perspective of separation of powers. It follows by exploring the evolution of mandates of the Control Yuan as a result of various constitutional amendments during the 1990s when the Government undertook constitutional amendments engineering for the promotion of democratic development. This thesis then analyzes the impact of such constitutional amendments upon the practice of control power from existing laws and regulations relevant to the control power and provides the views of this author. It then analyzes the status quo of the practice of functions of the Third Control Yuan by its Members, in comparison to the statistics on the functional practice of the Second Control Yuan, so as to comprehend the efficacy of the practice of functions of the Third Control Yuan. In the conclusion, the author puts forward his own findings and suggestions on the practice of control power by the Third Control Yuan.

When the Judiciary Committee initiated its impeachment inquiry of Richard Nixon for his complicity in Watergate, it was the first time that the House of Representatives had commenced such a proceeding against a president since Andrew Johnson in 1868. Johnson’s impeachment and subsequent Senate acquittal was widely regarded as an example of Congress run amok, its partisanship so blatant and its failure so grand that many Americans assumed that presidential impeachment had become obsolete. But impeachment, by its nature, is political, and each Congress defines the bounds of high crimes and misdemeanors in light of the current political climate. For the House in October 1973, Nixon’s Watergate scandal threatened to breach those limits. From the outset, Judiciary Chairman Peter Rodino recognized that if his Committee were to recommend impeaching President Nixon without bipartisan support, the American public would interpret it as another Johnson-like fiasco, and a threat to the constitutional system of government. To thwart suspicion that the Democratic majority would impeach Nixon exclusively for its own political gain, Rodino preached fairness to the President, even as Nixon refused to comply with the Committee’s investigation. Despite Rodino’s assurances, however, his procedural proposals—designed in consultation with the Committee’s Special Counsel, John Doar—did not always seem fair enough to many Republicans. At the same time, many Democrats believed that Rodino and Doar had already accorded Nixon too many rights, which encroached upon the House’s constitutionally guaranteed “sole power of impeachment.” Ultimately, Rodino conceded that he could not marshal a bipartisan majority without making compromises with members who expected more fairness than he and Doar had initially offered. Despite pressure from their congressional leadership, constituents, and the White House, seven southern Democrats and moderate Republicans formed a “Fragile Coalition” to vote their conscience in favor of three articles of impeachment. In doing so, they convinced a fearful and cynical American public that impeachment could be just, and in the case of Richard Nixon, necessary. / text

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Exatas, Departamento de Ciência da Computação, 2017. / Submitted by Raquel Almeida (raquel.df13@gmail.com) on 2017-11-03T20:19:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PedroHenriquedosSantos.pdf: 2288266 bytes, checksum: 29208854a7b5c4eff80d832aeceadde8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2017-12-01T19:31:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PedroHenriquedosSantos.pdf: 2288266 bytes, checksum: 29208854a7b5c4eff80d832aeceadde8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-01T19:31:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PedroHenriquedosSantos.pdf: 2288266 bytes, checksum: 29208854a7b5c4eff80d832aeceadde8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-01 / Esse trabalho está inserido em um contexto de análise informacional do mercado de ações, especificamente no cenário de finanças, corroborado por análises estatísticas e testes de regressão e investigou, através do modelo econométrico de estudo de eventos, se as eleições presidenciais ocorridas em 2006, 2010 e 2014 e o processo de impeachment ocorrido em 2016 produzem efeito no comportamento do preço da ação de instituições financeiras de capital aberto no Brasil. Partindo-se da premissa da hipótese de eficiência de mercado na sua forma semiforte, onde o mercado incorpora rapidamente toda informação relevante, algumas hipóteses foram testadas na condução do trabalho, especialmente sobre a capacidade de detecção de anormalidade de diferentes modelos de cálculo de retorno anormal, através da simulação do comportamento de ações com parâmetros semelhantes às negociadas na Bolsa de Valores de São Paulo (BM&F Bovespa) nos cenários apresentados acima. A partir do observado nos testes realizados, foram então identificados os mínimos níveis de anormalidade captados por estes modelos e feitas as análises do comportamento dos preços de ações, através de análises de retorno e regressão. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese que o mercado de capitais brasileiro ainda não apresenta a forma semiforte de eficiência informacional, e que as eleições presidenciais e o processo de impeachment afetam diretamente o preço das ações, com retorno do comportamento dos preços de forma lenta e gradual. / This work is inserted in a context of informational analysis of the stock market, specifically in the financial scenario, supported by statistical analysis and regression tests and investigated, through the econometric model of study of events, if the presidential elections held in 2006, 2010 And 2014 and the process of impeachment occurred in 2016 had an effect on the behavior of stock prices of publicly traded financial institutions in Brazil. Starting from the premise of the hypothesis of semi-strong market efficiency, in which the market quickly incorporates all relevant information, some hypotheses were tested in the conduction of the work, especially on the ability to detect abnormality of different abnormal return calculation models, through the behavior simulation of shares with similar parameters to those traded on the Bolsa de Valores de São Paulo (BM\&F Bovespa) in the scenarios presented above. From what was observed in the tests performed, the minimum levels of abnormality captured by these models were identified and the stock price behavior analysis was performed, through regression and return analysis. The results corroborate the hypothesis that the Brazilian capital market still does not present the semistrong form of informational efficiency, and that the presidential elections and the impeachment process directly affect the stock prices, with a slow and gradual return of the price behavior.

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Submitted by MARCOS LEANDRO TEIXEIRA DE OLIVEIRA (marcosteixeira@ufv.br) on 2018-08-21T14:15:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 10202468 bytes, checksum: 764c15f0cadc907cd50cb7906350c091 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T14:15:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 10202468 bytes, checksum: 764c15f0cadc907cd50cb7906350c091 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-23 / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar, com base na Teoria Semiolinguística proposta por Patrick Charaudeau (2014), os discursos produzidos pelas revistas Veja e Carta Capital sobre os eventos políticos relacionados ao processo de impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. Neste sentido, o corpus da pesquisa é composto por seis reportagens, presentes em edições das revistas que antecederam as três votações do processo de impedimento, realizadas na Câmara dos Deputados e no Senado Federal. Para obter os dados de análise, este estudo procede uma descrição da organização discursiva dos textos, a partir dos modos de organização e, com base na noção de imaginários sociodiscursivos, identifica quais são os discursos utilizados pelos periódicos e como estes reproduzem o posicionamento político de seus corpos editoriais. Por meio das análises, foram identificadas formações discursivas que confirmam que a Veja defende o processo de impeachment e a Carta Capital defende a tese de que a presidenta era vítima de um golpe. No período anterior à primeira votação do impeachment, as reportagens voltam seu foco para a ética dos envolvidos e para a tentativa de legitimar ou deslegitimar o processo. Posteriormente, verifica-se uma preocupação com a imagem do Brasil devido à instauração do processo e suas consequências imediatas. E, finalmente, as reportagens que precedem a votação final trazem análises do governo interino, visto que a conclusão favorável ao impeachment de Dilma é dada como certa pelas duas revistas. / This dissertation aims to analyze, based on the Semiolinguistic Theory proposed by Patrick Charaudeau (2014), the discourses produced by the magazines Veja and Carta Capital on the political events related to the impeachment process of Dilma Rousseff. In this sense, the corpus of the research is composed of six reports, present in editions of the magazines that preceded the three votes of the impediment process, held in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Federal Senate. To obtain the analysis data, this study proceeds to a description of the discursive organization of the texts, from the modes of organization and, based on the notion of sociodiscursive imaginaries, identifies the discourses used by the periodicals and how they reproduce the political position of their editorial bodies. Through the analysis, discursive formations have been identified that confirm that Veja defends the process of impeachment and Carta Capital defends the thesis that the president was the victim of a coup. In the period prior to the first impeachment vote, the reports turn their focus to the ethics of those involved and to the attempt to legitimize or delegitimize the process. Subsequently, there is a concern with the image of Brazil due to the initiation of the process and its immediate consequences. And, finally, the reports that precede the final vote bring analyzes of the interim government, since the favorable conclusion to Dilma's impeachment is taken for granted by the two magazines.