Esta dissertação associa os conceitos de democracia, movimentos sociais, ciberativismo, comunicação pública e esfera de visibilidade pública com o objetivo de identificar as estratégias de convocação empreendidas pelo MBL (Movimento brasil livre), VPR (Movimento Vem Pra Rua) e FBP (Frente Brasil Popular) diante do impeachment da Presidenta da República Dilma Rousseff em seus respectivos sites na internet, entre os dias 02/12/2015 e 31/08/2016. Os sites dos movimentos sociais são analisados a partir do modelo tridimensional de Fairclough (2001), que engloba os âmbitos do texto, das práticas discursivas e das práticas sociais. Em sintonia com esse modelo, os conceitos teóricos acionados referem-se à noção de democracia de acordo com as perspectivas de Dahl (1997 e 2001), Bobbio (1997 e 2007), Tilly (2010 e 2013) e Rosanvallon (2007). A questão dos movimentos sociais é discutida conforme os trabalhos de Gohn (1997 e 2016), Melucci (1989), Tarrow (2009), Castells (2013) e Alonso (2009). O tema do ciberativismo, por sua vez, é abordado segundo Vegh (2003), Malini & Antoun (2013), Farias (2014) e Moraes (2001). A dissertação articula, também, o conceito de esfera de visibilidade pública, a partir da percepção de Thompson (1999), Maia (2008), Henriques (2004 e 2005), Marques (2012, 2015 e 2017) e Gomes (2008), e debate o conceito de comunicação pública a partir do entendimento de Weber (2007, 2011) e Esteves (2011, 2015). Os procedimentos metodológicos combinam a Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD) com as noções teóricas acima, buscando compreender o modo de agir, representar e identificar o impeachment na percepção dos movimentos. Dessa forma, é feita uma Análise de Redes Sociais (ARS) das interações discursivas estabelecidas a partir dos sites com outros atores externos (midiáticos), complementadas pela pesquisa documental e a análise histórico-descritiva sobre o processo de impeachment, com a descrição dos eventos e dos atores que o situam historicamente. A reflexão e a interpretação sobre tais perspectivas possibilitaram concluir que os movimentos sociais estudados empreenderam projetos mobilizadores, de caráter público, no ambiente digital (sites, redes sociais etc.) para convocar e mobilizar a sociedade civil antes e durante o processo de impeachment. Foi possível constatar que os movimentos atuaram, estrategicamente, de diferentes maneiras para obter visibilidade, representar o cenário político brasileiro e induzir os visitantes das plataformas a se posicionar de modo favorável ou contrário ao impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. Os movimentos favoráveis ao impeachment (MBL e VPR) acionaram e se apropriaram, principalmente, do discurso das mídias de massa para construir seus discursos. O movimento contrário ao afastamento da Presidenta (FBP), por sua vez, relacionou-se discursivamente com as mídias alternativas e com as organizações que o integra (68 movimentos sindicais e da juventude, ONGs, entidades religiosas, etc.). Tais práticas revelaram as relações de poder que circundam e influenciam os grupos, bem como os posicionamentos político-ideológicos dos líderes. As ações empreendidas através dos sites dos movimentos sociais estudados mostraram, também, a sua contribuição para o debate público sobre o processo de impeachment e sobre outros temas sensíveis correlatos. / This dissertation associates the concepts of democracy, social movements, cyber-activism, public communication and sphere of public visibility with the objective of identifying the calling strategies employed by the MBL (Free Brazil Movement), VPR (Come to the Streets Movement) and FBP (Brazil Popular Front) in the face of the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, on their respective websites, between 02/12/2015 and 31/08/2016. These social movement websites are analyzed based on Fairclough’s tridimensional model (2001), which encompasses text, discursive practices and social practices. In accordance with this model, the theoretical concepts engaged refer to the notion of democracy from the perspectives of Dahl (1997 and 2001), Bobbio (1997 and 2007), Tilly (2010 and 2013) and Rosanvallon (2007). The issue of social movements is discussed in the light of work done by Gohn (1997 and 2016), Melucci (1989), Tarrow (2009), Castells (2013), Alonso (2009). The theme of cyber-activism, in turn, is dealt with as per Vegh (2003), Malini & Antoun (2013), Farias (2014) and Moraes (2001). The dissertation also addresses the concept of public visibility sphere, based on the perception of Thompson (1999), Maia (2008), Henriques (2004 and 2005), Marques (2012, 2015 and 2017) and Gomes (2008), and discusses the concept of public communication based on the understanding of Weber (2007, 2011) and Esteves (2011, 2015). The methodological procedures combine Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) with the technical notions above, in order to comprehend the mode of representing and identifying impeachment in the perception of the movements. In this manner, a Social Network Analysis (SNA) of the discursive interactions established is carried out from the sites in relation to other external players (media), supplemented by documental research and the historical-descriptive analysis of the impeachment process, with a description of the events and figures that situate it historically. The reflection and interpretation of these perspectives enabled us to conclude that the social movements studied employed mobilizing projects of a public nature in a digital environment (websites, social networks etc.) to call on and mobilize civil society before and during the impeachment process. It was possible to discern that the movements acted strategically in different manners to gain visibility, represent the Brazilian political scenario and induce visitors to take a position in favor or against the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. The movements in favor of impeachment (MBL and VPR) principally engaged and took advantage of mass media’s discourse to construct their own. The movement against the impeachment of the President (FBP), on the other hand, based its discourse on alternative media and the organizations that comprise it (68 union and youth movements, NGOs, religious entities, etc.) Such practices reveal the power relations that surround and influence the groups, as well as the political-ideological viewpoints of the leaders. The actions undertaken by the social movements studied, on their websites, also demonstrated their contribution to the public debate on the impeachment process and other significant correlated themes.

Esta dissertação associa os conceitos de democracia, movimentos sociais, ciberativismo, comunicação pública e esfera de visibilidade pública com o objetivo de identificar as estratégias de convocação empreendidas pelo MBL (Movimento brasil livre), VPR (Movimento Vem Pra Rua) e FBP (Frente Brasil Popular) diante do impeachment da Presidenta da República Dilma Rousseff em seus respectivos sites na internet, entre os dias 02/12/2015 e 31/08/2016. Os sites dos movimentos sociais são analisados a partir do modelo tridimensional de Fairclough (2001), que engloba os âmbitos do texto, das práticas discursivas e das práticas sociais. Em sintonia com esse modelo, os conceitos teóricos acionados referem-se à noção de democracia de acordo com as perspectivas de Dahl (1997 e 2001), Bobbio (1997 e 2007), Tilly (2010 e 2013) e Rosanvallon (2007). A questão dos movimentos sociais é discutida conforme os trabalhos de Gohn (1997 e 2016), Melucci (1989), Tarrow (2009), Castells (2013) e Alonso (2009). O tema do ciberativismo, por sua vez, é abordado segundo Vegh (2003), Malini & Antoun (2013), Farias (2014) e Moraes (2001). A dissertação articula, também, o conceito de esfera de visibilidade pública, a partir da percepção de Thompson (1999), Maia (2008), Henriques (2004 e 2005), Marques (2012, 2015 e 2017) e Gomes (2008), e debate o conceito de comunicação pública a partir do entendimento de Weber (2007, 2011) e Esteves (2011, 2015). Os procedimentos metodológicos combinam a Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD) com as noções teóricas acima, buscando compreender o modo de agir, representar e identificar o impeachment na percepção dos movimentos. Dessa forma, é feita uma Análise de Redes Sociais (ARS) das interações discursivas estabelecidas a partir dos sites com outros atores externos (midiáticos), complementadas pela pesquisa documental e a análise histórico-descritiva sobre o processo de impeachment, com a descrição dos eventos e dos atores que o situam historicamente. A reflexão e a interpretação sobre tais perspectivas possibilitaram concluir que os movimentos sociais estudados empreenderam projetos mobilizadores, de caráter público, no ambiente digital (sites, redes sociais etc.) para convocar e mobilizar a sociedade civil antes e durante o processo de impeachment. Foi possível constatar que os movimentos atuaram, estrategicamente, de diferentes maneiras para obter visibilidade, representar o cenário político brasileiro e induzir os visitantes das plataformas a se posicionar de modo favorável ou contrário ao impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. Os movimentos favoráveis ao impeachment (MBL e VPR) acionaram e se apropriaram, principalmente, do discurso das mídias de massa para construir seus discursos. O movimento contrário ao afastamento da Presidenta (FBP), por sua vez, relacionou-se discursivamente com as mídias alternativas e com as organizações que o integra (68 movimentos sindicais e da juventude, ONGs, entidades religiosas, etc.). Tais práticas revelaram as relações de poder que circundam e influenciam os grupos, bem como os posicionamentos político-ideológicos dos líderes. As ações empreendidas através dos sites dos movimentos sociais estudados mostraram, também, a sua contribuição para o debate público sobre o processo de impeachment e sobre outros temas sensíveis correlatos. / This dissertation associates the concepts of democracy, social movements, cyber-activism, public communication and sphere of public visibility with the objective of identifying the calling strategies employed by the MBL (Free Brazil Movement), VPR (Come to the Streets Movement) and FBP (Brazil Popular Front) in the face of the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, on their respective websites, between 02/12/2015 and 31/08/2016. These social movement websites are analyzed based on Fairclough’s tridimensional model (2001), which encompasses text, discursive practices and social practices. In accordance with this model, the theoretical concepts engaged refer to the notion of democracy from the perspectives of Dahl (1997 and 2001), Bobbio (1997 and 2007), Tilly (2010 and 2013) and Rosanvallon (2007). The issue of social movements is discussed in the light of work done by Gohn (1997 and 2016), Melucci (1989), Tarrow (2009), Castells (2013), Alonso (2009). The theme of cyber-activism, in turn, is dealt with as per Vegh (2003), Malini & Antoun (2013), Farias (2014) and Moraes (2001). The dissertation also addresses the concept of public visibility sphere, based on the perception of Thompson (1999), Maia (2008), Henriques (2004 and 2005), Marques (2012, 2015 and 2017) and Gomes (2008), and discusses the concept of public communication based on the understanding of Weber (2007, 2011) and Esteves (2011, 2015). The methodological procedures combine Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) with the technical notions above, in order to comprehend the mode of representing and identifying impeachment in the perception of the movements. In this manner, a Social Network Analysis (SNA) of the discursive interactions established is carried out from the sites in relation to other external players (media), supplemented by documental research and the historical-descriptive analysis of the impeachment process, with a description of the events and figures that situate it historically. The reflection and interpretation of these perspectives enabled us to conclude that the social movements studied employed mobilizing projects of a public nature in a digital environment (websites, social networks etc.) to call on and mobilize civil society before and during the impeachment process. It was possible to discern that the movements acted strategically in different manners to gain visibility, represent the Brazilian political scenario and induce visitors to take a position in favor or against the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. The movements in favor of impeachment (MBL and VPR) principally engaged and took advantage of mass media’s discourse to construct their own. The movement against the impeachment of the President (FBP), on the other hand, based its discourse on alternative media and the organizations that comprise it (68 union and youth movements, NGOs, religious entities, etc.) Such practices reveal the power relations that surround and influence the groups, as well as the political-ideological viewpoints of the leaders. The actions undertaken by the social movements studied, on their websites, also demonstrated their contribution to the public debate on the impeachment process and other significant correlated themes.

Esta dissertação associa os conceitos de democracia, movimentos sociais, ciberativismo, comunicação pública e esfera de visibilidade pública com o objetivo de identificar as estratégias de convocação empreendidas pelo MBL (Movimento brasil livre), VPR (Movimento Vem Pra Rua) e FBP (Frente Brasil Popular) diante do impeachment da Presidenta da República Dilma Rousseff em seus respectivos sites na internet, entre os dias 02/12/2015 e 31/08/2016. Os sites dos movimentos sociais são analisados a partir do modelo tridimensional de Fairclough (2001), que engloba os âmbitos do texto, das práticas discursivas e das práticas sociais. Em sintonia com esse modelo, os conceitos teóricos acionados referem-se à noção de democracia de acordo com as perspectivas de Dahl (1997 e 2001), Bobbio (1997 e 2007), Tilly (2010 e 2013) e Rosanvallon (2007). A questão dos movimentos sociais é discutida conforme os trabalhos de Gohn (1997 e 2016), Melucci (1989), Tarrow (2009), Castells (2013) e Alonso (2009). O tema do ciberativismo, por sua vez, é abordado segundo Vegh (2003), Malini & Antoun (2013), Farias (2014) e Moraes (2001). A dissertação articula, também, o conceito de esfera de visibilidade pública, a partir da percepção de Thompson (1999), Maia (2008), Henriques (2004 e 2005), Marques (2012, 2015 e 2017) e Gomes (2008), e debate o conceito de comunicação pública a partir do entendimento de Weber (2007, 2011) e Esteves (2011, 2015). Os procedimentos metodológicos combinam a Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD) com as noções teóricas acima, buscando compreender o modo de agir, representar e identificar o impeachment na percepção dos movimentos. Dessa forma, é feita uma Análise de Redes Sociais (ARS) das interações discursivas estabelecidas a partir dos sites com outros atores externos (midiáticos), complementadas pela pesquisa documental e a análise histórico-descritiva sobre o processo de impeachment, com a descrição dos eventos e dos atores que o situam historicamente. A reflexão e a interpretação sobre tais perspectivas possibilitaram concluir que os movimentos sociais estudados empreenderam projetos mobilizadores, de caráter público, no ambiente digital (sites, redes sociais etc.) para convocar e mobilizar a sociedade civil antes e durante o processo de impeachment. Foi possível constatar que os movimentos atuaram, estrategicamente, de diferentes maneiras para obter visibilidade, representar o cenário político brasileiro e induzir os visitantes das plataformas a se posicionar de modo favorável ou contrário ao impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. Os movimentos favoráveis ao impeachment (MBL e VPR) acionaram e se apropriaram, principalmente, do discurso das mídias de massa para construir seus discursos. O movimento contrário ao afastamento da Presidenta (FBP), por sua vez, relacionou-se discursivamente com as mídias alternativas e com as organizações que o integra (68 movimentos sindicais e da juventude, ONGs, entidades religiosas, etc.). Tais práticas revelaram as relações de poder que circundam e influenciam os grupos, bem como os posicionamentos político-ideológicos dos líderes. As ações empreendidas através dos sites dos movimentos sociais estudados mostraram, também, a sua contribuição para o debate público sobre o processo de impeachment e sobre outros temas sensíveis correlatos. / This dissertation associates the concepts of democracy, social movements, cyber-activism, public communication and sphere of public visibility with the objective of identifying the calling strategies employed by the MBL (Free Brazil Movement), VPR (Come to the Streets Movement) and FBP (Brazil Popular Front) in the face of the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, on their respective websites, between 02/12/2015 and 31/08/2016. These social movement websites are analyzed based on Fairclough’s tridimensional model (2001), which encompasses text, discursive practices and social practices. In accordance with this model, the theoretical concepts engaged refer to the notion of democracy from the perspectives of Dahl (1997 and 2001), Bobbio (1997 and 2007), Tilly (2010 and 2013) and Rosanvallon (2007). The issue of social movements is discussed in the light of work done by Gohn (1997 and 2016), Melucci (1989), Tarrow (2009), Castells (2013), Alonso (2009). The theme of cyber-activism, in turn, is dealt with as per Vegh (2003), Malini & Antoun (2013), Farias (2014) and Moraes (2001). The dissertation also addresses the concept of public visibility sphere, based on the perception of Thompson (1999), Maia (2008), Henriques (2004 and 2005), Marques (2012, 2015 and 2017) and Gomes (2008), and discusses the concept of public communication based on the understanding of Weber (2007, 2011) and Esteves (2011, 2015). The methodological procedures combine Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) with the technical notions above, in order to comprehend the mode of representing and identifying impeachment in the perception of the movements. In this manner, a Social Network Analysis (SNA) of the discursive interactions established is carried out from the sites in relation to other external players (media), supplemented by documental research and the historical-descriptive analysis of the impeachment process, with a description of the events and figures that situate it historically. The reflection and interpretation of these perspectives enabled us to conclude that the social movements studied employed mobilizing projects of a public nature in a digital environment (websites, social networks etc.) to call on and mobilize civil society before and during the impeachment process. It was possible to discern that the movements acted strategically in different manners to gain visibility, represent the Brazilian political scenario and induce visitors to take a position in favor or against the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. The movements in favor of impeachment (MBL and VPR) principally engaged and took advantage of mass media’s discourse to construct their own. The movement against the impeachment of the President (FBP), on the other hand, based its discourse on alternative media and the organizations that comprise it (68 union and youth movements, NGOs, religious entities, etc.) Such practices reveal the power relations that surround and influence the groups, as well as the political-ideological viewpoints of the leaders. The actions undertaken by the social movements studied, on their websites, also demonstrated their contribution to the public debate on the impeachment process and other significant correlated themes.

In terms of government structure, the constitutional system of the Czech Republic is based on the principles of the parliamentary form of government. That means executive powers are vested in the Government (Council of Ministers), which is accountable to the Parliament through the vote of confidence. The Head of State as a pouvoir neutre plays usually a representative and integrating role in this system. On the contrary the President lacks the political accountability and the Parliament (or another voting body) does not have any direct way of holding him accountable for his action. Except for high treason he also cannot be prosecuted for his actions during his term. The Government therefore usually influences the exercise of his powers by countersigning his acts or decisions. Nevertheless, the role of the Czech President within the constitutional system is not only ceremonial; through his powers he can also actively participate in the adoption of political decisions. He can even exercise some of his expressly granted powers not subject to approval of the Government or any other constitutional body. But is such extent of powers compatible with the fact of his non-accountability? The public debate about these issues has been arising repeatedly since the adoption of the Czech Constitution without...

本文的研究範圍，主要是民國三十六年行憲後第一屆監察院（包括資深監察委員、增額監察委員）與憲政改革後第二屆監察院（至民國八十四年底的運作為止）的比較研究。探討的主要項目包括如下： 　　（一）監察院改制之探討：監察院之改制在憲政改革之過程中，是變化最大、爭議最多的課題之一。首先，討論的重點在於探討監察權在政治制度中的重要性及功能，並剖析行憲後監察院在組織上及職權運作上所產生的缺失，最後則就各界對監察院改制之各種方案加以分析。 　　（二）監察院的性質、定位之演變與分析：一般外界皆認為監察院之改制，使監察院之性質與地位產生重大的改變。因此，為求正本清源之目的，首先將我國古代監察制度之性質，做一歷史性的略述。其次，探討中山先生之監察權主張與設計，以窺探中山先生之原意。最後，就行憲後之監察院性質與監察院改制後之定位，予以比較探討，以對改制後之監察院的性質與定位，進一步的加以釐清，以正本清源，解決不必要的爭議。 　　（三）監察委員產生方式之演變：監察院乃以監察委員為主要的組成分子，監察委員的優勝劣敗將對整個監察愈產生重大的影響，其關乎整個監察制度的成功與否。在憲改過程中，監察委員應如何產生，一直是大眾所關注的焦點。因此，對於整個的監察委員產生方式的歷史眼進，實有探究之必要。 　　（四）監察權靜態設計分析與動態運作檢視：首先，對監察權之靜態設計予以概述，其次就監察院改制前後監察權行使之成效，進行比較分析，以對監察院改制後之動態運作加以檢視。 　　（五）監察院改制後之檢討：檢討重點包括監察委員產生方式改變後，所產生的問題，進而就現行監察權運作上優缺點，加以檢討並提出建議。

Magistro baigiamajame darbe aptariamas Lietuvos teisinėje sistemoje įtvirtintas apkaltos procesas – aukščiausių valstybės pareigūnų konstitucinės atsakomybės forma. Darbe nagrinėjami įvairūs apkaltos proceso elementai: aptariamas teisės pažeidimas kaip konstitucinės atsakomybės taikymo pagrindas, apkaltos proceso eiga ir jos reglamentavimo raida Lietuvoje, apkaltos proceso teisinių pasekmių klausimai. Darbe aptariama tiek konstitucinė apkaltos proceso samprata, tiek ir ordinarinėje teisėje įtvirtintas reguliavimas, taip pat praktinio pobūdžio problemos bei klausimai, kilę apkaltos procesą reglamentuojančias normas taikant praktikoje. Nagrinėjama, ar ordinarinėje teisėje įtvirtintas reguliavimas visada atitinka konstitucinę apkaltos sampratą, kokių priemonių vienu ar kitu metu turėjo imtis įstatymų leidėjas, siekdamas užtikrinti Seimo statute ar kituose teisės aktuose išdėstytų apkaltos proceso elementų atitiktį Konstitucijai. Darbo pabaigoje, atsižvelgiant į Europos Žmogaus Teisių Teismo sprendimą byloje Paksas prieš Lietuvą bei šio sprendimo įgyvendinimo problematiką, aptariami įvairių subjektų pateikti pasiūlymai, kaip turėtų būti keičiami vidaus teisės aktai, susiję su apkaltos proceso teisinių pasekmių klausimu. / This master thesis concentrates on impeachment procedures as it is a form of constitutional liability of highest state officials in Lithuania. There is a number of aspects of the impeachment procedure that are analysed in this paper: a violation of a law as a ground for applying constitutional liability, elements of impeachment procedure and the evolution of them through the years since Constitution of Lithuania was adopted in 1992, the questions concerning legal consequences of impeachment. In this paper it is analysed both the constitutional concept of impeachment and it‘s regulation in ordinary law and also the problems and questions that arose in practice when the legal norms regulating imeachment have been applied. Part of the research concentrates on whether the regulation in ordinary law is always compatible with the constitutional provisions and also what steps legislative had to make to make sure that Statute of Seimas or other acts are in accordance with Constitution. As European Court of Human Rights declared in it‘s verdict of the case Paksas v. Lithuania that Lithuania violated Article 3 of Protocol 1 of European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms by establishing unconditional and permanent prohibition to participate in parliamentary elections for a person guilty of breach of oath and thus removed from office, the proposals made to amend the Lithuanian legal system are also investigated.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2017-08-01T14:27:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DeyseAliniDeMoura_DISSERT.pdf: 2297700 bytes, checksum: c3ec3813d7ddd21875c5a077f61a4994 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-08-08T13:28:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DeyseAliniDeMoura_DISSERT.pdf: 2297700 bytes, checksum: c3ec3813d7ddd21875c5a077f61a4994 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-08T13:28:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DeyseAliniDeMoura_DISSERT.pdf: 2297700 bytes, checksum: c3ec3813d7ddd21875c5a077f61a4994 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-13 / O r?dio, um dos mais tradicionais meios de comunica??o de massa, ? um dos recursos utilizados pelas institui??es p?blicas brasileiras para a divulga??o de suas a??es. ? o caso do informativo radiof?nico A Voz do Brasil, utilizado como ferramenta de comunica??o pelo governo federal brasileiro desde 1935. Esta disserta??o se prop?e ao estudo do comportamento do radiojornal durante um cap?tulo recente da pol?tica brasileira: o processo de impeachment da presidente Dilma Rousseff. Com o estudo de caso adotado como m?todo de investiga??o, com base em Yin (2005) e Gil (2009), e com a aplica??o das t?cnicas de an?lise de conte?do, entrevista, e pesquisa bibliogr?fica e documental para a coleta e tratamento dos dados, foi poss?vel verificar e classificar o tipo de cobertura dado pelo programa ao tema dentro do conceito de comunica??o p?blica governamental. Com base em Duarte et al. (2012), Bucci (2008; 2013; 2015), Jaramillo (2012), Rothberg (2011), Moraes J?nior (2013) e outros foi poss?vel, ainda, analisar as defini??es de comunica??o p?blica e de interesse p?blico. Com o aux?lio de Ferraretto (2007), Ortriwano (1985; 2003) e Zuculoto (2012) procurou-se, tamb?m, apresentar as principais caracter?sticas da comunica??o radiof?nica e o trajeto da radiofonia p?blica no Brasil, com vistas ? maior compreens?o do papel desempenhado pelo objeto de estudo junto ? sociedade. / Radio, one of the traditional mass media outlets, is a resource widely used by Brazilian public institutions to publicize their activities and provide people the access to information, which is constitutionally guaranteed. The radio broadcast known as A Voz do Brasil is used as a communication tool by the Brazilian federal government since 1935. This masters thesis intends to study through A Voz do Brasil?s coverage on a recent chapter of Brazilian political history and its importance to the national government: Dilma Rousseff presidential impeachment. This research adopted the guidelines Yin (2005) and Gil (2009) as a method plus the application of literature and documents, content analysis and interview for the collection and processing of data techniques. It was possible to verify and classify the type of news coverage on the show based on the government communication concept. Based on Duarte et al. (2012), Bucci (2008; 2013; 2015), Jaramillo (2012), Rothberg (2011), Moraes J?nior (2013) and others, it was also possible to analyse the definitions of public communication and public interest. Guided by Ferraretto (2007), Ortriwano (1985; 2003) and Zuculoto (2012) this thesis tried to present the radio broadcast main characteristics and its timeline in Brazil for a better understanding of the study object's function to society.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2017-11-01T21:02:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MauricioDaSilvaOliveiraJunior_DISSERT.pdf: 9223001 bytes, checksum: 7309eb0efda3da685c99c0bc2d037ee8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-11-06T23:14:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 MauricioDaSilvaOliveiraJunior_DISSERT.pdf: 9223001 bytes, checksum: 7309eb0efda3da685c99c0bc2d037ee8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-06T23:14:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MauricioDaSilvaOliveiraJunior_DISSERT.pdf: 9223001 bytes, checksum: 7309eb0efda3da685c99c0bc2d037ee8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-06 / A charge ? um g?nero discursivo que circula em variados ve?culos de not?cia e, atualmente, difundido tamb?m em in?meros outros meios de comunica??o. Esse g?nero discursivo permite uma maior visibilidade da opini?o do autor, isto ?, o "autor falante" produz o conte?do tem?tico carregando-o ideol?gico e axiologicamente. A produ??o de tais enunciados concretos (charges) ? voltada para um ouvinte/leitor que tamb?m ? hist?rico e tamb?m est? situado em um ambiente social, fazendo com que esse direcionamento seja responsivo ao leitor, ? situa??o e aos fatos. Para esta pesquisa, tomamos como referencial te?rico as concep??es advindas do C?rculo de Bakhtin no que concerne ?s rela??es dial?gicas, ? heterodiscursividade, a posicionamento e a embates dial?gicos. Para compreender o riso charg?stico, apoiamos nossas reflex?es em Bergson, Propp e Bakhtin. Dada a especificidade do g?nero discursivo charge, buscamos ancorar nossas incurs?es no trabalho de Ivan Cabral, Ramos, Eisner e McCloud. O corpus desta pesquisa s?o as charges produzidas pelo chargista potiguar Ivan Cabral durante o per?odo do processo de impeachment da ex-presidente Dilma Rousseff, que ocorreu entre 02 de dezembro de 2015 e 13 de maio de 2016. A pesquisa se insere na ?rea da Lingu?stica Aplicada mesti?a, fronteiri?a e indisciplinar cujo objetivo ? construir inteligibilidade sobre as pr?ticas discursivas, considerando, para tanto, os sujeitos, as esferas de atividade e a historicidade das intera??es humanas. A investiga??o analisa os dados constru?dos a partir da vertente qualitativointerpretativista e o m?todo indici?rio de Ginzburg, que se volta para os ind?cios, os sinais que denunciam sentidos e posicionamentos. Os resultados permitem concluir que a charge, enquanto enunciado concreto, suscita responsividade que permite dar visibilidade aos embates dial?gicos entre sujeitos situados e posicionados, confirmando que na intera??o os sujeitos ocupam lugares e posi??es a partir de sua vis?o de mundo e de um conjunto de valores. / The cartoon is a discursive genre that circulates in varied news vehicles and, currently, also diffused in numerous other means of communication. This discursive genre allows a greater visibility of the author's opinion, that is, the "talking author" produces the thematic content carrying it ideologically and axiologically. The production of such concrete utterances (cartoons) is directed towards a listener / reader who is also historical and is also situated in a social environment, making this direction responsive to the reader, the situation and the facts. For this research, we take as theoretical reference the concepts coming from the Circle of Bakhtin in what concerns to dialogic relations, heterodiscursivity, positioning and dialogic clashes. To understand the laughter from the cartoon, we support our reflections in Bergson, Propp and Bakhtin. Given the specificity of the discursive cartoon genre, we sought to anchor our forays into the work of Ivan Cabral, Ramos, Eisner and McCloud. The corpus of this research are the cartoons produced by the potiguar cartoonist Ivan Cabral during the impeachment process of former president Dilma Rousseff, which occurred between December 2, 2015 and May 13, 2016. The research is part of the mestiza, frontier and indisciplinary Applied Linguistics whose objective is to build intelligibility on discursive practices, considering, for that, the subjects, the spheres of activity and the historicity of human interactions. The research analyzes the data constructed from the qualitative-interpretative perspective and the Ginzburg indicationary method, which turns to the signs, the signs that denounce meanings and positions. The results allow us to conclude that the charge, as a concrete statement, elicits responsiveness that allows to give visibility to the dialogic clashes between subjects situated and positioned, confirming that in the interaction subjects occupy places and positions from their world view and a set of values.

I examine partisan bias in broadcast and cable news coverage of the first impeachment of President Trump by evaluating how well three theories of news generation—network bias, marketplace incentives, and institutional forces—predict coverage, framing, and tonal biases. While no single theory provides a complete explanation of all partisan bias, institutional forces explain impeachment coverage better than either network bias or marketplace incentives. This research also highlights the nuanced nature of partisan frame representation, and suggests that institutional and marketplace theories better predict partisan frame diversity than theories of a partisan press. Finally, analysis of tonal bias reveals complex variations across and within news mediums, challenging simplistic narratives of network bias. My research shows that many of the professional norms and routines that have long been known to influence news generation continue to do so even as they evolve.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-08-24T12:51:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcus Vinicius Comenale Pujol.pdf: 38441174 bytes, checksum: 64737585b6ba528aa9b1307ccc3ec605 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-24T12:51:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcus Vinicius Comenale Pujol.pdf: 38441174 bytes, checksum: 64737585b6ba528aa9b1307ccc3ec605 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / After more than two decades of dictatorship, Fernando Collor is consecrated as the youngest and the first president democratically elected by the people since Jânio Quadros. After the violent election campaign of 1989, Collor begins to face the crises that would lead to his fall after a short mandate. The combination of a very serious economic crisis, lack of political support and judicial battles for corruption scandals, led the country to ungovernability, giving rise to the use of the instrument of impeachment / Após mais de duas décadas de regime ditatorial, Fernando Collor consagra-se como o mais jovem e o primeiro presidente eleito democraticamente pelo povo desde Jânio Quadros. Encerrada a violenta campanha eleitoral de 1989, Collor começa a enfrentar as crises que levariam à sua queda depois de um curto mandato. A conjugação de uma gravíssima crise econômica, com falta de apoio político e batalhas judiciais por escândalos de corrupção levaram o país à ingovernabilidade, dando ensejo à utilização do instrumento do impeachment