I explore the problem of using primary goods as the index for determining the least-advantaged members in a society in Rawls’s theory of justice. I look at the problems presented to Rawls by Amartya Sen and his capabilities approach. I discuss the solutions to Sen’s problems given by Norman Daniels, who argues that primary goods are able to take capabilities into account. Finally, I supplement Daniels, arguing that the parameters Rawls uses to define his theory limit Sen’s objection and that primary goods are the appropriate metric of justice in Rawls’s theory.

Abstract Taiwan's social security has implemented at the institutional for a while. The development of social security shows the face of diversity in each era. There is diverse social security law can be described with impressive results, but we also have to reflect on another issue: What is Taiwan's social security law the common purpose? Every laws and regulations both have a different development process, in the whole social security should have their roles, if the social security policies and regulations have a lack in the principle of system, the government which in the administrative system may be faces obstacles. Particularly, after the democratization of political system in Taiwan, the development of social security measures cannot prevent the intrusion of politics, vote often become the means of achieving the people's welfare and security, and just in the implementation of policies on social security payments of uncertainty measures, it is unable to satisfy what people's need essentially. At this point, the state is difficult to achieve the protection of people's right and equalize opportunity and remove social conflicts, the state power is hard to protect the right of freedoms and vulnerable function, it caused the implementation of social justice by the state as the legitimate role become increasingly disordered. View of diverse of the development of Taiwan's social security law, the legal system reflects the purpose of social security to promote harmony development of society which has become an important starting point. Thus, this study is about the status of social security law, the legal aspects of evidence which in our Constitution, "Social Security" in the normative sense, that is what we want to create? The concept of this country endowed with a local social security of the explanation? Or should we look for the legal science for another closer theory of state and society relations outside positive law, in order to facilitate the establishment of law system. And another study is from the philosophy of law, analysis Lorenz von Stein's book of social theory, which is German scholar of public law, and the book of John Rawls theory of justice, which is American political scientist. And then look for the social constitution real meaning behind the words to construct a more complete system of social security law. Attempt to think through the social sciences, the social security law find a common language, and to answer how to construct a Taiwanese legal system of social security, people's social life will have a more harmonious development of justice in order.

The purpose of this essay is, in a political philosophy perspective, to offer an illumination of John Stuart Mill¡¦s thoughts on modernity. In this essay, firstly, in the first chapter, I will try to elaborate the reason why I write this essay and take a perspective of history and political philosophy as my analytic viewpoint. Moreover, I also briefly introduce Mill¡¦s writings and the frameworks of this essay. In the second chapter, I describe the events, movements, and thoughts that gradually shape the modernity. From the standpoints of Weber, Hume and Romanticism, I also refer to one of the most important characteristics of modernity in political philosophy: value pluralism. In Mill¡¦s thoughts, how to response to the problem derived from value pluralism is my most important discourse. In the following chapter, I offer an exposition to detail Mill¡¦s discourses on modernity, focusing on his utilitarianism and liberalism. I mainly discuss how Mill¡¦s principles of utility and liberty response to the problem derived from value pluralism. I also discuss two contemporary thinkers¡¦ thoughts to find Mill¡¦s discourses on modernity, namely John Rawls and John Gray. In the fourth chapter, I assess and review the criticisms on Mill¡¦s discourses on modernity. In the conclusion chapter, I briefly go through the major viewpoints of this essay.

Severe poverty and ethnic-conflicts are the two most devastating problems of the contemporary world. Eighteen million persons die every year from causes related to poverty and a vast amount of developing countries suffer from tremendous processes of destabilization –frequently involving highly violent actions– associated to the relations between majority and minority groups. In both cases, the intervention of international powers and institutions has not been helpful enough to make a difference, and this present reality projects itself as a distressing scene for the future. Human rights and minority rights are the most powerful international tools in trying to change this sad global scenario. However, there is an extensive debate on the nature of these rights in a theory of international justice. This is often characterized as a debate between “minimalist” who seek to reduce the currently –recognized list of human rights to a bare minimum in order to accommodate non-liberal societies, and more expansive liberal approaches, which seek to expand the list of human rights to include the full set of civil and political rights characteristic of modern liberal-democracies. In this thesis, I will argue in favour of a third position. In line with some of the more minimalist approaches, I will argue that constraints of legitimacy rule out attempts to include full civil and political rights into our list of human rights. However, I will argue that these same constraints of legitimacy advocates for expanding the currently-recognized list of human rights in at least two key respects: the recognition of certain basic social and economic rights; and the recognition of certain minority rights. In short, we should be minimalist on some issues, while more expansive in others. In developing this argument, I will relay on the framework provided by The Law of Peoples of John Rawls. / Thesis (Master, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2007-09-05 10:41:44.771

John Rawls' Political Liberalism is addressed to the problem of stability in democratic societies in light of the fact of religious diversity. In this thesis I argue that Political Liberalism in fact establishes the conditions for the sorts of instability with which it is concerned. It does so in at least two ways: First, it encapsulates the need for a regulative political conception of justice within the bounds of the territorially-defined state, a move seemingly at odds with the transnational character of religious identity, as expressed by transnational practices of legitimacy and dialogue. Second, it does not consider the ways in which the terms of citizenship in a liberal society are transformative for religious groups, and specifically the implications of this transformative character for Rawls' account of stability, as minority groups tend to be concerned with the integrity of their particular religious traditions.

O objetivo deste trabalho é apresentar argumentos a favor de uma concepção igualitária de liberalismo político. Em primeiro lugar, apresenta-se uma classificação dos diferentes tipos de liberalismos políticos contemporâneos: (i) liberalismo do medo, (ii) liberalismo antifundacionista, (iii) liberalismo ético e (iv) liberalismo igualitário. A partir dos princípios de tolerância desenvolvidos em cada um deles, procura-se defender um ideal de razão pública como o melhor critério de justificação para regular o uso da coerção política entre cidadãos livres e iguais. / The work has two main goals. It attempts to provide arguments for the egalitarian branch of political liberalism. At first place, it is presented four types of possible political liberalisms: (i) the liberalism of fear, (ii) antifoundationalist liberalism, (iii) ethical liberalism and (iv) egalitarian liberalism. Departing from reasons for toleration offered by each of them, it argues that an ideal of public reason is the best way to conceive the use of political coercion on free and equal citizens.

La thèse est intitulée :« Justice politique et démocratie chez John Rawls. Repères pour une rationalité politique africaine contemporaine ». Notre objectif est d’utiliser les contenus essentiels de la conception politique de la justice de John Rawls pour proposer une voie qui serait la meilleure en vue de venir à bout des crises et de l’instabilité politique en Afrique noire en général et en République Démocratique du Congo en particulier. Dans l'introduction, nous avons réaménagé la problématique en allant dans le sens de plus de précision sans trop nous écarter de la question principale. Nous avons précisé l’hypothèse et l’objet de la thèse. Nous avons ainsi nettoyé l’introduction en écartant tous les aspects qui pouvaient poser problème.Pour ce qui concerne le corps du texte, nous avons commencé par une brève présentation du principal auteur de référence. Nous avons ainsi présenté brièvement J. Rawls, ses principaux ouvrages ainsi que les principaux précurseurs de sa pensée. Ensuite, nous avons analysé la conception de la justice politique de l’auteur avec une attention particulière en faveur de son volet domestique. Nous avons montré que cette conception de la justice politique a été élaborée comme une réaction aux défis de la crise de la justice politique dans les démocraties occidentales. Elle y a soulevé néanmoins certains enthousiasmes et certaines inquiétudes. Mais malgré cela, ses contenus essentiels pourraient être utilisés pour élaborer des réaménagements des processus politiques face aux déficits de la justice politique en Afrique. A cet effet, nous avons décrit la manière dont se présente la crise de la justice politique en Afrique et nous l’avons illustré par un cas concret de la crise de la justice politique en rd Congo. Nous avons analysé quelques élaborations théoriques de quelques philosophes africains en réaction à cette crise. Et nous avons montré que pour venir à bout de l’instabilité politique due à la crise de la justice politique en Afrique, il faut construire chaque Etat africain suivant le modèle d’un système équitable de coopération. Mais pour ce faire, il faut inverser le sens de la pyramide et prendre comme socle d'émergence de la justice politique le village, c’est-à-dire les institutions de la justice politique à la base :construire chaque village africain, en général, et chaque village rd congolais, en particulier, comme un système équitable de coopération ouvert à la liberté, à l’égalité de chances et à l’amélioration des conditions existentielles des citoyens les plus défavorisés. On harmonisera ainsi le système démocratique du sommet (les institutions nationales) à la base (les institutions villageoises). / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Denna studie har som syfte att undersöka på vilket sätt muslimskt religionsutövande möjliggörs i en allsvensk fotbollsklubb. Forskningen som har gjorts är kvalitativ och har genomförts med hjälp av intervjuer samt en granskning av klubbens skrivna material i form av dess värdegrund. Resultatet har analyserats med hjälp av två teorier som ser olika på mångfald, dels en liberal multikulturalism och dels en radikal multikulturalism – baserade på en distrinktion mellan dessa båda av Anne Sofie Roald. Därtill har John Rawls rättviseteoretiska begrepp "ursprungspositionen" använts som analysverktyg. Det har framgått att den allsvenska klubben har en välkomnande attityd gentemot mångfald. Det har också framkommit att den står på en sekulär grund. Detta kan utgöra en problematisk plats för en muslimsk religionsutövande spelare. Analysen belyser att klubben erbjuder de muslimskt religionsutövande spelarna förutsättningar, men dessa inte är permanenta och det kan ifrågasätta den välkomnande attityden klubben vill förmedla.

Justice, and what is just, have been discussed by many with no true definition to go by and both political and moral theories alike have tried to find the right definition of what justice is supposed to be. This study will use three political theories to tackle the question if the american election system can be considered just or unjust. The three theories are John Rawls’s Justice as fairness, Thomas Hobbes and the social contract and lastly Robert Nozick’s libertarianism. To analyse the framing of question a normative ‘givet-att’ analyse method will be used, to form arguments from the values presented in the three different theories of justice. The conclusions drawn from the analysis are in the cases of Rawls and Hobbes theories quite similar, on how the election system should be interpreted. Nozick’s theory on the other hand gives a different conclusion compared to the other two. However, the goal of this study is not to find one true answer to whether the election system can be called just or not, but rather to show it from different perspectives of justice and how that can affect the view of the election system.

The following essay argues that Transnational Civil Disobedience may be justified when it is applied to questions relating to global climate change. Civil Disobedience as a politically motivated form of lawbreaking posits questions regarding political obligation and citizenship and such questions are amplified when applied to the transnational level.Furthermore, this essay focuses on the influential account of Civil Disobedience as it has been formulated by John Rawls. The writer argues that there are potential issues with this formulation when it is applied outside of the greater scope of Rawls’s work. Instead, the essay argues for a formulation of Civil Disobedience that includes a politicizing feature, and to view it as an extra institutional form of political discourse that is detached from notions of state belonging.Finally, it is argued that the All Affected Principle may be used as a necessary condition for justifying acts of Transnational Civil Disobedience. The nature of Global Climate change as an event that affects the human race as a whole, gives rise to the potential for non-citizens to claim a level of political agency in matters that affect them despite lacking formal representation.