The aim of this thesis is to analyse the public communication activities of Korean people from the Chason dynasty to the present day using the conceptual category of the public sphere theorised by Jurgen Habermas. It is mainly concerned with two fundamental issues: the issue of 'communication and democracy,' and that of 'communication and culture.' Emphasising tradition and culture as among the most significant elements in the consideration of communicative action and the public sphere in the Korean context, the thesis takes issue with the claims to universality in Habermas's theory. My argument is that Habermas's theory cannot easily be applied to non-Western societies unless there is sufficient consideration of their idiosyncratic traditions and cultures. To develop this argument, the thesis addresses the impact of Confucianism on speech acts in Korea and the extent of their difference from those in a Western context. In identifying 'silence' as a key term, the situation of women in Korean cultures is particularly pertinent. The second consideration is the question of political authoritarianism which is responsible for the repression of free expression of opinion in collusion with Confucianism. I have discovered that several kinds of public domains of communication have developed through Korean history, despite those two repressing mechanisms, Confucianism and political authoritarianism, public domains which I suggest are more appropriately called 'the public sphere' according to Habermas's terminology. It is meaningful to filter and interpret various communication activities across historical periods from within the analytic framework of the public sphere. In relation to modem Korea, the thesis focuses on the media-saturated public sphere and the current civil movements to demonstrate the dynamics between power and money and their impact on the democratisation process

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to offer a defence of Jlirgen Habermas's discourse ethics against rival ethical theories that are oriented toward questions of the good life. Habermas's discourse ethics is founded on the Kantian distinction between the right and good. This distinction has come under fire from hermeneutically informed theorists, such as Georgia Warnke and Charles Taylor, as being either unattainable and unnecessary (Warnke), or contradictory as it must rely on the cultural contextuality in which it is formed (Taylor). But since Habermas's discourse ethics is discursive in nature and founded on the structural pragmatics of language use, it is able to effectively answer both Warnke's and Taylor's concerns. I attempt to prove this by showing that Habermas grounds discourse ethics through linking it with the perspective in which participants partake in actual discourse; thus providing a quasi-contextual basis, while it still remains Kantian in nature, as its scope and function is cognitive, universal and formal.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

[pt] O trabalho tematiza as concepções de linguagem e comunicação em Wittgenstein e Habermas. A base de comparação são as diferentes atitudes metodológicas adotadas pelos dois autores. O objetivo é mostrar como essas diferentes orientações levam a diferentes concepções de linguagem e comunicação. A pragmática formal e a teoria pragmática do significado de Habermas apresentam-se como solução metodológica para o problema de uma análise pragmaticamente orientada da linguagem que não desiste de uma explicação teórica da constituição do significado lingüístico. Busca-se mostrar, no entanto, que elas não dão conta das questões levantadas por Wittgenstein na análise da noção de seguir uma regra de uso da linguagem e, a partir dela, de significado, levada a cabo numa atitude explicitamente anti-teórica. Das observações de Wittgenstein pode-se extrair uma noção de comunicação basicamente diferente da comunicação reflexiva pela qual Habermas primordialmente se orienta. Por outro lado, considera-se a questão sobre o sentido filosófico de uma análise estritamente pragmática da linguagem, preconizada por Wittgenstein. Como legitimar na prática uma análise da linguagem voltada para a explicitação de pressupostos pragmáticos ainda que abrindo mão de uma fundamentação teórica? / [en] The subject of this work is the conceptions of language and communication in Wittgenstein and Habermas. The starting- point of the comparison is the different methodological attitudes adopted by both authors. The objective is to show how these different orientations lead to different conceptions of language and communication. Habermas s formal pragmatics and pragmatical theory of truth are planned as methodological solution to the problem of a pragmatically oriented analysis of language, which does not give up a theoretical explanation of the constitution of the linguistic meaning. This work intends to show, however, that Habermas s conceptions do not allow us to work with the problems faced by Wittgenstein in his rule-following considerations, in an attitude strictly antitheoretical. From the Wittgensteinian remarks can be extracted a notion of communication basically different from the reflexive communication by which Habermas is guided. On the other hand, it is considered the philosophical sense of a strictly pragmatical analysis of language, as we can find in the work of the later Wittgenstein. How can one legitimate in practice an analysis of language turned to the expliciteness of pragmatic presssupositions without any type of theoretical foundation?

After the end of the Cold War had signalled for many the demise of political theatre, a re-emergence of British political plays since the turn of the century has become an acknowledged phenomenon. Customary definitions of this cultural practice, however, have become historically and theoretically obsolete. An alternative philosophical framework is needed which breaks with both the unrealistic expectations of the traditional Left and the defeatist limitations of postmodernist positions. This thesis aims to provide a revised definition of political theatre based on the ideas of Jürgen Habermas. The development of his philosophical project is described together with its refinement as the result of interjections by other thinkers from within the neo-Marxist tradition of Critical Theory, in particular feminist contributors. In addition to exploring key concepts such as the reconstruction of historical materialism, the paradigm of discourse ethics and the model of post avant-garde political art, greater focus is placed on the notion of the public sphere, which has special relevance when examining the contemporary dynamics of political theatre.

No description available.

[pt] O objetivo deste trabalho é trazer as principais contribuições teóricas acerca do debate sobre reconhecimento. Vivemos uma época em que o eixo da política e do poder desloca-se cada vez mais das lutas de distribuição para as lutas por reconhecimento simbólico. As sociedades democráticas contemporâneas são marcadas pela tensão entre a força homogeneizadora de uma cultura mundial e o acirramento das lutas em defesa de identidades particulares. A falta de reconhecimento ou o falso reconhecimento resultam em uma formação distorcida da própria identidade, assim, o reconhecimento não pressupõe cortesia, mas algo que deve ser garantido aos outros por consistir uma necessidade humana vital. A partir das reflexões propostas por Charles Taylor, Jürgen Habermas e Axel Honneth, pretendemos aproximar a temática, geralmente empreendida no campo da filosofia política, do Direito Constitucional e da realidade brasileira. / [en] The goal of this work is to put together the most important theoretical contributions concerning the recognition debate. We live in an era where the political and power axis shifted increasingly from the distribution of the symbolic recognition struggles. Contemporaneous democratic societies are marked by tension between the hegemonic global culture power and the aggravation of the particular identities struggles. The lack or false recognition results in a distorted formation of the self identity, and therefore, the recognition does not foresee courtesy, but something that should be guaranteed to others to consolidate a vital human need. Starting from the reflections proposed by Charles Taylor, Jürgen Habermas and Axel Honneth, we intend to approach the theme, usually covered in the political philosophy, of the Constitutional Law and the Brazilian reality.

[pt] Patriotismo Constitucional representa uma forma pós- nacional de identificação política para sociedades pluralistas. Lealdade aos princípios constitucionais e às instituições políticas que eles estruturam - portanto identificação focalizada no status político-legal da cidadania, ao invés do pertencer etnocultural - pode fornecer a base para uma forma racional de identidade coletiva que supera o chauvinismo que tem importunado a identificação nacional. A deliberação democrática fornece o meio no qual os cidadãos podem forjar uma identidade racional coletiva através da participação em um projeto constitucional democrático que pode se tornar foco de formas não-chauvinistas de reconhecimento mútuo, solidariedade e apego afetivo. / [en] Constitutional patriotism represents a postnational form of political identification for pluralistic societies. Loyalty to democratic constitutional principles and the political institutions they structure - hence identification focused on the legalpolitical status of citizenship rather than on ethnocultural belonging - can ground a rational form of collective identity that overcomes the chauvinism that have plagued national identification. Democratic deliberation provides the medium in which citizens can forge a rational collective identity through participation in a democratic constitutional project that can become the focus for non- chauvinistc forms of mutual recognition, solidarity and affective attachment.

[pt] Esta dissertação tem como escopo a interpretação da obra jurídico-política de Jürgen Habermas à luz dos problemas e desafios formulados por Carl Schmitt. A hipótese inicial, confirmada ao longo da exposição, versa sobre o caráter de modelo negativo que a obra weimariana de Schmitt adquiriu para Habermas. Trata-se de um trabalho que se propõe a ocupar a intercessão entre a teoria política e a filosofia do direito. O pensamento do político e das condições normativas da democracia articula-se com um determinado conceito de filosofia do direito - enquanto pensamento que não admite o esquecimento da questão da legitimidade do direito. Atua, ainda, num registro marcadamente contemporâneo. São as exigências, os problemas, as crises do mundo de hoje que norteiam as leituras de Schmitt, a compreensão da experiência de Weimar e dos elementos fundamentais da obra de Habermas nos anos 90. / [en] This research aims to interpret the legal-political work of Jürgen Habermas in light of the problems and challenges indicated by Carl Schmitt. Initial hypothesis, confirmed later, affirms that Schmitt s Weimar work has a negative model function in the Habermasian theoretical perspective. The present work places itself in the interdisciplinary field of philosophy of law and political theory. The thought of the political and the normative conditions of democracy interweave into a certain concept of philosophy of law - as a thought that does not allow itself to forget the issue of legal legitimacy. It works yet in the contemporary register. Requirements, problems and crises of the current world are those which guide the readings of Schmitt, the comprehension of the Weimar experience, and of the fundamental elements of the work of Habermas in the 90 s.

[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo investigar o problema da legitimidade democrática da atuação normativa das agências reguladoras no Brasil a partir da seguinte questão: Como pensar a legitimação da atividade de produção de normas dessas entidades administrativas brasileiras a partir da teoria discursiva do Direito e da democracia de Jürgen Habermas? O foco da análise são os desafios que uma teoria que explica os processos de integração e reprodução da sociedade a partir de um conceito de racionalidade situado entre a facticidade e a validade das ações sociais deve enfrentar, quando aplicada a realidades distintas daquela a partir da qual foi elaborada. Para tanto, assume- se, como ponto de referência, a obra de Paulo Todescan Lessa Mattos, que, em relação às agências reguladoras, é o principal representante de uma corrente analítica que enxerga, no modelo habermasiano de legitimação pelo procedimento discursivamente estruturado, uma saída teórica capaz de oferecer parâmetros normativos para a legitimação democrática da atuação normativa dessas entidades. O diálogo com a posição de Mattos e suas conclusões sobre o tema é constante ao longo do trabalho e estabelece a base sobre a qual são levantados alguns pontos problemáticos da tentativa de identificar, a partir da teoria de Habermas, potenciais de legitimação democrática nos espaços de participação popular institucionalizados no interior dos processos de tomada de decisão das agências reguladoras brasileiras. / [en] The main purpose of this work is to analyze the issue of democratic legitimacy of regulatory norms produced by independent agencies in Brazil, considering the following question: How to think about legitimating the lawmaking activity of these administrative entities according to Jürgen Habermas´ discourse theory of democracy and the law? The analysis focuses on the challenges that a theory which explains the integration and reproduction processes of modern societies through a concept of rationality situated between the facts and norms of social action must face, when applied to a reality that is different from the one that inspired its development. Thus, I take the work of Paulo Todescan Lessa Mattos, an authority in the topic of regulatory agencies, as a reference of an analytical perspective that sees in Habermas´ discursive model of procedural legitimation a way to find normative parameters to legitimate the norms of these entities. The dialog with Mattos´ argument and his conclusions is constant in this work, and it sets the basis for developing several problematic issues related to identifying, through Habermas´ theory, potentials of democratic legitimation in the institutionalized spaces of public participation within the decision-making processes of Brazilian regulatory agencies.

The overall purpose of this study was to find out whether changes in social action or social practices are predicated on, or correspond with changes in ontological assumptions and social normative structures or ethical orientations. Specifically, this study investigated the relationship between a range of farming practices and the two predominant ontological assumptions about human-nature relationship. As well, the study investigated the relationship between the range of farming practices and categories of environmental ethical orientations. The two ontological orientations include the 'externality' assumption, which represent the social understanding that humans interact with nature but are only externally related to nature. The 'internality' assumption, on the other hand, is the understanding that humans are internally related to nature or the physical environment. The study also investigated the role of other structural forces that can shape farming practices. The theoretical orientation that informed this study was Habermas' neo-modernity thesis, which primarily argues that changes in social normative structures, which induces appropriate social action can, and do develop, without changes in ontological assumptions about human-nature relationship. The Habermasian approach thus rejects the reenchantment thesis espoused by constructive postmodernists. In this study Habermas' thesis has been contrasted with the neo-conservative and postmodernist approaches. The study involved two forms of investigation. One aspect of the study involved archival research of Canadian agricultural policy as an overarching background against which contemporary farming practices may be understood. The other aspect of the study involved a survey of farm families living in the south western Saskatchewan section of the Palliser Triangle. The study found a moderate to strong relationship between the 'internality' ontological assumption and alternative farming practices. The 'externality' assumption was more predominant among conventional farmers. This pattern also corresponded with a relatively higher incidence of environmentalism among alternative farming practitioners, with a relatively higher incidence of resourcism among conventional and conventional-alternative farmers. Despite these patterns the study found partial support for the Habermasian thesis. For example, a significant minority of alternative farmers who espouse environmentalist ethics also espouse an 'externality' ontological assumption.