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Communication, culture and the Korean public sphereKim, Sae-Eun January 2000 (has links)
The aim of this thesis is to analyse the public communication activities of Korean people from the Chason dynasty to the present day using the conceptual category of the public sphere theorised by Jurgen Habermas. It is mainly concerned with two fundamental issues: the issue of 'communication and democracy,' and that of 'communication and culture.' Emphasising tradition and culture as among the most significant elements in the consideration of communicative action and the public sphere in the Korean context, the thesis takes issue with the claims to universality in Habermas's theory. My argument is that Habermas's theory cannot easily be applied to non-Western societies unless there is sufficient consideration of their idiosyncratic traditions and cultures. To develop this argument, the thesis addresses the impact of Confucianism on speech acts in Korea and the extent of their difference from those in a Western context. In identifying 'silence' as a key term, the situation of women in Korean cultures is particularly pertinent. The second consideration is the question of political authoritarianism which is responsible for the repression of free expression of opinion in collusion with Confucianism. I have discovered that several kinds of public domains of communication have developed through Korean history, despite those two repressing mechanisms, Confucianism and political authoritarianism, public domains which I suggest are more appropriately called 'the public sphere' according to Habermas's terminology. It is meaningful to filter and interpret various communication activities across historical periods from within the analytic framework of the public sphere. In relation to modem Korea, the thesis focuses on the media-saturated public sphere and the current civil movements to demonstrate the dynamics between power and money and their impact on the democratisation process
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So is There a Place for Morality? A Defence of Jilrgen Habermas's Discourse Ethics.Faucette, Craig 09 1900 (has links)
<p>The purpose of this thesis is to offer a defence of Jlirgen Habermas's discourse ethics against rival ethical theories that are oriented toward questions of the good life. Habermas's discourse ethics is founded on the Kantian distinction between the right and good. This distinction has come under fire from hermeneutically informed theorists, such as Georgia Warnke and Charles Taylor, as being either unattainable and unnecessary (Warnke), or contradictory as it must rely on the cultural contextuality in which it is formed (Taylor). But since Habermas's discourse ethics is discursive in nature and founded on the structural pragmatics of language use, it is able to effectively answer both Warnke's and Taylor's concerns. I attempt to prove this by showing that Habermas grounds discourse ethics through linking it with the perspective in which participants partake in actual discourse; thus providing a quasi-contextual basis, while it still remains Kantian in nature, as its scope and function is cognitive, universal and formal.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)
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[en] LANGUAGE AND COMMUNICATION IN WITTGENSTEIN AND HABERMAS / [pt] LINGUAGEM E COMUNICAÇÃO EM WITTGENSTEIN E HABERMASNILSON ASSUNCAO ALVARENGA 28 November 2003 (has links)
[pt] O trabalho tematiza as concepções de linguagem e
comunicação em Wittgenstein e Habermas. A base de
comparação são as diferentes atitudes metodológicas
adotadas pelos dois autores. O objetivo é mostrar como
essas diferentes orientações levam a diferentes concepções
de linguagem e comunicação. A pragmática formal e a teoria
pragmática do significado de Habermas apresentam-se como
solução metodológica para o problema de uma análise
pragmaticamente orientada da linguagem que não desiste de
uma explicação teórica da constituição do significado
lingüístico. Busca-se mostrar, no entanto, que elas não dão
conta das questões levantadas por Wittgenstein na análise
da noção de seguir uma regra de uso da linguagem e, a
partir dela, de significado, levada a cabo numa atitude
explicitamente anti-teórica. Das
observações de Wittgenstein pode-se extrair uma noção de
comunicação basicamente diferente da comunicação reflexiva
pela qual Habermas primordialmente se orienta. Por outro
lado, considera-se a questão sobre o sentido filosófico de
uma análise estritamente pragmática da linguagem,
preconizada por Wittgenstein. Como legitimar na prática uma
análise da linguagem voltada para a explicitação de
pressupostos pragmáticos ainda que abrindo mão de uma
fundamentação teórica? / [en] The subject of this work is the conceptions of language and
communication in Wittgenstein and Habermas. The starting-
point of the comparison is the different methodological
attitudes adopted by both authors. The objective is to
show how these different orientations lead to different
conceptions of language and communication. Habermas s
formal pragmatics and pragmatical theory of
truth are planned as methodological solution to the problem
of a pragmatically oriented analysis of language, which
does not give up a theoretical explanation of
the constitution of the linguistic meaning. This work
intends to show, however, that Habermas s conceptions do
not allow us to work with the problems faced by
Wittgenstein in his rule-following considerations, in an
attitude strictly antitheoretical.
From the Wittgensteinian remarks can be extracted a notion
of communication basically different from the reflexive
communication by which Habermas is guided. On the other
hand, it is considered the philosophical sense of
a strictly pragmatical analysis of language, as we can find
in the work of the later Wittgenstein. How can one
legitimate in practice an analysis of language turned to
the expliciteness of pragmatic presssupositions without any
type of theoretical foundation?
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Redefining political theatre in post Cold-War Britain (1990-2005) : an analysis of contemporary British political playsBotham, Paola A. January 2009 (has links)
After the end of the Cold War had signalled for many the demise of political theatre, a re-emergence of British political plays since the turn of the century has become an acknowledged phenomenon. Customary definitions of this cultural practice, however, have become historically and theoretically obsolete. An alternative philosophical framework is needed which breaks with both the unrealistic expectations of the traditional Left and the defeatist limitations of postmodernist positions. This thesis aims to provide a revised definition of political theatre based on the ideas of Jürgen Habermas. The development of his philosophical project is described together with its refinement as the result of interjections by other thinkers from within the neo-Marxist tradition of Critical Theory, in particular feminist contributors. In addition to exploring key concepts such as the reconstruction of historical materialism, the paradigm of discourse ethics and the model of post avant-garde political art, greater focus is placed on the notion of the public sphere, which has special relevance when examining the contemporary dynamics of political theatre.
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Social and Political Discourse in America: The Civil Republican Revival in American Legal Theory and the Critical Theory of Jurgen HabermasHope, Daniel January 1993 (has links)
No description available.
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[en] STRUGGLE FOR RECOGNITION IN BRAZIL: AN AFFIRMATION OR OF THE NORMATIVE PERSPECTIVE OF THE DIGNITY? / [pt] LUTA POR RECONHECIMENTO NO BRASIL: UMA AFIRMAÇÃO DA AUTENTICIDADE OU DA PERSPECTIVA NORMATIVA DA DIGNIDADE?THULA RAFAELA DE OLIVEIRA PIRES 09 December 2004 (has links)
[pt] O objetivo deste trabalho é trazer as principais
contribuições teóricas acerca do debate sobre
reconhecimento. Vivemos uma época em que o eixo da política
e do poder desloca-se cada vez mais das lutas de
distribuição para as lutas por reconhecimento simbólico. As
sociedades democráticas contemporâneas são marcadas pela
tensão entre a força homogeneizadora de uma cultura mundial
e o acirramento das lutas em defesa de identidades
particulares. A falta de reconhecimento ou o falso
reconhecimento resultam em uma formação distorcida da
própria identidade, assim, o reconhecimento não pressupõe
cortesia, mas algo que deve ser garantido aos outros por
consistir uma necessidade humana vital. A partir das
reflexões propostas por Charles Taylor, Jürgen Habermas e
Axel Honneth, pretendemos aproximar a temática, geralmente
empreendida no campo da filosofia política, do Direito
Constitucional e da realidade brasileira. / [en] The goal of this work is to put together the most important
theoretical contributions concerning the recognition debate.
We live in an era where the political and power axis shifted
increasingly from the distribution of the symbolic
recognition struggles. Contemporaneous democratic societies
are marked by tension between the hegemonic global culture
power and the aggravation of the particular identities
struggles. The lack or false recognition results in a
distorted formation of the self identity, and therefore, the
recognition does not foresee courtesy, but something that
should be guaranteed to others to consolidate a vital
human need. Starting from the reflections proposed by
Charles Taylor, Jürgen Habermas and Axel Honneth, we intend
to approach the theme, usually covered in the political
philosophy, of the Constitutional Law and the Brazilian
reality.
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[en] RECONSTRUCTING THE IDEA OF NATION: FROM NATIONALISM TO CONSTITUTIONAL PATRIOTISM / [pt] RECONSTRUINDO A IDÉIA DE NAÇÃO: DO NACIONALISMO AO PATRIOTISMO CONSTITUCIONALMARIA EUGENIA BUNCHAFT 23 March 2005 (has links)
[pt] Patriotismo Constitucional representa uma forma pós-
nacional de
identificação política para sociedades pluralistas.
Lealdade aos princípios
constitucionais e às instituições políticas que eles
estruturam - portanto identificação
focalizada no status político-legal da cidadania, ao invés
do pertencer etnocultural -
pode fornecer a base para uma forma racional de identidade
coletiva que supera o
chauvinismo que tem importunado a identificação nacional. A
deliberação democrática
fornece o meio no qual os cidadãos podem forjar uma
identidade racional coletiva
através da participação em um projeto constitucional
democrático que pode se tornar
foco de formas não-chauvinistas de reconhecimento mútuo,
solidariedade e apego
afetivo. / [en] Constitutional patriotism represents a postnational form of
political
identification for pluralistic societies. Loyalty to
democratic constitutional principles
and the political institutions they structure - hence
identification focused on the legalpolitical
status of citizenship rather than on ethnocultural
belonging - can ground a
rational form of collective identity that overcomes the
chauvinism that have plagued
national identification. Democratic deliberation provides
the medium in which citizens
can forge a rational collective identity through
participation in a democratic
constitutional project that can become the focus for non-
chauvinistc forms of mutual
recognition, solidarity and affective attachment.
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[en] LAW AND DEMOCRACY UNDER THE SPECTERS OF SCHMITT / [pt] DIREITO E DEMOCRACIA SOB OS ESPECTROS DE SCHMITTPABLO SANGES GHETTI 22 August 2003 (has links)
[pt] Esta dissertação tem como escopo a interpretação da obra
jurídico-política de Jürgen Habermas à luz dos problemas e
desafios formulados por Carl Schmitt. A hipótese inicial,
confirmada ao longo da exposição, versa sobre o caráter de
modelo negativo que a obra weimariana de Schmitt adquiriu
para Habermas. Trata-se de um trabalho que se propõe a
ocupar a intercessão entre a teoria política e a filosofia
do direito. O pensamento do político e das condições
normativas da democracia articula-se com um determinado
conceito de filosofia do direito - enquanto pensamento que
não admite o esquecimento da questão da legitimidade do
direito. Atua, ainda, num registro marcadamente
contemporâneo. São as exigências, os problemas, as crises do
mundo de hoje que norteiam as leituras de Schmitt, a
compreensão da experiência de Weimar e dos elementos
fundamentais da obra de Habermas nos anos 90. / [en] This research aims to interpret the legal-political work of
Jürgen Habermas in light of the problems and challenges
indicated by Carl Schmitt. Initial hypothesis, confirmed
later, affirms that Schmitt s Weimar work has a negative
model function in the Habermasian theoretical perspective.
The present work places itself in the interdisciplinary
field of philosophy of law and political theory. The
thought of the political and the normative conditions of
democracy interweave into a certain concept of philosophy
of law - as a thought that does not allow itself to forget
the issue of legal legitimacy. It works yet in the
contemporary register. Requirements, problems and crises of
the current world are those which guide the readings of
Schmitt, the comprehension of the Weimar experience, and of
the fundamental elements of the work of Habermas in the
90 s.
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[en] REGULATORY AGENCIES AND DEMOCRACY IN BRAZIL: BETWEEN FACTS AND NORMS / [pt] AGÊNCIAS REGULADORAS E DEMOCRACIA NO BRASIL: ENTRE FACTICIDADE E VALIDADEMARCELO RANGEL LENNERTZ 05 November 2008 (has links)
[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo investigar o problema da
legitimidade democrática da atuação normativa das agências
reguladoras no Brasil a partir da seguinte questão: Como
pensar a legitimação da atividade de produção de normas
dessas entidades administrativas brasileiras a partir da
teoria discursiva do Direito e da democracia de Jürgen
Habermas? O foco da análise são os desafios que uma teoria
que explica os processos de integração e reprodução da
sociedade a partir de um conceito de racionalidade situado
entre a facticidade e a validade das ações sociais deve
enfrentar, quando aplicada a realidades distintas
daquela a partir da qual foi elaborada. Para tanto, assume-
se, como ponto de referência, a obra de Paulo Todescan
Lessa Mattos, que, em relação às agências reguladoras, é o
principal representante de uma corrente analítica que
enxerga, no modelo habermasiano de legitimação pelo
procedimento discursivamente estruturado, uma saída teórica
capaz de oferecer parâmetros normativos para a
legitimação democrática da atuação normativa dessas
entidades. O diálogo com a posição de Mattos e suas
conclusões sobre o tema é constante ao longo do
trabalho e estabelece a base sobre a qual são levantados
alguns pontos problemáticos da tentativa de identificar, a
partir da teoria de Habermas, potenciais de legitimação
democrática nos espaços de participação popular
institucionalizados no interior dos processos de tomada de
decisão das agências reguladoras brasileiras. / [en] The main purpose of this work is to analyze the issue of
democratic legitimacy of regulatory norms produced by
independent agencies in Brazil, considering the following
question: How to think about legitimating the lawmaking
activity of these administrative entities according to
Jürgen Habermas´ discourse theory of democracy and the law?
The analysis focuses on the challenges that a theory which
explains the integration and reproduction processes
of modern societies through a concept of rationality
situated between the facts and norms of social action must
face, when applied to a reality that is different from
the one that inspired its development. Thus, I take the
work of Paulo Todescan Lessa Mattos, an authority in the
topic of regulatory agencies, as a reference of an
analytical perspective that sees in Habermas´ discursive
model of procedural legitimation a way to find normative
parameters to legitimate the norms of these
entities. The dialog with Mattos´ argument and his
conclusions is constant in this work, and it sets the basis
for developing several problematic issues related to
identifying, through Habermas´ theory, potentials of
democratic legitimation in the institutionalized spaces of
public participation within the decision-making
processes of Brazilian regulatory agencies.
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Human-nature interaction and the modern agricultural regime : agricultural practices and environmental ethicsAbaidoo, Samuel 01 January 1997 (has links)
The overall purpose of this study was to find out whether changes in social action or social practices are predicated on, or correspond with changes in ontological assumptions and social normative structures or ethical orientations. Specifically, this study investigated the relationship between a range of farming practices and the two predominant ontological assumptions about human-nature relationship. As well, the study investigated the relationship between the range of farming practices and categories of environmental ethical orientations. The two ontological orientations include the 'externality' assumption, which represent the social understanding that humans interact with nature but are only externally related to nature. The 'internality' assumption, on the other hand, is the understanding that humans are internally related to nature or the physical environment. The study also investigated the role of other structural forces that can shape farming practices. The theoretical orientation that informed this study was Habermas' neo-modernity thesis, which primarily argues that changes in social normative structures, which induces appropriate social action can, and do develop, without changes in ontological assumptions about human-nature relationship. The Habermasian approach thus rejects the reenchantment thesis espoused by constructive postmodernists. In this study Habermas' thesis has been contrasted with the neo-conservative and postmodernist approaches. The study involved two forms of investigation. One aspect of the study involved archival research of Canadian agricultural policy as an overarching background against which contemporary farming practices may be understood. The other aspect of the study involved a survey of farm families living in the south western Saskatchewan section of the Palliser Triangle. The study found a moderate to strong relationship between the 'internality' ontological assumption and alternative farming practices. The 'externality' assumption was more predominant among conventional farmers. This pattern also corresponded with a relatively higher incidence of environmentalism among alternative farming practitioners, with a relatively higher incidence of resourcism among conventional and conventional-alternative farmers. Despite these patterns the study found partial support for the Habermasian thesis. For example, a significant minority of alternative farmers who espouse environmentalist ethics also espouse an 'externality' ontological assumption.
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